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Supporters of US President Donald Trump protest inside the US Capitol on January 6, 2021, in Washington, DC. Demonstrators breeched security and entered the Capitol as Congress debated the 2020 presidential election Electoral Vote Certification. (Photo: Brent Stirton/Getty Images)
The Grand Old Insurrectionist Party of January 6
The coup attempt turned into a road map for the national GOP. Whether democracy survives is up to us.
Jan 05, 2022
The defeat of Donald Trump in 2020 was supposed to put an end to America's delusional national politics.
The quashing of the January 6 insurrection--and the brief, near-unanimous revulsion among members of Trump's party for that violence--provided some hope that the fever dream had passed.
Trumpism, which started out as a simple-minded rejection of the status quo, has become something else: a thorough rejection of democratic procedures and a darkly conspiratorial hatred of federal power.
But the last year demonstrated quite the opposite. Trumpism, which started out as a simple-minded rejection of the status quo, has become something else: a thorough rejection of democratic procedures and a darkly conspiratorial hatred of federal power.
This corrosive ideology is now orthodoxy within the Republican Party, and that party remains just popular enough--and ruthless enough--to win back Congress this year and, potentially, the White House in 2024.
Those who adhere to Trumpism have recast the insurrectionists as heroes--"patriots who love their country," in the words of Virginia State Senator Amanda Chase--and are determined to block all efforts to determine who was ultimately responsible for what happened that day.
Congress recently debated whether Trump's former chief of staff Mark Meadows should be charged with criminal contempt for refusing to testify about the events of that day.
At the debate, Trump's lap dogs talked about immigration, Hunter Biden, mask mandates--everything but Meadows' contempt of Congress. Rep. Mary Miller (R-IL) then lambasted the House select committee's work to investigate the events of January 6 as "evil and un-American."
In the vote on the House floor to refer charges on Meadows, only two Republicans supported the measure: Adam Kinzinger, who will be retiring after this session, and Liz Cheney, who has practically been drummed out of the party for her stand against Trump.
According to recent polling, nearly 70 percent of Trump voters think that Biden was not legitimately elected in 2020. Worse, 40 percent of Republicans believe that violence against the government can be justified.
It's no surprise that, in 2021, D.C. authorities recorded nearly 10,000 threats against members of Congress and the Capitol itself, the highest number to date.
Outside of Washington, the Republican party is ramming through bills to roll back public health measures, reproductive choice, and the right to vote itself.
Republican-led states have banned vaccine mandates in defiance of Washington. By mid-December, 19 states had pushed through 34 laws restricting access to voting. And with Texas leading the way, over 20 states have prepared legislation to ban abortion as soon as the Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, which the Trump-packed court seems increasingly likely to do.
On these and other issues, Republican governors are pretending as if Biden weren't in fact elected in 2020.
The insurrection of January 6 was a frightening reminder of the fragility of American democracy. But while the rioters were repulsed, and many of them arrested and thrown in prison, what's happened in the last year is potentially more troubling. The insurrection has been institutionalized within a political party and implemented across half the states.
This larger insurrection, organized by a powerful party, urged on by right-wing media, and funded by big-pocketed donors, won't have to storm the barricades. They're already in power--and they want more.
Starting right now, defenders of democracy will need to press Democrats in Congress and the White House to act quickly to protect voting rights and elections, the right to choose, and public health, all while managing inflation and a pandemic.
Will American democracy survive the onslaught? That's up to us.
We are at a crossroads
This country and this world are at a monumental crossroads. US voters have an opportunity to beat back the forces of fascism and confront the billionaires who are rigging the economy, our media system, and our democracy, making it increasingly impossible for ordinary people to get by. We’re not just talking about the election. We’re talking about what must be done once these fascist elements are vanquished from power. We need a bolder set of solutions than what either major party has so far been willing to offer and a working-class movement ready to fight like hell for it. Trump didn't emerge from nowhere. The conditions that fueled MAGA authoritarianism were created by decades of radical neoliberal economic policies and a corrupt political system dominated by corporate interests. They slashed taxes on the super-rich, promising that the benefits would trickle down. They said giveaways to the corporate titans would make life more affordable for the rest of us. It was all bullshit. And when a bitter, betrayed populace searches for someone to blame, right-wing demagogues have little trouble finding scapegoats. People know when they're being lied to, but you won't hear any of this from the corporate media. Only independent journalism—powered and funded by people who believe in building a better world—can deliver truly trustworthy daily news. If you share our vision, please contribute whatever you can to sustain our work. |
This column was distributed by OtherWords.
John Feffer
John Feffer is the author of the dystopian novel "Splinterlands" (2016) and the director of Foreign Policy In Focus at the Institute for Policy Studies. His novel, "Frostlands" (2018) is book two of his Splinterlands trilogy. Splinterlands book three "Songlands" was published in 2021. His podcast is available here.
The defeat of Donald Trump in 2020 was supposed to put an end to America's delusional national politics.
The quashing of the January 6 insurrection--and the brief, near-unanimous revulsion among members of Trump's party for that violence--provided some hope that the fever dream had passed.
Trumpism, which started out as a simple-minded rejection of the status quo, has become something else: a thorough rejection of democratic procedures and a darkly conspiratorial hatred of federal power.
But the last year demonstrated quite the opposite. Trumpism, which started out as a simple-minded rejection of the status quo, has become something else: a thorough rejection of democratic procedures and a darkly conspiratorial hatred of federal power.
This corrosive ideology is now orthodoxy within the Republican Party, and that party remains just popular enough--and ruthless enough--to win back Congress this year and, potentially, the White House in 2024.
Those who adhere to Trumpism have recast the insurrectionists as heroes--"patriots who love their country," in the words of Virginia State Senator Amanda Chase--and are determined to block all efforts to determine who was ultimately responsible for what happened that day.
Congress recently debated whether Trump's former chief of staff Mark Meadows should be charged with criminal contempt for refusing to testify about the events of that day.
At the debate, Trump's lap dogs talked about immigration, Hunter Biden, mask mandates--everything but Meadows' contempt of Congress. Rep. Mary Miller (R-IL) then lambasted the House select committee's work to investigate the events of January 6 as "evil and un-American."
In the vote on the House floor to refer charges on Meadows, only two Republicans supported the measure: Adam Kinzinger, who will be retiring after this session, and Liz Cheney, who has practically been drummed out of the party for her stand against Trump.
According to recent polling, nearly 70 percent of Trump voters think that Biden was not legitimately elected in 2020. Worse, 40 percent of Republicans believe that violence against the government can be justified.
It's no surprise that, in 2021, D.C. authorities recorded nearly 10,000 threats against members of Congress and the Capitol itself, the highest number to date.
Outside of Washington, the Republican party is ramming through bills to roll back public health measures, reproductive choice, and the right to vote itself.
Republican-led states have banned vaccine mandates in defiance of Washington. By mid-December, 19 states had pushed through 34 laws restricting access to voting. And with Texas leading the way, over 20 states have prepared legislation to ban abortion as soon as the Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, which the Trump-packed court seems increasingly likely to do.
On these and other issues, Republican governors are pretending as if Biden weren't in fact elected in 2020.
The insurrection of January 6 was a frightening reminder of the fragility of American democracy. But while the rioters were repulsed, and many of them arrested and thrown in prison, what's happened in the last year is potentially more troubling. The insurrection has been institutionalized within a political party and implemented across half the states.
This larger insurrection, organized by a powerful party, urged on by right-wing media, and funded by big-pocketed donors, won't have to storm the barricades. They're already in power--and they want more.
Starting right now, defenders of democracy will need to press Democrats in Congress and the White House to act quickly to protect voting rights and elections, the right to choose, and public health, all while managing inflation and a pandemic.
Will American democracy survive the onslaught? That's up to us.
John Feffer
John Feffer is the author of the dystopian novel "Splinterlands" (2016) and the director of Foreign Policy In Focus at the Institute for Policy Studies. His novel, "Frostlands" (2018) is book two of his Splinterlands trilogy. Splinterlands book three "Songlands" was published in 2021. His podcast is available here.
The defeat of Donald Trump in 2020 was supposed to put an end to America's delusional national politics.
The quashing of the January 6 insurrection--and the brief, near-unanimous revulsion among members of Trump's party for that violence--provided some hope that the fever dream had passed.
Trumpism, which started out as a simple-minded rejection of the status quo, has become something else: a thorough rejection of democratic procedures and a darkly conspiratorial hatred of federal power.
But the last year demonstrated quite the opposite. Trumpism, which started out as a simple-minded rejection of the status quo, has become something else: a thorough rejection of democratic procedures and a darkly conspiratorial hatred of federal power.
This corrosive ideology is now orthodoxy within the Republican Party, and that party remains just popular enough--and ruthless enough--to win back Congress this year and, potentially, the White House in 2024.
Those who adhere to Trumpism have recast the insurrectionists as heroes--"patriots who love their country," in the words of Virginia State Senator Amanda Chase--and are determined to block all efforts to determine who was ultimately responsible for what happened that day.
Congress recently debated whether Trump's former chief of staff Mark Meadows should be charged with criminal contempt for refusing to testify about the events of that day.
At the debate, Trump's lap dogs talked about immigration, Hunter Biden, mask mandates--everything but Meadows' contempt of Congress. Rep. Mary Miller (R-IL) then lambasted the House select committee's work to investigate the events of January 6 as "evil and un-American."
In the vote on the House floor to refer charges on Meadows, only two Republicans supported the measure: Adam Kinzinger, who will be retiring after this session, and Liz Cheney, who has practically been drummed out of the party for her stand against Trump.
According to recent polling, nearly 70 percent of Trump voters think that Biden was not legitimately elected in 2020. Worse, 40 percent of Republicans believe that violence against the government can be justified.
It's no surprise that, in 2021, D.C. authorities recorded nearly 10,000 threats against members of Congress and the Capitol itself, the highest number to date.
Outside of Washington, the Republican party is ramming through bills to roll back public health measures, reproductive choice, and the right to vote itself.
Republican-led states have banned vaccine mandates in defiance of Washington. By mid-December, 19 states had pushed through 34 laws restricting access to voting. And with Texas leading the way, over 20 states have prepared legislation to ban abortion as soon as the Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, which the Trump-packed court seems increasingly likely to do.
On these and other issues, Republican governors are pretending as if Biden weren't in fact elected in 2020.
The insurrection of January 6 was a frightening reminder of the fragility of American democracy. But while the rioters were repulsed, and many of them arrested and thrown in prison, what's happened in the last year is potentially more troubling. The insurrection has been institutionalized within a political party and implemented across half the states.
This larger insurrection, organized by a powerful party, urged on by right-wing media, and funded by big-pocketed donors, won't have to storm the barricades. They're already in power--and they want more.
Starting right now, defenders of democracy will need to press Democrats in Congress and the White House to act quickly to protect voting rights and elections, the right to choose, and public health, all while managing inflation and a pandemic.
Will American democracy survive the onslaught? That's up to us.
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