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Donald Trump is mainstreaming hate. That was the central message of Hillary Clinton's speech last week in Reno, Nev., where she detailed Trump's record of stoking racism and conspiracy theories. "From the start," she declared, "Donald Trump has built his campaign on prejudice and paranoia."
Donald Trump is mainstreaming hate. That was the central message of Hillary Clinton's speech last week in Reno, Nev., where she detailed Trump's record of stoking racism and conspiracy theories. "From the start," she declared, "Donald Trump has built his campaign on prejudice and paranoia."
Clinton certainly had a point. Even before the start of his campaign, it was Trump's disgraceful crusade to "prove" that President Obama was not actually born in the United States that laid the foundation for his victory in the Republican primaries. His most despicable statements of the election -- from calling Mexican immigrants "rapists" to promoting the lie that "thousands" of Muslims in New Jersey celebrated the Sept. 11 attacks -- have only cemented his hero status among bigots and cranks who were previously relegated to the fringes of society.
While past Republican nominees have flirted with extremists, none has embraced or encouraged them so openly. As Clinton pointed out, Trump has brought out of the online shadows an emerging movement known as the "alt-right." Despite lacking clear leaders or a cohesive ideology, the alt-right "is bound together by common enemies: women, minorities, immigrants and national institutions that, by their worldview, threaten the freedom of white men with the toxic sword of political correctness," Jack Smith IV writes. Notably, in his former role as the chairman of Breitbart Media, Trump's new campaign chief executive Stephen Bannon boasted, "We're the platform for the alt-right."
Trump has not merely given voice to the visceral hatred in our midst. With his brazen lies and his childish taunts, Trump has also effectively given permission for people to say virtually anything in public without regard for facts or fear of repercussions. This could have a lasting impact on our public discourse regardless of how Trump fares in November.
Already, Trump has debased the political debate. As Felix Salmon observes, Trump's outrageous behavior "tends to render invisible severe and important policy distinctions," which is a problem especially in state and local races where Trump is not one of the choices. "This year, the effect is likely to be felt strongly in down-ticket races, where Democratic and Republican candidates are finding it incredibly hard to cut through the noise of the presidential race and to have substantive debates," he writes.
Meanwhile, Trump's impact is also increasingly apparent among our children. In April, the Southern Poverty Law Center released a report finding that many kids "have been emboldened by the divisive, often juvenile rhetoric in the campaign," with teachers witnessing among their students "an increase in bullying, harassment and intimidation." At the same time, members of the alt-right have turned online bullying and harassment into something of a sport; their unrelenting abuse of "Saturday Night Live" star Leslie Jones is the latest example in an ugly trend.
Some have expressed hope that, in the event that Trump loses, Trump-ism will go down with him. That may be wishful thinking. Even a landslide seems unlikely to deter Trump's most rabid fans, especially if he continues to claim that the election was "rigged." In addition, there are credible rumors that Trump's fallback plan is to establish a media presence -- possibly working with Bannon and former Fox News head Roger Ailes -- that could compete with Fox News for supremacy on the right.
Regardless of the outcome, there is no reason to believe that a Trump defeat would reverse the damage his campaign has already done, especially its impact on how young people view the political process. Millennial voters, who were so energized by Bernie Sanders, are rejecting Trump in overwhelming numbers. But they could ultimately decide to reject politics altogether -- both in 2016 and for years to come. With U.S. voter turnout hovering at just more than 50 percent, this would be devastating for our democracy.
Over the coming weeks, the election will only become more brutal. As Trump scorches the earth with his vitriolic tweets and verbal assaults, Clinton should guard against the cynicism his campaign has inspired by making a concerted effort to reach the millions of young people whose voices still need to be heard. And no matter what the polls say, Clinton and her supporters should remember that the danger in this election is not just that Trump could win. It's that -- win or lose -- he could poison our politics for a generation.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Donald Trump is mainstreaming hate. That was the central message of Hillary Clinton's speech last week in Reno, Nev., where she detailed Trump's record of stoking racism and conspiracy theories. "From the start," she declared, "Donald Trump has built his campaign on prejudice and paranoia."
Clinton certainly had a point. Even before the start of his campaign, it was Trump's disgraceful crusade to "prove" that President Obama was not actually born in the United States that laid the foundation for his victory in the Republican primaries. His most despicable statements of the election -- from calling Mexican immigrants "rapists" to promoting the lie that "thousands" of Muslims in New Jersey celebrated the Sept. 11 attacks -- have only cemented his hero status among bigots and cranks who were previously relegated to the fringes of society.
While past Republican nominees have flirted with extremists, none has embraced or encouraged them so openly. As Clinton pointed out, Trump has brought out of the online shadows an emerging movement known as the "alt-right." Despite lacking clear leaders or a cohesive ideology, the alt-right "is bound together by common enemies: women, minorities, immigrants and national institutions that, by their worldview, threaten the freedom of white men with the toxic sword of political correctness," Jack Smith IV writes. Notably, in his former role as the chairman of Breitbart Media, Trump's new campaign chief executive Stephen Bannon boasted, "We're the platform for the alt-right."
Trump has not merely given voice to the visceral hatred in our midst. With his brazen lies and his childish taunts, Trump has also effectively given permission for people to say virtually anything in public without regard for facts or fear of repercussions. This could have a lasting impact on our public discourse regardless of how Trump fares in November.
Already, Trump has debased the political debate. As Felix Salmon observes, Trump's outrageous behavior "tends to render invisible severe and important policy distinctions," which is a problem especially in state and local races where Trump is not one of the choices. "This year, the effect is likely to be felt strongly in down-ticket races, where Democratic and Republican candidates are finding it incredibly hard to cut through the noise of the presidential race and to have substantive debates," he writes.
Meanwhile, Trump's impact is also increasingly apparent among our children. In April, the Southern Poverty Law Center released a report finding that many kids "have been emboldened by the divisive, often juvenile rhetoric in the campaign," with teachers witnessing among their students "an increase in bullying, harassment and intimidation." At the same time, members of the alt-right have turned online bullying and harassment into something of a sport; their unrelenting abuse of "Saturday Night Live" star Leslie Jones is the latest example in an ugly trend.
Some have expressed hope that, in the event that Trump loses, Trump-ism will go down with him. That may be wishful thinking. Even a landslide seems unlikely to deter Trump's most rabid fans, especially if he continues to claim that the election was "rigged." In addition, there are credible rumors that Trump's fallback plan is to establish a media presence -- possibly working with Bannon and former Fox News head Roger Ailes -- that could compete with Fox News for supremacy on the right.
Regardless of the outcome, there is no reason to believe that a Trump defeat would reverse the damage his campaign has already done, especially its impact on how young people view the political process. Millennial voters, who were so energized by Bernie Sanders, are rejecting Trump in overwhelming numbers. But they could ultimately decide to reject politics altogether -- both in 2016 and for years to come. With U.S. voter turnout hovering at just more than 50 percent, this would be devastating for our democracy.
Over the coming weeks, the election will only become more brutal. As Trump scorches the earth with his vitriolic tweets and verbal assaults, Clinton should guard against the cynicism his campaign has inspired by making a concerted effort to reach the millions of young people whose voices still need to be heard. And no matter what the polls say, Clinton and her supporters should remember that the danger in this election is not just that Trump could win. It's that -- win or lose -- he could poison our politics for a generation.
Donald Trump is mainstreaming hate. That was the central message of Hillary Clinton's speech last week in Reno, Nev., where she detailed Trump's record of stoking racism and conspiracy theories. "From the start," she declared, "Donald Trump has built his campaign on prejudice and paranoia."
Clinton certainly had a point. Even before the start of his campaign, it was Trump's disgraceful crusade to "prove" that President Obama was not actually born in the United States that laid the foundation for his victory in the Republican primaries. His most despicable statements of the election -- from calling Mexican immigrants "rapists" to promoting the lie that "thousands" of Muslims in New Jersey celebrated the Sept. 11 attacks -- have only cemented his hero status among bigots and cranks who were previously relegated to the fringes of society.
While past Republican nominees have flirted with extremists, none has embraced or encouraged them so openly. As Clinton pointed out, Trump has brought out of the online shadows an emerging movement known as the "alt-right." Despite lacking clear leaders or a cohesive ideology, the alt-right "is bound together by common enemies: women, minorities, immigrants and national institutions that, by their worldview, threaten the freedom of white men with the toxic sword of political correctness," Jack Smith IV writes. Notably, in his former role as the chairman of Breitbart Media, Trump's new campaign chief executive Stephen Bannon boasted, "We're the platform for the alt-right."
Trump has not merely given voice to the visceral hatred in our midst. With his brazen lies and his childish taunts, Trump has also effectively given permission for people to say virtually anything in public without regard for facts or fear of repercussions. This could have a lasting impact on our public discourse regardless of how Trump fares in November.
Already, Trump has debased the political debate. As Felix Salmon observes, Trump's outrageous behavior "tends to render invisible severe and important policy distinctions," which is a problem especially in state and local races where Trump is not one of the choices. "This year, the effect is likely to be felt strongly in down-ticket races, where Democratic and Republican candidates are finding it incredibly hard to cut through the noise of the presidential race and to have substantive debates," he writes.
Meanwhile, Trump's impact is also increasingly apparent among our children. In April, the Southern Poverty Law Center released a report finding that many kids "have been emboldened by the divisive, often juvenile rhetoric in the campaign," with teachers witnessing among their students "an increase in bullying, harassment and intimidation." At the same time, members of the alt-right have turned online bullying and harassment into something of a sport; their unrelenting abuse of "Saturday Night Live" star Leslie Jones is the latest example in an ugly trend.
Some have expressed hope that, in the event that Trump loses, Trump-ism will go down with him. That may be wishful thinking. Even a landslide seems unlikely to deter Trump's most rabid fans, especially if he continues to claim that the election was "rigged." In addition, there are credible rumors that Trump's fallback plan is to establish a media presence -- possibly working with Bannon and former Fox News head Roger Ailes -- that could compete with Fox News for supremacy on the right.
Regardless of the outcome, there is no reason to believe that a Trump defeat would reverse the damage his campaign has already done, especially its impact on how young people view the political process. Millennial voters, who were so energized by Bernie Sanders, are rejecting Trump in overwhelming numbers. But they could ultimately decide to reject politics altogether -- both in 2016 and for years to come. With U.S. voter turnout hovering at just more than 50 percent, this would be devastating for our democracy.
Over the coming weeks, the election will only become more brutal. As Trump scorches the earth with his vitriolic tweets and verbal assaults, Clinton should guard against the cynicism his campaign has inspired by making a concerted effort to reach the millions of young people whose voices still need to be heard. And no matter what the polls say, Clinton and her supporters should remember that the danger in this election is not just that Trump could win. It's that -- win or lose -- he could poison our politics for a generation.