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For all his bluster and noise, Musk never figured out how to meet people where they are. Utopian tech visions rarely do.
Elon Musk’s political and cultural influence—once feared as dystopic, transformative, and totalizing—is beginning to resemble a flash in the pan.
Not long ago, Musk seemed poised to remake the world—or at least to meme it into submission. His presence felt not only pervasive but inescapable. He was the heir apparent to techno-authoritarian chic: a “dark MAGA” demigod in a zip-up jacket, preaching a gospel of Martian salvation and machine-learning rapture.
But today, his standing is slipping. Recent reports suggest Musk has fallen out with U.S. President Donald Trump’s inner circle. Cabinet members reportedly clashed with him over his interference in federal agencies; others took him to task for rogue public statements. He drew further public ire for what many saw as a graceless and callous approach to mass firings. Polls show that while many Americans still express interest in the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), they overwhelmingly disapprove of Musk at the helm.
Unlike traditional MAGA, Musk’s vision doesn’t look backward into the past. It projects forward—into the void.
Then came his public rebuke in Wisconsin, where a $20 million effort to influence a state Supreme Court election—complete with Musk handing out million-dollar checks at a rally—was soundly rejected by voters. All the while, Tesla faced mounting scrutiny from regulators, and average Americans started attacking the cars themselves.
Now, his jokes have gone stale. X (formerly Twitter) is drifting into irrelevance, and his once-magnetic pull over public discourse feels more like static than signal. The man who once stormed a stage wielding a chainsaw is now being quietly uninvited from the party.
But if this does mark the end of Musk’s political career, it shouldn’t be remembered as a sideshow. Musk represents a recurring fantasy: a transgenerational techno-messianic dream that imagines salvation through systems, transcendence through circuitry.
To understand Musk’s rise and fall, it helps to look backward—specifically, to his grandfather, Joshua Haldeman. A Canadian chiropractor and political dreamer, Haldeman led the Canadian chapter of Technocracy Inc., a gray-uniformed movement in the 1930s that believed engineers—not politicians—should rule the world. It was a post-democratic fantasy of optimized control, an early prototype of what we now call algorithmic governance.
When that didn’t pan out, Haldeman joined the Social Credit movement around the time its Quebec chapter began promoting The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and flirting with homegrown fascism. Censured and disillusioned, he moved his family to apartheid South Africa, a country he praised in his writings as a stronghold of Western Christian values and white self-governance. There, Musk’s father, Errol, built wealth through engineering and real estate ventures, and later acquired part ownership in an emerald mine in Zambia.
Elon Musk inherited this worldview and polished it. His own techno-utopianism is just a shinier version of this old settler dream. The medium changed. But the fantasy didn’t.
Unlike traditional MAGA, Musk’s vision doesn’t look backward into the past. It projects forward—into the void. His vision is of a world run by smart people and smarter machines, with little room for emotional irregularity, biological vulnerability, or democratic friction. In this model, emotion is treated as a bug. The body becomes obsolete.
It’s not just Musk. His outlook is broadly shared among a certain class of technocratic elites who, despite appearing ideologically opposed, converge on a shared goal: the construction of a post-human world. Whether framed as innovation, inevitability, or progress, the underlying premise is the same—merge biology with technology, and minimize the complications of the human condition.
Klaus Schwab, the recently investigated former head of the World Economic Forum—and an advocate of implantable microchips—summarized this new paradigm in a 2022 interview with Swiss broadcaster RTS: “In this new world, we must accept transparency—total transparency. You have to get used to it. It must become integrated into your personality.” He added, “But if you have nothing to hide, you shouldn’t be afraid.”
That same year, Yuval Noah Harari, a senior advisor to the WEF, declared: “We are now hackable animals… The idea that we have a soul, this spirit, and free will—that’s over.”
As the AI wave crested, the tech industry followed suit. Meta launched a child-friendly AI therapist. Microsoft patented chatbot technology to simulate the dead. Apple’s VisionOS 3.0 began muting family group chats based on an “emotional volatility index.” Emotional honesty gave way to managed vibes.
Amid it all, Musk tweeted: “It has become increasingly clear that humanity is the biological bootlicker of AI.” A curious comment from a man who has actively helped to tighten the laces.
But now, the music seems to have stopped. Musk appears increasingly out of step with the moment. For all his bluster and noise, he never figured out how to meet people where they are.
Utopian tech visions rarely do. They tend to hover above the friction of daily life—above labor, land, and limits—before, inevitably, they come crashing back to Earth.
Correction: An earlier version of this piece referred to Klaus Schwab as the likely former head of the World Economic Forum. However, he resigned days before the piece was published. It has been edited to reflect this.
If we don't join together in this current crisis and the battles to come but sit on the sidelines licking our wounds, continuing to feel offended and betrayed, then the forces of oppression win.
Significant numbers in the Black community feel betrayed by our so-called allies who ignored the warnings of Black people regarding the election, its political rhetoric, and the history of racism and white supremacy in the country. So, in response to feelings of betrayal a Black preacher in Chicago recently framed the sentiment on social media, writing, "Nope, I turned out in November; they didn't!"
This feeling is pervasive within the Black community as people articulate the frustrations felt because of the outcome of the presidential elections last November. When asking people to turn out for the "Hands Off" rallies, the Gaza and pro-Palestinian demonstrations, or even to protest the roundup of immigrants, there is a post-November 2024 pushback which is derived from a sense of betrayal because the people now asking for our participation and support did not stand with the Black community in the 2024 elections. In barbershops, beauty shops, nail salons, social clubs, fraternities, and sororities discussions have been animated expressing various theories in America's rejection of a Black person for President, and particularly in this case, a Black woman. The underlying feelings is that of betrayal and desertion.
Sure, there are all kinds of justifications for the rejection of the Harris-Walz ticket ranging from the Biden-Harris support of the genocide in Gaza, "She was a prosecutor who contributed to mass incarceration", to "I will not vote for the lesser of two evils." There were also the economic arguments citing inflation, and the failure of the Biden administration to deal with the cost of going to the grocery store. There were also the clandestine discussions laced with misogyny and race offering that a woman was unable to lead, and a Black woman was even worse than a Black man. Race and gender hatred are strong undercurrents of the Harris rejection, which is confirmed by the Trump-MAGA obsession with attacking and dismantling all Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion initiatives.
We have been played, and it is important for us to remember that the political game of fascism will have its way with us if we decide to sit out the various movements that attempt to resist this currently hostile order.
The dog whistle to white America is that DEI led to the election of a Black president in 2008, the increasing visibility of other Black faces, the prominence of people of color and different kinds of people in government and leadership, as well as advancing the sensibilities of gender equality. The anti-DEI framework also believes that immigrants have been welcomed and coddled by offering sanctuary and protection, multiplying their numbers, which dilutes the white population and poses a serious threat to the powers of white supremacy and the white ability to rule. Indeed, we are seeing and witnessing currently an aggressive clutch for power and the reassertion of white supremacy.
The Black community had seen all this before and can still hear the ghostly chains of enslavement synchronized to the racist tropes of old. The Black community largely was not fooled by the appeals of grocery store affordability or removing immigrants to make way for "Black" jobs, or the other empty promises of MAGA-Trump. We had seen it all, and it is difficult for us to believe that others could not see what we saw. Likewise, it is difficult and unbelievable to hear people now state that "it is worse than I imagined." We knew what would happen, and we feel betrayed by so-called allies who did not listen to our counsel and should have understood the racist history of America better and heeded the violence planned against people because of race, immigration, gender, or belonging to the LGBTQIA community. Instead of heeding all our warnings and alarms, significant enough numbers of white women, Latinos, and even some Black folks chose to drink the Kool-Aid of a sanitized racism sweetened with appeals of bringing jobs home, cheaper eggs, and making America first in the world.
There are all kinds of justifications for the Trump victory in 2024. Economic grievances, the lesser of two evils argument, objections resulting from the Gaza genocide, concern over former Vice President Kamala Harris' legal career and governmental service, and the secret handshakes and winks expressing real disdain for a Black woman led to Harris' defeat. But the latter three arguments or justifications were not persuasive to the Black community because the choices offered in this political system have always been between the lesser of two evils, and race history in America has taught us of the precariousness of life and that we always live under threat of a massacre or genocide.
We have never experienced a benevolent government. Though some governments and candidates have been better than others, the very structure of governance has never been benevolent. The system is not a system that is just or fair, but it has always been a system where fights have had to be waged for justice and fairness. We have always had to weigh who would be better on race, and who would be worse. We have had to weigh who would be better to fight against versus who would be worse. We have had to analyze and understand what sources of money and forces of political power were behind a candidate and what that ultimately meant for the safety of the Black community and our advancement. The lesser of the worst argument has always been the Black reality, and we have understood historically that the system is malicious in character, racially unjust, and unfair. There has been a constant fight to go forward, and a continuous struggle against being pushed back.
We said to the immigrant community that the assault on race was real, that the immigrant community would be hunted and hounded like Black folks were before and after passage of the Fugitive Slave Act or stopped and arrested like scores of people "driving while Black," but we were not heard or understood. Portions of the Latino community were pulled to the right and voted against their own interest despite the anti-immigrant rhetoric of the Trump-MAGA campaign. A segment of the Latino community did not realize at the time that the rhetoric would criminalize and endanger all the Latino community. A resident of Prince Georges County, Maryland, Kílmar Abrego García, was disappeared to El Salvador. According to the administration his arrest and deportation were a mistake, but it is a mistake that the administration obstinately refuses to correct. There are also numbers of Latinos being stopped and arrested by masked goons and swept away. It is reported that the administration is scouring through social media and legal documents gleaning any kind of justification for the cancelling of student visas and the deportation of immigrants (documented and undocumented). Yet, 43% of the Latino community voted for U.S. President Donald Trump! This represented an increase of 8% more Latino votes going to Trump than in the previous presidential elections. When we hear this statistic, we are rightfully alarmed, yet we cannot lose sight that this also means that 57% of the Latino community understood the struggle in America and took seriously the alarm cited by the Black community.
We were further alarmed by women who seem unable to hear the warnings of misogyny that have been experienced throughout the Black sojourn in America. The struggle to have autonomy over being, health, and existence have been all too real in the Black experience. Therefore, the Black community felt that women would surely hear, understand, and mobilize around the assaults on reproductive freedom, healthcare, and body autonomy. So, it was a surprise to know that 53% of white women voted for Trump. Similar majorities of white women have backed Republican presidential nominees in every election since 2004. But we have also forgotten, because of the ways statistics are sensationalized, that a majority of "ALL" women voted for the Harris-Walz ticket. They rejected the narrow and racist perspectives of the right-wing agenda in this election and in previous elections as well.
We can emotionally understand the Arab-Muslim-Pro-Palestine base not voting for Harris. By any stretch of the imagination, it would have been a steep climb to expect them to simply vote for the supporters of the Netanyahu-Zionist genocide in Gaza. So, this bloc of voters in protest either voted for Trump, a third-party candidate, or sat out the elections as punishment for the Biden-Harris blind support of Israel and its occupation and genocide. But not voting for the lesser of two evils in this case was to cast a vote for the victor—Trump. The protest vote, whether for Trump, a third-party candidate, or to sit out the election had the effect of turning loose and unmuzzling the monster of America's original sin—racism and white supremacy. The deserved punishment of Harris meant rewarding the deeply entrenched agenda of whiteness and unleashing a ferocious and unapologetic form of hatred that will require extreme and Herculean measures to resist.
Yet even the Black community is not immune from its own contradictions rooted in sexism and racial self-hatred. We are infected with all the gender bias that exists in the larger community, as well as our own struggles against one another—self-hatred. For example, though Harris won 80% of the Black vote, that however represented a 10% drop from former President Joe Biden in 2020. This means that 90% of the Black community would vote for a white man versus only 80% for a Black woman. Biden received 81 million votes in 2020 and Harris only 75 million in 2024. Six million voters either stayed home or voted for a third-party candidate. It was not necessarily that Biden was a better candidate over Harris, but he was white and male!
The Trump-MAGA forces exploited the gender and race biases within the Black, Latino, and white (male and female) communities. The political right offered and framed news stories and opinions promoting the gender crisis for Harris among Black males in an effort to give permission to Black males to desert a Black woman. There is also the psychological damage of being Black in a white world where the culture has conditioned people to think that white is better than Black, and white male is far better than Black female!
The impurity and contradictions of the American political system have always placed before us choices of evil. The Black perspective however had always had to discern which evil is more entrenched and enshrined in the callous and sub-human hatred of old. One evil represents a historical cloth that produced the Trail of Tears, protected slavery, removed Indigenous people from lands at home and abroad, and celebrated white supremacy and power and theologically called it Manifest Destiny. The other is a liberal appearing form of evil. It speaks in terms of the rule of law and democracy but lacks in each. It forms alliances internationally with other flawed liberal-appearing democracies, if those governments are aligned financially and politically with its interests. It is permissive toward racism and white supremacy at home and abroad as evidenced by the massive urban "renewal" (removal) programs of the 1960s and 70s, mass incarceration that fell disproportionately on Blacks, and its support of the old racially segregated regime in South Africa or apartheid Israel today. It speaks to Blacks and other politically oppressed people in patronizing and paternalistic terms. It offers empty solutions to real problems to present themselves as magnanimous and sincere while not threatening or giving away their own grip on power. We have had to constantly organize against and challenge this evil, endeavoring to bend it toward justice or break it. One evil is clothed in the hatred and imperialism of old, and the other, though bad, was the lesser of evils that represented a dynamic that the Black community always had to live and struggle with. Again, people did not and could not hear our counsel to stand and fight another day rather than to lose and have it all taken away by madmen unapologetically bent on a white agenda in a white world.
We recognized who and what the Trump-MAGA movement is and what it meant for the safety of the Black community. We also knew intuitively that the safety of the Black community also meant the safety of all our allies, whether those allies were real or not. Black people could see the writing on the walls because we have heard all the rhetoric before lingering in the air and echoing through the cobwebbed hallways of racial struggle that unfortunately is not only of the past but in the present.
We are startled to think that people are still deluded by myths of democracy and think the system is well-meaning. People believe in the kindness of the system only because the legacies of enslavement, exploitation, and genocide are ignored along with the continuing effects of those legacies. The banning of books, the discarding of photographs showing images of Black people and women, the erasing of history, and the castigation of Critical Race Theory are calculated programs to further sanitize the foul odors of the country's past and present. Given all those factors it should be no surprise that Trump was able to declare victory because of a combination of arguments and reasons that were woven from the torn mythologized fabric of America's illusion of democracy and its altruism. We were surprised and shocked by what appeared to be a betrayal by people and movements that we considered to be part of the wall guarding against the re-entrenchment of racism, misogyny, hatred, xenophobia, and white supremacy. We were surprised, in shock, bewildered, and astonished by people who did not recognize the historical language of racism or the vicious actions that would ensue from it. The feelings of betrayal are real but are also shallow and misguided.
The sense of betrayal and alienation plays into the hands of the forces dismantling DEI, deporting immigrants, curbing First Amendment rights, and flagrantly violating the rule of law. They were able to get elected because they fostered spears of division that separated us over gender, race, and economics. Their strategy worked superbly. Our unity is our strength. If we don't join together in this current crisis and the battles to come but sit on the sidelines licking our wounds, continuing to feel offended and betrayed, then the forces of oppression win.
Let's admit that we have all been played, and their agenda was to play us against one another, fracturing votes over one issue or another and splintering one constituency group from the other until the numbers secured their victory. We have been played, and it is important for us to remember that the political game of fascism will have its way with us if we decide to sit out the various movements that attempt to resist this currently hostile order. Let's get over it and get back to work. This means that we must support one another from federal workers to Palestine, from Black Lives and reparations to LGBTQIA Rights, from immigrants to the rights of foreign students to study and speak out. All the issues are mine. And all the issues must be ours. We must support one another and join together so that no one is left out or behind. As Fannie Lou Hamer, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Emma Lazarus said similarly, "No one is free until everyone is free."
If people knew about the Wilmington Coup, they would understand that white supremacist violence has long been a feature—not a glitch—of the American political system.
In the wake of the 2020 uprising for racial justice, many Americans began learning the history of racial violence left out of their textbooks, as widespread protests of the murder of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and so many others demanded a reckoning with the country’s legacy of white supremacy. Black communities were finally able to force a discussion into the mainstream media about white supremacist violence and historical events like the Tulsa Massacre of 1921, in which a white mob attacked the prosperous Black community of Greenwood (known as Black Wall Street), burning homes and businesses, killing hundreds, and displacing thousands.
Yet, even as some long-buried histories came to light, others—such as the 1898 Wilmington Coup, when white supremacists violently overthrew a democratically elected, Reconstruction-era multiracial government in North Carolina—remain largely unknown. For a brief period, because of the unprecedented numbers of people marching in the streets, the nation began to confront its past with honesty. However, when the protests receded, so did the media’s focus on Black history. Many critical chapters in the struggle for racial justice remain buried beneath layers of denial and deliberate erasure.
That willful denial was on display in the narrative that emerged surrounding the events of January 6, 2021, when a mob violently stormed the U.S. Capitol building, waving Confederate flags, wearing clothing with fascist slogans like “Camp Auschwitz,” and carrying nooses and other symbols of racial violence. In the attack’s aftermath, many politicians condemned the violence and sought to reassure the nation. Then-President-elect Joe Biden stated, “The scenes of chaos at the Capitol do not reflect a true America, do not represent who we are.” Even Republican Rep. Mike Waltz of Florida, a staunch supporter of President Donald Trump, condemned the violence, writing, “This is not who we are as a people or as a country. This is wrong and condemnable.”
When we understand Wilmington, we see that January 6 was not an aberration; it was a continuation of a historical pattern where white supremacy reacts violently to challenges against its dominance.
But these statements ignore the long history of white supremacist assaults on democracy in the United States—a history so deeply embedded that during Reconstruction, amid mass Black political organizing and grassroots pressure, Congress was forced to act. In 1871, Congress passed the Klan Enforcement Act to give the federal government the power to protect constitutional rights from groups like the Ku Klux Klan that used “force, intimidation, or threat” to undermine Black political participation and overthrow democratic institutions. In fact, parts of this very law were cited in lawsuits and criminal prosecutions following the January 6 insurrection. If, as many claimed, “this is not who we are,” then why was a law to stop this kind of violence passed over 150 years ago?
Among the most significant examples of white supremacist political violence in the United States is the 1898 Wilmington Coup. It stands as one of the worst racist attacks in U.S. history, yet is absent from the lessons most students learn in school. The fact that the federal government didn’t invoke the Klan Act to prosecute the perpetrators of the Wilmington Coup demonstrates their complicity in using violence to maintain systemic racism. If people knew the history of the Wilmington Coup, they would understand that white supremacist violence has long been a feature—not a glitch—of the American political system.
In the late 19th century, Wilmington was a thriving majority-Black city where Black men held office, ran businesses, and participated in civic life. This progress was not an anomaly—it reflected the important gains that Black people fought for and won during Reconstruction. In the years following the Civil War, Black communities helped build a new vision for democracy in the South. They established public schools; elected Black representatives to local, state, and federal office; advocated for civil rights; and created thriving economic institutions such as mutual aid societies, churches, and newspapers. Wilmington’s multiracial government and Black political power were forged in this Reconstruction-era struggle.
But this progress was intolerable to those in the Democratic Party, which positioned itself as the party of white dominance in the South. In the years leading up to 1898, a political coalition known as “fusion” emerged, threatening the Democratic Party’s grip on power. As historian LeRae Umfleet explains, “Fusion took disaffected Democrats, which were the Populist Party, and Republican voters, who were the voters of Abraham Lincoln’s party—Black men and progressive white men—and it fused the voting power of those two blocks of voters.” This coalition successfully elected a Republican governor in 1896, marking a dramatic shift in political power that white Democrats sought to reverse at all costs.
Central to their plan was the use of propaganda. As Yoruba Richen, filmmaker of a documentary on the Wilmington Coup, points out, “Josephus Daniels, the publisher of Raleigh’s News and Observer, was one of the architects of the coup. He had the very smart idea—since so many white people were also illiterate—to use cartoons to gin up this myth, this racist trope of the Black man raping white women and taking over government.”
At the same time, Alex Manly, editor of Wilmington’s Daily Record, was running one of the country’s only Black-owned daily newspapers. The Daily Record was a vital resource for Wilmington’s Black community, reporting on their achievements and providing a platform for challenging the era’s pervasive racism. Manly became a target of white supremacists after responding to a racist speech by Rebecca Felton, the wife of a Georgia senator, who claimed that Black men were raping white women and called for lynchings to stop this so-called epidemic.
As Richen explains, “Manly wrote a response saying this is basically BS. He pointed out that, as a man of mixed race himself, unions between Black men and white women often occurred freely because white women were attracted to Black men. He also emphasized that Black women had historically been the ones raped, and no one said anything about that.” This editorial enraged white supremacists and was used by Josephus Daniels and others to justify the coup.
On November 10, 1898, when the violence began, the mob first targeted the Daily Record. White men and boys burned the building to the ground, ensuring the destruction of a powerful voice for Wilmington’s Black community. Manly and his brother narrowly escaped, using their light skin to pass as white. Richen describes the chilling aftermath: “One of the few pictures that we have from the coup is of the Record being burned, with white men and boys surrounding it. It’s very reminiscent of the lynching photos we saw at the time and thereafter.”
The attack on the Daily Record was not only an act of physical violence, but also a deliberate effort to silence Black voices and destroy attempts at multiracial democracy.
The erasure of the Wilmington Coup from U.S. history textbooks was the result of a deliberate campaign to suppress the truth. White supremacist organizations like the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) played a central role in shaping the way history was taught in schools. UDC President Mrs. James A. Rounsaville, at their annual convening in 1909, made their goals plain: “It has ever been the cherished purpose of the Daughters of the Confederacy to secure greater educational opportunities for Confederate children, and by thorough training of their powers of mind, heart, and hand, render it possible for these representatives of our Southern race to retain for that race its supremacy in its own land.” As the PBS article “How to Cover up a Coup” explains, “For millions of students passing through North Carolina’s public schools, learning from textbooks that never mentioned the deadly 1898 coup d’etat in their state, it was as though that event never happened.”
Dr. Crystal Sanders, now a history professor at Emory University, reflected on this erasure: “I took several courses on North Carolina history throughout my middle school and high school career, and I never recall hearing about the Wilmington Insurrection.” This erasure continues today. I recently reviewed the History Alive! textbook, which makes no mention of the Wilmington Coup—deadening students’ understanding of Reconstruction and the white supremacist backlash that followed.
This lack of education is not an isolated issue. As the Zinn Education Project’s report Erasing the Black Freedom Struggle: How State Standards Fail to Teach the Truth About Reconstruction shows, “[I]n more than a dozen states, the Dunning School of false and distorted framing still influences standards and curricula.” The report goes on to explain, “Most state standards focus on government bodies and other elites as primary actors of Reconstruction, rather than the achievements and perspectives of ordinary Black people, whose unprecedented grassroots work in governing, education, labor, health, and more lies at the heart of the era. Most standards also fail to note white supremacy’s role in defeating Reconstruction or connections between that historic period and today.”
The Wilmington Coup reveals that white supremacist attacks on democracy are deeply embedded in U.S. history. Erasing this history allows the myth of American exceptionalism to persist, leaving us ill-equipped to recognize—and confront—the recurrence of such violence. When we understand Wilmington, we see that January 6 was not an aberration; it was a continuation of a historical pattern where white supremacy reacts violently to challenges against its dominance.
Learning these truths empowers us to create change. We can choose to struggle for a true multiracial democracy, one where history is taught honestly. When we teach students the truth, we equip them to dismantle the systems of injustice that have persisted for generations—and to build a future where democracy is not just an ideal, but a reality.