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Republicans in Congress are trying
to block the U.S. Treasury Department from supporting U.S. tax
funded International Monetary Fund contributions to the so-called
"bailouts" in Europe, which, as economist Mark Weisbrot explains,
aren't bailouts for working families at all - for working families,
the IMF programs guarantee extreme hardship, and most Europeans would
be much better off if these IMF packages collapse - but bailouts of
European banks with bad loans.
The purpose of the IMF packages is to force European working families
to pay off the banks' bad loans through economic austerity, rather
than forcing the banks to take their losses on their bad bets, which
would be capitalism, or at least the capitalism they lecture us about
it in school and on the nation's op-ed pages when the politically weak
are on the chopping block. As we know from the recent Latin American
experience, if a country like Greece defaulted on the bad debt and got
it over with, economic growth could resume. But the IMF is more of a
collection agency for the big banks than an institution concerned with
boosting economic growth and employment or reducing poverty.
The Wall Street Journal says
the House Democratic leadership is unlikely to bring the Republican
measure to a vote, and that's certainly true - the House Democratic
leadership is likely to do whatever U.S. Treasury wants, and U.S.
Treasury is likely to want whatever Wall Street banks want, and Wall
Street banks are likely to see this as an issue of banker solidarity -
this time the taxpayer financed IMF slush fund is being used primarily
to benefit European banks, but the next IMF bailout could primarily
benefit New York banks. One hand washes the other.
However, a majority of Members of the House can force a vote on an
issue through a discharge petition. A discharge petition isn't an
everyday thing, but a U.S. taxpayer- funded bailout of European banks
at a time when U.S. measured unemployment is nearly 10% - the real
rate may be nearly double that - and we're being asked to fork over $33
billion more for pointless slaughter in Afghanistan - isn't an
everyday thing either.
And these European bailouts are arguably a much worse deal than the
hated Wall Street bailout for U.S. taxpayers - there is no plausible
story that they are needed to save the U.S. economy, and they are
coupled with cruel austerity packages to make working families in
Europe scream. Imagine the Wall Street bailout, now coupled with a
plan to cut the wages of American workers and raise the retirement age
for Social Security. Why should the majority of American working
families go along with this?
If past votes on IMF banker bailouts are any guide, House Republicans
are likely to move as a disciplined bloc. So the question boils down
to this: is there a decent handful of progressive and conservative
anti-IMF Democrats in the House who are willing to throw in their lot
with Republicans to try to block anti-worker IMF loans in Europe?
There are some hopeful precedents in the past. The first time the Wall
Street Bailout came to the floor, the House blocked it. And in 1998, a
group of House Democrats led by Dennis Kucinich, Peter DeFazio, and
Bernie Sanders joined with House Republicans to repeatedly block the
then-princely sum of $18 billion in tax dollars for the IMF to bail
out banks from their bad loans to Asia.
And that was back when the AFL-CIO supported the IMF. Lately President
Trumka's AFL-CIO has been bashing the Wall Street banks. What if the
AFL-CIO decided to go rogue on the IMF? Support for the IMF from many
House Democrats could no longer be assured.
And what if Greek- and Eastern European-Americans lobbied Congress
against the IMF? It could be a whole new ballgame. Who knows what
could happen when white workers in Europe start to resist the IMF's
Africa treatment? Maybe Americans would notice.
The Wall Street Journal points out that the U.S. share of the
votes in the IMF is "only" 17%, so if only the U.S. votes no, the IMF
packages can still go through. But that assumes that the rest of the
world would all support the IMF extreme austerity bailout loans. Of
course European governments will likely support them, because the
European finance ministries are controlled by the European banks, just
as the U.S. Treasury department is controlled by Wall Street. But why
should Brazil, Argentina, Russia and China - countries which have all
rejected IMF extreme austerity policies - vote for the European banker
bailout and antiworker austerity packages, if the "consensus" of the
IMF is broken?
There is a "murder on the Orient Express" quality to these
anti-taxpayer and anti-worker bailouts - if you can convince everyone
that they are inevitable, and that everyone else is going to go along,
the antidemocratic bailouts can proceed. But once a rebellion begins,
there's no telling how far it might spread.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Republicans in Congress are trying
to block the U.S. Treasury Department from supporting U.S. tax
funded International Monetary Fund contributions to the so-called
"bailouts" in Europe, which, as economist Mark Weisbrot explains,
aren't bailouts for working families at all - for working families,
the IMF programs guarantee extreme hardship, and most Europeans would
be much better off if these IMF packages collapse - but bailouts of
European banks with bad loans.
The purpose of the IMF packages is to force European working families
to pay off the banks' bad loans through economic austerity, rather
than forcing the banks to take their losses on their bad bets, which
would be capitalism, or at least the capitalism they lecture us about
it in school and on the nation's op-ed pages when the politically weak
are on the chopping block. As we know from the recent Latin American
experience, if a country like Greece defaulted on the bad debt and got
it over with, economic growth could resume. But the IMF is more of a
collection agency for the big banks than an institution concerned with
boosting economic growth and employment or reducing poverty.
The Wall Street Journal says
the House Democratic leadership is unlikely to bring the Republican
measure to a vote, and that's certainly true - the House Democratic
leadership is likely to do whatever U.S. Treasury wants, and U.S.
Treasury is likely to want whatever Wall Street banks want, and Wall
Street banks are likely to see this as an issue of banker solidarity -
this time the taxpayer financed IMF slush fund is being used primarily
to benefit European banks, but the next IMF bailout could primarily
benefit New York banks. One hand washes the other.
However, a majority of Members of the House can force a vote on an
issue through a discharge petition. A discharge petition isn't an
everyday thing, but a U.S. taxpayer- funded bailout of European banks
at a time when U.S. measured unemployment is nearly 10% - the real
rate may be nearly double that - and we're being asked to fork over $33
billion more for pointless slaughter in Afghanistan - isn't an
everyday thing either.
And these European bailouts are arguably a much worse deal than the
hated Wall Street bailout for U.S. taxpayers - there is no plausible
story that they are needed to save the U.S. economy, and they are
coupled with cruel austerity packages to make working families in
Europe scream. Imagine the Wall Street bailout, now coupled with a
plan to cut the wages of American workers and raise the retirement age
for Social Security. Why should the majority of American working
families go along with this?
If past votes on IMF banker bailouts are any guide, House Republicans
are likely to move as a disciplined bloc. So the question boils down
to this: is there a decent handful of progressive and conservative
anti-IMF Democrats in the House who are willing to throw in their lot
with Republicans to try to block anti-worker IMF loans in Europe?
There are some hopeful precedents in the past. The first time the Wall
Street Bailout came to the floor, the House blocked it. And in 1998, a
group of House Democrats led by Dennis Kucinich, Peter DeFazio, and
Bernie Sanders joined with House Republicans to repeatedly block the
then-princely sum of $18 billion in tax dollars for the IMF to bail
out banks from their bad loans to Asia.
And that was back when the AFL-CIO supported the IMF. Lately President
Trumka's AFL-CIO has been bashing the Wall Street banks. What if the
AFL-CIO decided to go rogue on the IMF? Support for the IMF from many
House Democrats could no longer be assured.
And what if Greek- and Eastern European-Americans lobbied Congress
against the IMF? It could be a whole new ballgame. Who knows what
could happen when white workers in Europe start to resist the IMF's
Africa treatment? Maybe Americans would notice.
The Wall Street Journal points out that the U.S. share of the
votes in the IMF is "only" 17%, so if only the U.S. votes no, the IMF
packages can still go through. But that assumes that the rest of the
world would all support the IMF extreme austerity bailout loans. Of
course European governments will likely support them, because the
European finance ministries are controlled by the European banks, just
as the U.S. Treasury department is controlled by Wall Street. But why
should Brazil, Argentina, Russia and China - countries which have all
rejected IMF extreme austerity policies - vote for the European banker
bailout and antiworker austerity packages, if the "consensus" of the
IMF is broken?
There is a "murder on the Orient Express" quality to these
anti-taxpayer and anti-worker bailouts - if you can convince everyone
that they are inevitable, and that everyone else is going to go along,
the antidemocratic bailouts can proceed. But once a rebellion begins,
there's no telling how far it might spread.
Republicans in Congress are trying
to block the U.S. Treasury Department from supporting U.S. tax
funded International Monetary Fund contributions to the so-called
"bailouts" in Europe, which, as economist Mark Weisbrot explains,
aren't bailouts for working families at all - for working families,
the IMF programs guarantee extreme hardship, and most Europeans would
be much better off if these IMF packages collapse - but bailouts of
European banks with bad loans.
The purpose of the IMF packages is to force European working families
to pay off the banks' bad loans through economic austerity, rather
than forcing the banks to take their losses on their bad bets, which
would be capitalism, or at least the capitalism they lecture us about
it in school and on the nation's op-ed pages when the politically weak
are on the chopping block. As we know from the recent Latin American
experience, if a country like Greece defaulted on the bad debt and got
it over with, economic growth could resume. But the IMF is more of a
collection agency for the big banks than an institution concerned with
boosting economic growth and employment or reducing poverty.
The Wall Street Journal says
the House Democratic leadership is unlikely to bring the Republican
measure to a vote, and that's certainly true - the House Democratic
leadership is likely to do whatever U.S. Treasury wants, and U.S.
Treasury is likely to want whatever Wall Street banks want, and Wall
Street banks are likely to see this as an issue of banker solidarity -
this time the taxpayer financed IMF slush fund is being used primarily
to benefit European banks, but the next IMF bailout could primarily
benefit New York banks. One hand washes the other.
However, a majority of Members of the House can force a vote on an
issue through a discharge petition. A discharge petition isn't an
everyday thing, but a U.S. taxpayer- funded bailout of European banks
at a time when U.S. measured unemployment is nearly 10% - the real
rate may be nearly double that - and we're being asked to fork over $33
billion more for pointless slaughter in Afghanistan - isn't an
everyday thing either.
And these European bailouts are arguably a much worse deal than the
hated Wall Street bailout for U.S. taxpayers - there is no plausible
story that they are needed to save the U.S. economy, and they are
coupled with cruel austerity packages to make working families in
Europe scream. Imagine the Wall Street bailout, now coupled with a
plan to cut the wages of American workers and raise the retirement age
for Social Security. Why should the majority of American working
families go along with this?
If past votes on IMF banker bailouts are any guide, House Republicans
are likely to move as a disciplined bloc. So the question boils down
to this: is there a decent handful of progressive and conservative
anti-IMF Democrats in the House who are willing to throw in their lot
with Republicans to try to block anti-worker IMF loans in Europe?
There are some hopeful precedents in the past. The first time the Wall
Street Bailout came to the floor, the House blocked it. And in 1998, a
group of House Democrats led by Dennis Kucinich, Peter DeFazio, and
Bernie Sanders joined with House Republicans to repeatedly block the
then-princely sum of $18 billion in tax dollars for the IMF to bail
out banks from their bad loans to Asia.
And that was back when the AFL-CIO supported the IMF. Lately President
Trumka's AFL-CIO has been bashing the Wall Street banks. What if the
AFL-CIO decided to go rogue on the IMF? Support for the IMF from many
House Democrats could no longer be assured.
And what if Greek- and Eastern European-Americans lobbied Congress
against the IMF? It could be a whole new ballgame. Who knows what
could happen when white workers in Europe start to resist the IMF's
Africa treatment? Maybe Americans would notice.
The Wall Street Journal points out that the U.S. share of the
votes in the IMF is "only" 17%, so if only the U.S. votes no, the IMF
packages can still go through. But that assumes that the rest of the
world would all support the IMF extreme austerity bailout loans. Of
course European governments will likely support them, because the
European finance ministries are controlled by the European banks, just
as the U.S. Treasury department is controlled by Wall Street. But why
should Brazil, Argentina, Russia and China - countries which have all
rejected IMF extreme austerity policies - vote for the European banker
bailout and antiworker austerity packages, if the "consensus" of the
IMF is broken?
There is a "murder on the Orient Express" quality to these
anti-taxpayer and anti-worker bailouts - if you can convince everyone
that they are inevitable, and that everyone else is going to go along,
the antidemocratic bailouts can proceed. But once a rebellion begins,
there's no telling how far it might spread.