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Much has been made of how Donald Trump's racist remarks on the 2016 presidential campaign trail are "un-American," outlandish, and--incredibly to some--giving him a bump in the polls.
But others say it's time for a reality check.
They say Trump is merely a symptom, not the disease. That he's tapping into latent cultural currents and that we shouldn't, in fact, be surprised that his anti-Muslim, anti-immigrant, anti-"other" rhetoric is boosting his campaign and invigorating white supremacy.
Trump is "definitely not an outlier," Erika Lee, director of the Immigration History Research Center at the University of Minnesota, told The Hill. "We always have this undercurrent of xenophobia that can burst at the seams. This might be the match that turns something that was simmering into a boil."
"No good can come when we lie to ourselves," added Chauncey DeVega at Salon on Friday. "Donald Trump's racism, nativism, and bigotry are as American as apple pie."
Citing the "racist immigration and naturalization laws" the U.S. used for decades to "maintain its status as a majority 'white' country," DeVega continued: "Nativism and xenophobia are not limited to the demagoguery of Republican carnival-show barker professional wrestling wannabe reality TV show hosts who want to be president of the United States."
Indeed, Peter Schroeder reported Friday for The Hill, "there is a significant chunk of the public eager to crack down on an influx of foreigners."
"The sentiment is there in the electorate," said Julian Zelizer, a professor of history and public policy at Princeton University. "You don't need Donald Trump to have people who are calling for borders to be closed, but he taps into it. He brings it out."
Consider Bettina Norden, a 60-year-old farmer in Springfield, Oregon, who said of Trump in an interview with the New York Times on Friday: "He'll keep a sharp eye on those Muslims. He'll keep the Patriot Act together. He'll watch immigration. Stop the Muslims from immigrating."
Norden's statement supports what Olivia Nuzzi declared Friday at the Daily Beast: "Trump's ugliness does not seem to matter to his supporters because Trump's ugliness is a reflection of the rot that can devour the soul when a person is overcome by paranoia and fear."
But, Nuzzi continued:
[...] to say Trump and his supporters are cut from the same cloth would be to miss a more important point. Trump is not paranoid and he is not scared, he is merely stoking the paranoia and fear in others to his own benefit. He is exploiting the paranoia and the fear of the people who send him their money, or attend his rallies, or defend him onTwitter. They are not elites. They don't have big buildings or golf courses or book contracts or TV deals to lose. And they can inspire sympathy, even when they sound just like Trump, which they often do.
The real challenge, then, is to confront not the mouthpiece, but the underlying message.
"Racism, bigotry and xenophobia are a core part of America's national character," DeVega warned in Salon. "We cannot defeat Donald Trump until we acknowledge that fact and own its legacy."
This country and this world are at a monumental crossroads. US voters have an opportunity to beat back the forces of fascism and confront the billionaires who are rigging the economy, our media system, and our democracy, making it increasingly impossible for ordinary people to get by. We’re not just talking about the election. We’re talking about what must be done once these fascist elements are vanquished from power. We need a bolder set of solutions than what either major party has so far been willing to offer and a working-class movement ready to fight like hell for it. Trump didn't emerge from nowhere. The conditions that fueled MAGA authoritarianism were created by decades of radical neoliberal economic policies and a corrupt political system dominated by corporate interests. They slashed taxes on the super-rich, promising that the benefits would trickle down. They said giveaways to the corporate titans would make life more affordable for the rest of us. It was all bullshit. And when a bitter, betrayed populace searches for someone to blame, right-wing demagogues have little trouble finding scapegoats. People know when they're being lied to, but you won't hear any of this from the corporate media. Only independent journalism—powered and funded by people who believe in building a better world—can deliver truly trustworthy daily news. If you share our vision, please contribute whatever you can to sustain our work. |
Much has been made of how Donald Trump's racist remarks on the 2016 presidential campaign trail are "un-American," outlandish, and--incredibly to some--giving him a bump in the polls.
But others say it's time for a reality check.
They say Trump is merely a symptom, not the disease. That he's tapping into latent cultural currents and that we shouldn't, in fact, be surprised that his anti-Muslim, anti-immigrant, anti-"other" rhetoric is boosting his campaign and invigorating white supremacy.
Trump is "definitely not an outlier," Erika Lee, director of the Immigration History Research Center at the University of Minnesota, told The Hill. "We always have this undercurrent of xenophobia that can burst at the seams. This might be the match that turns something that was simmering into a boil."
"No good can come when we lie to ourselves," added Chauncey DeVega at Salon on Friday. "Donald Trump's racism, nativism, and bigotry are as American as apple pie."
Citing the "racist immigration and naturalization laws" the U.S. used for decades to "maintain its status as a majority 'white' country," DeVega continued: "Nativism and xenophobia are not limited to the demagoguery of Republican carnival-show barker professional wrestling wannabe reality TV show hosts who want to be president of the United States."
Indeed, Peter Schroeder reported Friday for The Hill, "there is a significant chunk of the public eager to crack down on an influx of foreigners."
"The sentiment is there in the electorate," said Julian Zelizer, a professor of history and public policy at Princeton University. "You don't need Donald Trump to have people who are calling for borders to be closed, but he taps into it. He brings it out."
Consider Bettina Norden, a 60-year-old farmer in Springfield, Oregon, who said of Trump in an interview with the New York Times on Friday: "He'll keep a sharp eye on those Muslims. He'll keep the Patriot Act together. He'll watch immigration. Stop the Muslims from immigrating."
Norden's statement supports what Olivia Nuzzi declared Friday at the Daily Beast: "Trump's ugliness does not seem to matter to his supporters because Trump's ugliness is a reflection of the rot that can devour the soul when a person is overcome by paranoia and fear."
But, Nuzzi continued:
[...] to say Trump and his supporters are cut from the same cloth would be to miss a more important point. Trump is not paranoid and he is not scared, he is merely stoking the paranoia and fear in others to his own benefit. He is exploiting the paranoia and the fear of the people who send him their money, or attend his rallies, or defend him onTwitter. They are not elites. They don't have big buildings or golf courses or book contracts or TV deals to lose. And they can inspire sympathy, even when they sound just like Trump, which they often do.
The real challenge, then, is to confront not the mouthpiece, but the underlying message.
"Racism, bigotry and xenophobia are a core part of America's national character," DeVega warned in Salon. "We cannot defeat Donald Trump until we acknowledge that fact and own its legacy."
Much has been made of how Donald Trump's racist remarks on the 2016 presidential campaign trail are "un-American," outlandish, and--incredibly to some--giving him a bump in the polls.
But others say it's time for a reality check.
They say Trump is merely a symptom, not the disease. That he's tapping into latent cultural currents and that we shouldn't, in fact, be surprised that his anti-Muslim, anti-immigrant, anti-"other" rhetoric is boosting his campaign and invigorating white supremacy.
Trump is "definitely not an outlier," Erika Lee, director of the Immigration History Research Center at the University of Minnesota, told The Hill. "We always have this undercurrent of xenophobia that can burst at the seams. This might be the match that turns something that was simmering into a boil."
"No good can come when we lie to ourselves," added Chauncey DeVega at Salon on Friday. "Donald Trump's racism, nativism, and bigotry are as American as apple pie."
Citing the "racist immigration and naturalization laws" the U.S. used for decades to "maintain its status as a majority 'white' country," DeVega continued: "Nativism and xenophobia are not limited to the demagoguery of Republican carnival-show barker professional wrestling wannabe reality TV show hosts who want to be president of the United States."
Indeed, Peter Schroeder reported Friday for The Hill, "there is a significant chunk of the public eager to crack down on an influx of foreigners."
"The sentiment is there in the electorate," said Julian Zelizer, a professor of history and public policy at Princeton University. "You don't need Donald Trump to have people who are calling for borders to be closed, but he taps into it. He brings it out."
Consider Bettina Norden, a 60-year-old farmer in Springfield, Oregon, who said of Trump in an interview with the New York Times on Friday: "He'll keep a sharp eye on those Muslims. He'll keep the Patriot Act together. He'll watch immigration. Stop the Muslims from immigrating."
Norden's statement supports what Olivia Nuzzi declared Friday at the Daily Beast: "Trump's ugliness does not seem to matter to his supporters because Trump's ugliness is a reflection of the rot that can devour the soul when a person is overcome by paranoia and fear."
But, Nuzzi continued:
[...] to say Trump and his supporters are cut from the same cloth would be to miss a more important point. Trump is not paranoid and he is not scared, he is merely stoking the paranoia and fear in others to his own benefit. He is exploiting the paranoia and the fear of the people who send him their money, or attend his rallies, or defend him onTwitter. They are not elites. They don't have big buildings or golf courses or book contracts or TV deals to lose. And they can inspire sympathy, even when they sound just like Trump, which they often do.
The real challenge, then, is to confront not the mouthpiece, but the underlying message.
"Racism, bigotry and xenophobia are a core part of America's national character," DeVega warned in Salon. "We cannot defeat Donald Trump until we acknowledge that fact and own its legacy."