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Comparisons
are odious, the old saying goes, and certainly Democrats are dealing
with some smelly, stinky realities as they stare down the next eight
months until Election Day 2010 and pundits galore compare the party's
prospects to debacles of the past.
For a long time parallels were being made with 1994 and the midterm
elections during Bill Clinton's first term. Those gave us a Republican
House and Senate, the glory that was Newt Gingrich and a Contract with
America that after a dozen years turned out to have a hell of a balloon
payment attached.
But this week, the mainstream media meme has shifted, advancing to the
elections of 2006, when Democrats took back control of Congress,
campaigning against a GOP "culture of corruption." Now the village
drums are signaling that it's the Democrats who have been poisoned by
too much power and made vulnerable. Exhibit A is Charlie Rangel, dean
of the New York congressional delegation, forced to step down this week
as chair of the House Ways and Means Committee.
As Reid Wilson wrote Wednesday on the National Journal's
Hotline on Call blog, "Dems have seen this movie before -- only last
time, it happened to the other guys. Now, a beleaguered Dem majority
has to hope their party can withstand a building wave that favors the
GOP, and that effort isn't made any easier by countless, and mounting,
self-inflicted errors.
"Four years ago, it was GOPers who found themselves on the receiving
end of jolt after jolt of bad news. This time around, Dem strategists
are beginning to accept the inevitability of big losses, and a sort of
morbid gallows humor has settled over Congressional and political
aides."
Jeff Zeleny echoed that theme in Friday's New York Times:
"The troubles of Gov. David A. Paterson of New York, followed by those
of two of the state's congressmen, Charles B. Rangel and Eric J. Massa,
have added to the ranks of episodes involving prominent Democrats like
Eliot Spitzer, Rod R. Blagojevich and John Edwards. Taken together, the
cases have opened the party to the same lines of criticism that
Democrats... used effectively against Republicans in winning control of
the House and Senate four years ago.
"The mix of power and the temptations of corruption can be a compelling
political narrative at any time. But with voters appearing to be in an
angry mood and many already inclined to view all things Washington with
mistrust, the risks for Democrats could be that much greater this year."
Wilson and Zeleny make a compelling case for a 2006 remake with a role
reversal. But in the end, I fear that another important -- and sadly,
fitting -- comparison may be the 2002 midterms, the first big elections
after 9/11.
I use the word "fear" deliberately, for 2002 was the election year the
Republicans first used the public's fear of terrorism and attendant
homeland insecurities as a campaign issue. It was on August 26, 2002,
that Vice President Dick Cheney announced, "Simply stated, there is no
doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction," and
during the weeks leading up to the elections that President Bush
insisted on the congressional vote authorizing the use of force against
Iraq. You'll remember, too, that Condoleezza Rice stirred fantasies of
smoking guns turning into mushroom clouds.
It was also the year Georgia Republican Saxby Chambliss upended
Democratic Senator Max Cleland's bid for reelection, impugning his
patriotism and running a television ad with pictures of Osama bin Laden
and Saddam Hussein that mischaracterized Cleland's votes against
amendments to the bill creating the Department of Homeland Security.
This year, Democrats may have been sufficiently snakebitten on the
economy and health care -- and now, corruption -- without conservatives
having to do much of anything else. But fear is their ace in the hole
and they already are playing it with gusto.
As in 2002, the current election cycle has featured a steady stream of
attack and insinuation from Republicans that Democrats in Congress and
this time, the Obama administration, have been soft on terrorism,
despite a pretty solid record so far snagging terrorist suspects both
here and abroad. Dick Cheney was on the offensive during a February 14
interview on ABC's This Week
and the following day his daughter Liz told Fox News, "There's simply
no way that you can say that the president is using every tool at his
disposal to fight and win this war."
Liz Cheney is one of the founders of Keep America Safe, a right-wing group whose other board members are The Weekly Standard's
Bill Kristol and Debra Burlingame, sister of the pilot whose plane
struck the Pentagon on 9/11. Its stated purpose is "to provide
information for concerned Americans about critical national security
issues."
This week, the organization put out a television spot demanding that
the Justice Department reveal the names of "The Al Qaeda Seven,"
attorneys working for the Justice Department who previously, as the ad
states "represented or advocated for terrorist detainees." Ominously,
it asks, "Whose values do they share?"
Well, mine for one, and those of a lot of academics, legal scholars and
judges whose opinions I respect. In the words of former Bush Solicitor
General Ted Olson, from an article he co-wrote in 2007, "The ethos of
the bar is built on the idea that lawyers will represent both the
popular and the unpopular, so that everyone has access to justice.
Despite the horrible September 11, 2001, attacks, this is proudly held
as a basic tenet of our profession." Olson's wife perished in the
Pentagon crash.
Of the slurs against the Justice Department by Keep America Safe and
others, Ken Gude, a human rights expert with the liberal Center for
American Progress told The American Prospect magazine, "This is exactly what Joe McCarthy did. Not kind of like McCarthyism; this is exactly McCarthyism."
Fear also is a strategy outlined in that confidential Republican
National Committee document, inadvertently left behind at a Florida
resort and leaked by a Democrat to Politico.com.
The motivations of small donors to the party are listed as "fear,"
"Extreme negative feelings toward existing Administration," and
"Reactionary."
The PowerPoint presentation asks, "What can you sell when you do not
have the White House, the House or the Senate...?" and replies, "Save
the country from trending toward Socialism!"
As the GOP trends further and further right, they can and will attack
on any and all fronts, but in the end, it may be that the only thing
they have is fear.
Donald Trump’s attacks on democracy, justice, and a free press are escalating — putting everything we stand for at risk. We believe a better world is possible, but we can’t get there without your support. Common Dreams stands apart. We answer only to you — our readers, activists, and changemakers — not to billionaires or corporations. Our independence allows us to cover the vital stories that others won’t, spotlighting movements for peace, equality, and human rights. Right now, our work faces unprecedented challenges. Misinformation is spreading, journalists are under attack, and financial pressures are mounting. As a reader-supported, nonprofit newsroom, your support is crucial to keep this journalism alive. Whatever you can give — $10, $25, or $100 — helps us stay strong and responsive when the world needs us most. Together, we’ll continue to build the independent, courageous journalism our movement relies on. Thank you for being part of this community. |
Comparisons
are odious, the old saying goes, and certainly Democrats are dealing
with some smelly, stinky realities as they stare down the next eight
months until Election Day 2010 and pundits galore compare the party's
prospects to debacles of the past.
For a long time parallels were being made with 1994 and the midterm
elections during Bill Clinton's first term. Those gave us a Republican
House and Senate, the glory that was Newt Gingrich and a Contract with
America that after a dozen years turned out to have a hell of a balloon
payment attached.
But this week, the mainstream media meme has shifted, advancing to the
elections of 2006, when Democrats took back control of Congress,
campaigning against a GOP "culture of corruption." Now the village
drums are signaling that it's the Democrats who have been poisoned by
too much power and made vulnerable. Exhibit A is Charlie Rangel, dean
of the New York congressional delegation, forced to step down this week
as chair of the House Ways and Means Committee.
As Reid Wilson wrote Wednesday on the National Journal's
Hotline on Call blog, "Dems have seen this movie before -- only last
time, it happened to the other guys. Now, a beleaguered Dem majority
has to hope their party can withstand a building wave that favors the
GOP, and that effort isn't made any easier by countless, and mounting,
self-inflicted errors.
"Four years ago, it was GOPers who found themselves on the receiving
end of jolt after jolt of bad news. This time around, Dem strategists
are beginning to accept the inevitability of big losses, and a sort of
morbid gallows humor has settled over Congressional and political
aides."
Jeff Zeleny echoed that theme in Friday's New York Times:
"The troubles of Gov. David A. Paterson of New York, followed by those
of two of the state's congressmen, Charles B. Rangel and Eric J. Massa,
have added to the ranks of episodes involving prominent Democrats like
Eliot Spitzer, Rod R. Blagojevich and John Edwards. Taken together, the
cases have opened the party to the same lines of criticism that
Democrats... used effectively against Republicans in winning control of
the House and Senate four years ago.
"The mix of power and the temptations of corruption can be a compelling
political narrative at any time. But with voters appearing to be in an
angry mood and many already inclined to view all things Washington with
mistrust, the risks for Democrats could be that much greater this year."
Wilson and Zeleny make a compelling case for a 2006 remake with a role
reversal. But in the end, I fear that another important -- and sadly,
fitting -- comparison may be the 2002 midterms, the first big elections
after 9/11.
I use the word "fear" deliberately, for 2002 was the election year the
Republicans first used the public's fear of terrorism and attendant
homeland insecurities as a campaign issue. It was on August 26, 2002,
that Vice President Dick Cheney announced, "Simply stated, there is no
doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction," and
during the weeks leading up to the elections that President Bush
insisted on the congressional vote authorizing the use of force against
Iraq. You'll remember, too, that Condoleezza Rice stirred fantasies of
smoking guns turning into mushroom clouds.
It was also the year Georgia Republican Saxby Chambliss upended
Democratic Senator Max Cleland's bid for reelection, impugning his
patriotism and running a television ad with pictures of Osama bin Laden
and Saddam Hussein that mischaracterized Cleland's votes against
amendments to the bill creating the Department of Homeland Security.
This year, Democrats may have been sufficiently snakebitten on the
economy and health care -- and now, corruption -- without conservatives
having to do much of anything else. But fear is their ace in the hole
and they already are playing it with gusto.
As in 2002, the current election cycle has featured a steady stream of
attack and insinuation from Republicans that Democrats in Congress and
this time, the Obama administration, have been soft on terrorism,
despite a pretty solid record so far snagging terrorist suspects both
here and abroad. Dick Cheney was on the offensive during a February 14
interview on ABC's This Week
and the following day his daughter Liz told Fox News, "There's simply
no way that you can say that the president is using every tool at his
disposal to fight and win this war."
Liz Cheney is one of the founders of Keep America Safe, a right-wing group whose other board members are The Weekly Standard's
Bill Kristol and Debra Burlingame, sister of the pilot whose plane
struck the Pentagon on 9/11. Its stated purpose is "to provide
information for concerned Americans about critical national security
issues."
This week, the organization put out a television spot demanding that
the Justice Department reveal the names of "The Al Qaeda Seven,"
attorneys working for the Justice Department who previously, as the ad
states "represented or advocated for terrorist detainees." Ominously,
it asks, "Whose values do they share?"
Well, mine for one, and those of a lot of academics, legal scholars and
judges whose opinions I respect. In the words of former Bush Solicitor
General Ted Olson, from an article he co-wrote in 2007, "The ethos of
the bar is built on the idea that lawyers will represent both the
popular and the unpopular, so that everyone has access to justice.
Despite the horrible September 11, 2001, attacks, this is proudly held
as a basic tenet of our profession." Olson's wife perished in the
Pentagon crash.
Of the slurs against the Justice Department by Keep America Safe and
others, Ken Gude, a human rights expert with the liberal Center for
American Progress told The American Prospect magazine, "This is exactly what Joe McCarthy did. Not kind of like McCarthyism; this is exactly McCarthyism."
Fear also is a strategy outlined in that confidential Republican
National Committee document, inadvertently left behind at a Florida
resort and leaked by a Democrat to Politico.com.
The motivations of small donors to the party are listed as "fear,"
"Extreme negative feelings toward existing Administration," and
"Reactionary."
The PowerPoint presentation asks, "What can you sell when you do not
have the White House, the House or the Senate...?" and replies, "Save
the country from trending toward Socialism!"
As the GOP trends further and further right, they can and will attack
on any and all fronts, but in the end, it may be that the only thing
they have is fear.
Comparisons
are odious, the old saying goes, and certainly Democrats are dealing
with some smelly, stinky realities as they stare down the next eight
months until Election Day 2010 and pundits galore compare the party's
prospects to debacles of the past.
For a long time parallels were being made with 1994 and the midterm
elections during Bill Clinton's first term. Those gave us a Republican
House and Senate, the glory that was Newt Gingrich and a Contract with
America that after a dozen years turned out to have a hell of a balloon
payment attached.
But this week, the mainstream media meme has shifted, advancing to the
elections of 2006, when Democrats took back control of Congress,
campaigning against a GOP "culture of corruption." Now the village
drums are signaling that it's the Democrats who have been poisoned by
too much power and made vulnerable. Exhibit A is Charlie Rangel, dean
of the New York congressional delegation, forced to step down this week
as chair of the House Ways and Means Committee.
As Reid Wilson wrote Wednesday on the National Journal's
Hotline on Call blog, "Dems have seen this movie before -- only last
time, it happened to the other guys. Now, a beleaguered Dem majority
has to hope their party can withstand a building wave that favors the
GOP, and that effort isn't made any easier by countless, and mounting,
self-inflicted errors.
"Four years ago, it was GOPers who found themselves on the receiving
end of jolt after jolt of bad news. This time around, Dem strategists
are beginning to accept the inevitability of big losses, and a sort of
morbid gallows humor has settled over Congressional and political
aides."
Jeff Zeleny echoed that theme in Friday's New York Times:
"The troubles of Gov. David A. Paterson of New York, followed by those
of two of the state's congressmen, Charles B. Rangel and Eric J. Massa,
have added to the ranks of episodes involving prominent Democrats like
Eliot Spitzer, Rod R. Blagojevich and John Edwards. Taken together, the
cases have opened the party to the same lines of criticism that
Democrats... used effectively against Republicans in winning control of
the House and Senate four years ago.
"The mix of power and the temptations of corruption can be a compelling
political narrative at any time. But with voters appearing to be in an
angry mood and many already inclined to view all things Washington with
mistrust, the risks for Democrats could be that much greater this year."
Wilson and Zeleny make a compelling case for a 2006 remake with a role
reversal. But in the end, I fear that another important -- and sadly,
fitting -- comparison may be the 2002 midterms, the first big elections
after 9/11.
I use the word "fear" deliberately, for 2002 was the election year the
Republicans first used the public's fear of terrorism and attendant
homeland insecurities as a campaign issue. It was on August 26, 2002,
that Vice President Dick Cheney announced, "Simply stated, there is no
doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction," and
during the weeks leading up to the elections that President Bush
insisted on the congressional vote authorizing the use of force against
Iraq. You'll remember, too, that Condoleezza Rice stirred fantasies of
smoking guns turning into mushroom clouds.
It was also the year Georgia Republican Saxby Chambliss upended
Democratic Senator Max Cleland's bid for reelection, impugning his
patriotism and running a television ad with pictures of Osama bin Laden
and Saddam Hussein that mischaracterized Cleland's votes against
amendments to the bill creating the Department of Homeland Security.
This year, Democrats may have been sufficiently snakebitten on the
economy and health care -- and now, corruption -- without conservatives
having to do much of anything else. But fear is their ace in the hole
and they already are playing it with gusto.
As in 2002, the current election cycle has featured a steady stream of
attack and insinuation from Republicans that Democrats in Congress and
this time, the Obama administration, have been soft on terrorism,
despite a pretty solid record so far snagging terrorist suspects both
here and abroad. Dick Cheney was on the offensive during a February 14
interview on ABC's This Week
and the following day his daughter Liz told Fox News, "There's simply
no way that you can say that the president is using every tool at his
disposal to fight and win this war."
Liz Cheney is one of the founders of Keep America Safe, a right-wing group whose other board members are The Weekly Standard's
Bill Kristol and Debra Burlingame, sister of the pilot whose plane
struck the Pentagon on 9/11. Its stated purpose is "to provide
information for concerned Americans about critical national security
issues."
This week, the organization put out a television spot demanding that
the Justice Department reveal the names of "The Al Qaeda Seven,"
attorneys working for the Justice Department who previously, as the ad
states "represented or advocated for terrorist detainees." Ominously,
it asks, "Whose values do they share?"
Well, mine for one, and those of a lot of academics, legal scholars and
judges whose opinions I respect. In the words of former Bush Solicitor
General Ted Olson, from an article he co-wrote in 2007, "The ethos of
the bar is built on the idea that lawyers will represent both the
popular and the unpopular, so that everyone has access to justice.
Despite the horrible September 11, 2001, attacks, this is proudly held
as a basic tenet of our profession." Olson's wife perished in the
Pentagon crash.
Of the slurs against the Justice Department by Keep America Safe and
others, Ken Gude, a human rights expert with the liberal Center for
American Progress told The American Prospect magazine, "This is exactly what Joe McCarthy did. Not kind of like McCarthyism; this is exactly McCarthyism."
Fear also is a strategy outlined in that confidential Republican
National Committee document, inadvertently left behind at a Florida
resort and leaked by a Democrat to Politico.com.
The motivations of small donors to the party are listed as "fear,"
"Extreme negative feelings toward existing Administration," and
"Reactionary."
The PowerPoint presentation asks, "What can you sell when you do not
have the White House, the House or the Senate...?" and replies, "Save
the country from trending toward Socialism!"
As the GOP trends further and further right, they can and will attack
on any and all fronts, but in the end, it may be that the only thing
they have is fear.
"This sends a chilling message that the U.S. is willing to overlook some abuses, signaling that people experiencing human rights violations may be left to fend for themselves," said one Amnesty campaigner.
After leaked drafts exposed the Trump administration's plans to downplay human rights abuses in some allied countries, including Israel, the U.S. Department of State released the final edition of an annual report on Tuesday, sparking fresh condemnation.
"Breaking with precedent, Secretary of State Marco Rubio did not provide a written introduction to the report nor did he make remarks about it," CNN reported. Still, Amanda Klasing, Amnesty International USA's national director of government relations and advocacy, called him out by name in a Tuesday statement.
"With the release of the U.S. State Department's human rights report, it is clear that the Trump administration has engaged in a very selective documentation of human rights abuses in certain countries," Klasing said. "In addition to eliminating entire sections for certain countries—for example discrimination against LGBTQ+ people—there are also arbitrary omissions within existing sections of the report based on the country."
Klasing explained that "we have criticized past reports when warranted, but have never seen reports quite like this. Never before have the reports gone this far in prioritizing an administration's political agenda over a consistent and truthful accounting of human rights violations around the world—softening criticism in some countries while ignoring violations in others. The State Department has said in relation to the reports less is more. However, for the victims and human rights defenders who rely on these reports to shine light on abuses and violations, less is just less."
"Secretary Rubio knows full well from his time in the Senate how vital these reports are in informing policy decisions and shaping diplomatic conversations, yet he has made the dangerous and short-sighted decision to put out a truncated version that doesn't tell the whole story of human rights violations," she continued. "This sends a chilling message that the U.S. is willing to overlook some abuses, signaling that people experiencing human rights violations may be left to fend for themselves."
"Failing to adequately report on human rights violations further damages the credibility of the U.S. on human rights issues," she added. "It's shameful that the Trump administration and Secretary Rubio are putting politics above human lives."
The overarching report—which includes over 100 individual country reports—covers 2024, the last full calendar year of the Biden administration. The appendix says that in March, the report was "streamlined for better utility and accessibility in the field and by partners, and to be more responsive to the underlying legislative mandate and aligned to the administration's executive orders."
As CNN detailed:
The latest report was stripped of many of the specific sections included in past reports, including reporting on alleged abuses based on sexual orientation, violence toward women, corruption in government, systemic racial or ethnic violence, or denial of a fair public trial. Some country reports, including for Afghanistan, do address human rights abuses against women.
"We were asked to edit down the human rights reports to the bare minimum of what was statutorily required," said Michael Honigstein, the former director of African Affairs at the State Department's Bureau of Human Rights, Democracy, and Labor. He and his office helped compile the initial reports.
Over the past week, since the draft country reports leaked to the press, the Trump administration has come under fire for its portrayals of El Salvador, Israel, and Russia.
The report on Israel—and the illegally occupied Palestinian territories, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank—is just nine pages. The brevity even drew the attention of Israeli media. The Times of Israel highlighted that it "is much shorter than last year's edition compiled under the Biden administration and contained no mention of the severe humanitarian crisis in Gaza."
Since the Hamas-led October 7, 2023 attack on Israel, Israeli forces have slaughtered over 60,000 Palestinians in Gaza, according to local officials—though experts warn the true toll is likely far higher. As Israel has restricted humanitarian aid in recent months, over 200 people have starved to death, including 103 children.
The U.S. report on Israel does not mention the genocide case that Israel faces at the International Court of Justice over the assault on Gaza, or the International Criminal Court arrest warrants issued for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The section on war crimes and genocide only says that "terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah continue to engage in the
indiscriminate targeting of Israeli civilians in violation of the law of armed conflict."
As the world mourns the killing of six more Palestinian media professionals in Gaza this week—which prompted calls for the United Nations Security Council to convene an emergency meeting—the report's section on press freedom is also short and makes no mention of the hundreds of journalists killed in Israel's annihilation of the strip:
The law generally provided for freedom of expression, including for members of the press and other media, and the government generally respected this right for most Israelis. NGOs and journalists reported authorities restricted press coverage and limited certain forms of expression, especially in the context of criticism against the war or sympathy for Palestinians in Gaza.
Noting that "the human rights reports have been among the U.S. government's most-read documents," DAWN senior adviser and 32-year State Department official Charles Blaha said the "significant omissions" in this year's report on Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank render it "functionally useless for Congress and the public as nothing more than a pro-Israel document."
Like Klasing at Amnesty, Sarah Leah Whitson, DAWN's executive director, specifically called out the U.S. secretary of state.
"Secretary Rubio has revamped the State Department reports for one principal purpose: to whitewash Israeli crimes, including its horrific genocide and starvation in Gaza. The report shockingly includes not a word about the overwhelming evidence of genocide, mass starvation, and the deliberate bombardment of civilians in Gaza," she said. "Rubio has defied the letter and intent of U.S. laws requiring the State Department to report truthfully and comprehensively about every country's human rights abuses, instead offering up anodyne cover for his murderous friends in Tel Aviv."
The Tuesday release came after a coalition of LGBTQ+ and human rights organizations on Monday filed a lawsuit against the U.S. State Department over its refusal to release the congressionally mandated report.
This article has been updated with comment from DAWN.
"We will not sit idly by while political leaders manipulate voting maps to entrench their power and subvert our democracy," said the head of Common Cause.
As Republicans try to rig congressional maps in several states and Democrats threaten retaliatory measures, a pro-democracy watchdog on Tuesday unveiled new fairness standards underscoring that "independent redistricting commissions remain the gold standard for ending partisan gerrymandering."
Common Cause will hold an online media briefing Wednesday at noon Eastern time "to walk reporters though the six pieces of criteria the organization will use to evaluate any proposed maps."
The Washington, D.C.-based advocacy group said that "it will closely evaluate, but not automatically condemn, countermeasures" to Republican gerrymandering efforts—especially mid-decade redistricting not based on decennial censuses.
Amid the gerrymandering wars, we just launched 6 fairness criteria to hold all actors to the same principled standard: people first—not parties. Read our criteria here: www.commoncause.org/resources/po...
[image or embed]
— Common Cause (@commoncause.org) August 12, 2025 at 12:01 PM
Common Cause's six fairness criteria for mid-decade redistricting are:
"We will not sit idly by while political leaders manipulate voting maps to entrench their power and subvert our democracy," Common Cause president and CEO Virginia Kase Solomón said in a statement. "But neither will we call for unilateral political disarmament in the face of authoritarian tactics that undermine fair representation."
"We have established a fairness criteria that we will use to evaluate all countermeasures so we can respond to the most urgent threats to fair representation while holding all actors to the same principled standard: people—not parties—first," she added.
Common Cause's fairness criteria come amid the ongoing standoff between Republicans trying to gerrymander Texas' congressional map and Democratic lawmakers who fled the state in a bid to stymie a vote on the measure. Texas state senators on Tuesday approved the proposed map despite a walkout by most of their Democratic colleagues.
Leaders of several Democrat-controlled states, most notably California, have threatened retaliatory redistricting.
"This moment is about more than responding to a single threat—it's about building the movement for lasting reform," Kase Solomón asserted. "This is not an isolated political tactic; it is part of a broader march toward authoritarianism, dismantling people-powered democracy, and stripping away the people's ability to have a political voice and say in how they are governed."
"Texas law is clear: A pregnant person cannot be arrested and prosecuted for getting an abortion. No one is above the law, including officials entrusted with enforcing it," said an ACLU attorney.
When officials in Starr County, Texas arrested Lizelle Gonzalez in 2022 and charged her with murder for having a medication abortion—despite state law clearly prohibiting the prosecution of women for abortion care—she spent three days in jail, away from her children, and the highly publicized arrest was "deeply traumatizing."
Now, said her lawyers at the ACLU in court filings on Tuesday, officials in the county sheriff's and district attorney's offices must be held accountable for knowingly subjecting Gonzalez to wrongful prosecution.
Starr County District Attorney Gocha Ramirez ultimately dismissed the charge against Gonzalez, said the ACLU, but the Texas bar's investigation into Ramirez—which found multiple instances of misconduct related to Gonzalez's homicide charge—resulted in only minor punishment. Ramirez had to pay a small fine of $1,250 and was given one year of probated suspension.
"Without real accountability, Starr County's district attorney—and any other law enforcement actor—will not be deterred from abusing their power to unlawfully target people because of their personal beliefs, rather than the law," said the ACLU.
The state bar found that Ramirez allowed Gonzalez's indictment to go forward despite the fact that her homicide charge was "known not to be supported by probable cause."
Ramirez had denied that he was briefed on the facts of the case before it was prosecuted by his office, but the state bar "determined he was consulted by a prosecutor in his office beforehand and permitted it to go forward."
"Without real accountability, Starr County's district attorney—and any other law enforcement actor—will not be deterred from abusing their power to unlawfully target people because of their personal beliefs, rather than the law."
Sarah Corning, an attorney at the ACLU of Texas, said the prosecutors and law enforcement officers "ignored Texas law when they wrongfully arrested Lizelle Gonzalez for ending her pregnancy."
"They shattered her life in South Texas, violated her rights, and abused the power they swore to uphold," said Corning. "Texas law is clear: A pregnant person cannot be arrested and prosecuted for getting an abortion. No one is above the law, including officials entrusted with enforcing it."
The district attorney's office sought to have the ACLU's case dismissed in July 2024, raising claims of legal immunity.
A court denied Ramirez's motion, and the ACLU's discovery process that followed revealed "a coordinated effort between the Starr County sheriff's office and district attorney's office to violate Ms. Gonzalez's rights."
The officials' "wanton disregard for the rule of law and erroneous belief of their own invincibility is a frightening deviation from the offices' purposes: to seek justice," said Cecilia Garza, a partner at the law firm Garza Martinez, who is joining the ACLU in representing Gonzalez. "I am proud to represent Ms. Gonzalez in her fight for justice and redemption, and our team will not allow these abuses to continue in Starr County or any other county in the state of Texas."
Gonzalez's fight for justice comes as a wrongful death case in Texas—filed by an "anti-abortion legal terrorist" on behalf of a man whose girlfriend use medication from another state to end her pregnancy—moves forward, potentially jeopardizing access to abortion pills across the country.