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It's not surprising that the Washington Post (owned by billionaire Jeff Bezos) would be unhappy with a presidential candidate running on a platform of taking back the country from the millionaires and billionaires. Therefore the trashing of Sen.
It's not surprising that the Washington Post (owned by billionaire Jeff Bezos) would be unhappy with a presidential candidate running on a platform of taking back the country from the millionaires and billionaires. Therefore the trashing of Sen. Bernie Sanders in an editorial, "Bernie Sanders' Fiction-Filled Campaign" (1/27/16), was about as predictable as the sun rising.
While there is much here that is misleading, it's worth focusing on the central theme. The piece tells readers:
The existence of large banks and lax campaign finance laws explains why working Americans are not thriving, he says, and why the progressive agenda has not advanced. Here is a reality check: Wall Street has already undergone a round of reform, significantly reducing the risks big banks pose to the financial system. The evolution and structure of the world economy, not mere corporate deck-stacking, explained many of the big economic challenges the country still faces. And even with radical campaign finance reform, many Americans and their representatives would still oppose the Sanders agenda.
If we can confront the Post's "reality check" with real-world reality, it is worth noting that the largest banks are in fact much larger than they were before the crisis, as a result of a wave of mergers that was approved at the peak of the panic. Furthermore, the industry as a whole is getting bigger, not smaller. It was under 17.0 percent of national income in 2007; last year it was almost 18.0 percent.
There has been research in recent years from both the Bank of International Settlements and International Monetary Fund showing that a large financial sector is a drag on growth. For this reason, Sanders' proposal for a financial transactions tax, which would be a big step towards downsizing the industry, would be well-received by a more reality-based newspaper.
As far as the rest of the story, longer and stronger patent protections were not just the "evolution of the world economy." They were the result of deliberate policy that had the effect of redistributing income upward to the pharmaceutical companies, the entertainment industry and the software industry. The same is true of a pattern of international trade that was quite explicitly designed to put manufacturing workers in direct competition with low-paid workers in the developing world.
At the same time, we maintained or increased barriers that protect highly educated professionals like doctors and lawyers. The predicted and actual consequence of this pattern of trade was to reduce the pay of the bulk of the workforce, that either work in manufacturing or compete with people who work in manufacturing, to the benefit of the most highly paid workers. This sure looks like stacking of the economy.
Naturally, the Post also gets into its complaints about how Sanders doesn't address the long-term budget deficit, apparently not noticing that if Sanders is successful in reforming health care, then this problem largely goes away. Of course, for most of the country, a hugely underemployed economy that has not produced real wage gains for most workers in the last four decades is a much higher priority than the possibility that somewhere in the next decade or two we might see tax increases of the sort we had in the decades of the '50s, '60s, '70s and '80s. It is understandable that the Post and the millionaires and billionaires would like us to focus on taxes, but the rest of the country is much more worried about their before-tax income.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
It's not surprising that the Washington Post (owned by billionaire Jeff Bezos) would be unhappy with a presidential candidate running on a platform of taking back the country from the millionaires and billionaires. Therefore the trashing of Sen. Bernie Sanders in an editorial, "Bernie Sanders' Fiction-Filled Campaign" (1/27/16), was about as predictable as the sun rising.
While there is much here that is misleading, it's worth focusing on the central theme. The piece tells readers:
The existence of large banks and lax campaign finance laws explains why working Americans are not thriving, he says, and why the progressive agenda has not advanced. Here is a reality check: Wall Street has already undergone a round of reform, significantly reducing the risks big banks pose to the financial system. The evolution and structure of the world economy, not mere corporate deck-stacking, explained many of the big economic challenges the country still faces. And even with radical campaign finance reform, many Americans and their representatives would still oppose the Sanders agenda.
If we can confront the Post's "reality check" with real-world reality, it is worth noting that the largest banks are in fact much larger than they were before the crisis, as a result of a wave of mergers that was approved at the peak of the panic. Furthermore, the industry as a whole is getting bigger, not smaller. It was under 17.0 percent of national income in 2007; last year it was almost 18.0 percent.
There has been research in recent years from both the Bank of International Settlements and International Monetary Fund showing that a large financial sector is a drag on growth. For this reason, Sanders' proposal for a financial transactions tax, which would be a big step towards downsizing the industry, would be well-received by a more reality-based newspaper.
As far as the rest of the story, longer and stronger patent protections were not just the "evolution of the world economy." They were the result of deliberate policy that had the effect of redistributing income upward to the pharmaceutical companies, the entertainment industry and the software industry. The same is true of a pattern of international trade that was quite explicitly designed to put manufacturing workers in direct competition with low-paid workers in the developing world.
At the same time, we maintained or increased barriers that protect highly educated professionals like doctors and lawyers. The predicted and actual consequence of this pattern of trade was to reduce the pay of the bulk of the workforce, that either work in manufacturing or compete with people who work in manufacturing, to the benefit of the most highly paid workers. This sure looks like stacking of the economy.
Naturally, the Post also gets into its complaints about how Sanders doesn't address the long-term budget deficit, apparently not noticing that if Sanders is successful in reforming health care, then this problem largely goes away. Of course, for most of the country, a hugely underemployed economy that has not produced real wage gains for most workers in the last four decades is a much higher priority than the possibility that somewhere in the next decade or two we might see tax increases of the sort we had in the decades of the '50s, '60s, '70s and '80s. It is understandable that the Post and the millionaires and billionaires would like us to focus on taxes, but the rest of the country is much more worried about their before-tax income.
It's not surprising that the Washington Post (owned by billionaire Jeff Bezos) would be unhappy with a presidential candidate running on a platform of taking back the country from the millionaires and billionaires. Therefore the trashing of Sen. Bernie Sanders in an editorial, "Bernie Sanders' Fiction-Filled Campaign" (1/27/16), was about as predictable as the sun rising.
While there is much here that is misleading, it's worth focusing on the central theme. The piece tells readers:
The existence of large banks and lax campaign finance laws explains why working Americans are not thriving, he says, and why the progressive agenda has not advanced. Here is a reality check: Wall Street has already undergone a round of reform, significantly reducing the risks big banks pose to the financial system. The evolution and structure of the world economy, not mere corporate deck-stacking, explained many of the big economic challenges the country still faces. And even with radical campaign finance reform, many Americans and their representatives would still oppose the Sanders agenda.
If we can confront the Post's "reality check" with real-world reality, it is worth noting that the largest banks are in fact much larger than they were before the crisis, as a result of a wave of mergers that was approved at the peak of the panic. Furthermore, the industry as a whole is getting bigger, not smaller. It was under 17.0 percent of national income in 2007; last year it was almost 18.0 percent.
There has been research in recent years from both the Bank of International Settlements and International Monetary Fund showing that a large financial sector is a drag on growth. For this reason, Sanders' proposal for a financial transactions tax, which would be a big step towards downsizing the industry, would be well-received by a more reality-based newspaper.
As far as the rest of the story, longer and stronger patent protections were not just the "evolution of the world economy." They were the result of deliberate policy that had the effect of redistributing income upward to the pharmaceutical companies, the entertainment industry and the software industry. The same is true of a pattern of international trade that was quite explicitly designed to put manufacturing workers in direct competition with low-paid workers in the developing world.
At the same time, we maintained or increased barriers that protect highly educated professionals like doctors and lawyers. The predicted and actual consequence of this pattern of trade was to reduce the pay of the bulk of the workforce, that either work in manufacturing or compete with people who work in manufacturing, to the benefit of the most highly paid workers. This sure looks like stacking of the economy.
Naturally, the Post also gets into its complaints about how Sanders doesn't address the long-term budget deficit, apparently not noticing that if Sanders is successful in reforming health care, then this problem largely goes away. Of course, for most of the country, a hugely underemployed economy that has not produced real wage gains for most workers in the last four decades is a much higher priority than the possibility that somewhere in the next decade or two we might see tax increases of the sort we had in the decades of the '50s, '60s, '70s and '80s. It is understandable that the Post and the millionaires and billionaires would like us to focus on taxes, but the rest of the country is much more worried about their before-tax income.