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Statue of First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt at the Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, Washington, D.C. (Photo: Inequality.org)
Eleanor Roosevelt famously said that human rights must begin in "small places, close to home." To speak to people's everyday experiences in these places, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights -- drafted with her leadership -- protects not only civil and political rights but also socioeconomic rights "indispensable" for human dignity. These include the rights to work and to just and favorable conditions of work; to education; and to housing, medical care, and social services necessary to ensure an adequate standard of living.
During her lifetime, Roosevelt would not have seen much progress towards the realization of socioeconomic rights for many in her own country (she died in 1962). But today that egalitarian vision is increasingly animating civil society activism and influencing political discourse in the United States. On the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that's worth celebrating.
The Daughters of the American Revolution similarly criticized the United Nations for causing unrest and discontent by "preaching equality" to unequal people.
During the drafting of this historic declaration, U.S. officials supported including socioeconomic rights. However, human rights quickly became a casualty of the Cold War's ideological battlefield. Soon after the United Nations General Assembly adopted the declaration in 1948, the anti-communist president of the American Bar Association denounced it as nothing more than "pink paper." The Daughters of the American Revolution similarly criticized the United Nations for causing unrest and discontent by "preaching equality" to unequal people.
Internationally, diplomatic efforts to translate the Universal Declaration into binding law stalled. Instead, almost 20 years later, two separate covenants were eventually negotiated: one on civil and political rights and another on economic, social and cultural rights. The United States is one of only a handful of major countries not to have ratified the latter.
In the United States, the vibrant mass movements for civil rights and racial equality that grew in the 1950s and 60s made limited reference to international human rights law. Constitutional rights were central, but human rights largely fell off the political radar. As Carol Anderson documents in Eyes off the Prize, this wasn't accidental. It was a tactical response to the repressive era of McCarthy-era politics, when those who advocated for rights were seen as "antithetical to basic American freedoms" and "punished mercilessly."
Activists are increasingly leveraging rights to call out the injustice and structural racism inherent in regressive public policies, including the defunding and deregulation of essential public services.
In the past decade, however, appeals to universal human rights have gained renewed traction, animating a range of U.S. socioeconomic struggles. Activists are increasingly leveraging rights to call out the injustice and structural racism inherent in regressive public policies, including the defunding and deregulation of essential public services. The contamination of Flint's water supply, for example, sparked demands for the right to water, while the growing maternal health crisis for Black women has strengthened calls for the right to health care.
Human rights are also inspiring forward-looking programs of action. As Naomi Klein emphasizes, "no is not enough." We need a compelling vision to compete with the status quo--one that that offers a tangibly better life to those suffering. Social movements are drawing on human rights to spell out that vision.
In various ways, rights underpin the Occupy Wall Street Declaration, the Movement for Black Lives Platform, the Women's March Unity Principles, the Poor People's Campaign, and the call for a New Social Contract. Importantly, these blueprints also spell out the measures needed to realize rights in practice. Progressive taxation, strong labor protections, investment in public services, green energy strategies, and, critically, democratic models that deepen participation all feature consistently.
Politicians are starting to listen, too. In debates about the Affordable Care Act, healthcare has been championed as a human right by senators Bernie Sanders, Kamala Harris, Kirsten Gillibrand, and others. Housing as a human right is also gaining support, particularly among up-and-coming congressional representatives. It was a key pillar of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's and Ilhan Omar's platforms, for example.
Understanding economic inequality as a cause and a consequence of human rights violations has the potential to be transformative. Rights help shift the narrative about what is just and unjust. By demanding that certain material needs are so essential for human flourishing that they must be guaranteed to all, rights directly challenge the logic of market fundamentalism. That's powerful. Responding to this demand means making significant structural changes to the way decisions are taken about how the economy functions.
Roosevelt feared that unless human rights had meaning in homes, schools, factories, farms, and other workplaces, they would have little meaning anywhere. Seventy years later, there's still a tremendous amount of work to do to give human rights meaning in the places they're needed most acutely. But to see today's activists increasingly rallying around socioeconomic rights is testament to the enduring vision of the Universal Declaration. I have to think Eleanor would be impressed by that.
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Eleanor Roosevelt famously said that human rights must begin in "small places, close to home." To speak to people's everyday experiences in these places, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights -- drafted with her leadership -- protects not only civil and political rights but also socioeconomic rights "indispensable" for human dignity. These include the rights to work and to just and favorable conditions of work; to education; and to housing, medical care, and social services necessary to ensure an adequate standard of living.
During her lifetime, Roosevelt would not have seen much progress towards the realization of socioeconomic rights for many in her own country (she died in 1962). But today that egalitarian vision is increasingly animating civil society activism and influencing political discourse in the United States. On the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that's worth celebrating.
The Daughters of the American Revolution similarly criticized the United Nations for causing unrest and discontent by "preaching equality" to unequal people.
During the drafting of this historic declaration, U.S. officials supported including socioeconomic rights. However, human rights quickly became a casualty of the Cold War's ideological battlefield. Soon after the United Nations General Assembly adopted the declaration in 1948, the anti-communist president of the American Bar Association denounced it as nothing more than "pink paper." The Daughters of the American Revolution similarly criticized the United Nations for causing unrest and discontent by "preaching equality" to unequal people.
Internationally, diplomatic efforts to translate the Universal Declaration into binding law stalled. Instead, almost 20 years later, two separate covenants were eventually negotiated: one on civil and political rights and another on economic, social and cultural rights. The United States is one of only a handful of major countries not to have ratified the latter.
In the United States, the vibrant mass movements for civil rights and racial equality that grew in the 1950s and 60s made limited reference to international human rights law. Constitutional rights were central, but human rights largely fell off the political radar. As Carol Anderson documents in Eyes off the Prize, this wasn't accidental. It was a tactical response to the repressive era of McCarthy-era politics, when those who advocated for rights were seen as "antithetical to basic American freedoms" and "punished mercilessly."
Activists are increasingly leveraging rights to call out the injustice and structural racism inherent in regressive public policies, including the defunding and deregulation of essential public services.
In the past decade, however, appeals to universal human rights have gained renewed traction, animating a range of U.S. socioeconomic struggles. Activists are increasingly leveraging rights to call out the injustice and structural racism inherent in regressive public policies, including the defunding and deregulation of essential public services. The contamination of Flint's water supply, for example, sparked demands for the right to water, while the growing maternal health crisis for Black women has strengthened calls for the right to health care.
Human rights are also inspiring forward-looking programs of action. As Naomi Klein emphasizes, "no is not enough." We need a compelling vision to compete with the status quo--one that that offers a tangibly better life to those suffering. Social movements are drawing on human rights to spell out that vision.
In various ways, rights underpin the Occupy Wall Street Declaration, the Movement for Black Lives Platform, the Women's March Unity Principles, the Poor People's Campaign, and the call for a New Social Contract. Importantly, these blueprints also spell out the measures needed to realize rights in practice. Progressive taxation, strong labor protections, investment in public services, green energy strategies, and, critically, democratic models that deepen participation all feature consistently.
Politicians are starting to listen, too. In debates about the Affordable Care Act, healthcare has been championed as a human right by senators Bernie Sanders, Kamala Harris, Kirsten Gillibrand, and others. Housing as a human right is also gaining support, particularly among up-and-coming congressional representatives. It was a key pillar of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's and Ilhan Omar's platforms, for example.
Understanding economic inequality as a cause and a consequence of human rights violations has the potential to be transformative. Rights help shift the narrative about what is just and unjust. By demanding that certain material needs are so essential for human flourishing that they must be guaranteed to all, rights directly challenge the logic of market fundamentalism. That's powerful. Responding to this demand means making significant structural changes to the way decisions are taken about how the economy functions.
Roosevelt feared that unless human rights had meaning in homes, schools, factories, farms, and other workplaces, they would have little meaning anywhere. Seventy years later, there's still a tremendous amount of work to do to give human rights meaning in the places they're needed most acutely. But to see today's activists increasingly rallying around socioeconomic rights is testament to the enduring vision of the Universal Declaration. I have to think Eleanor would be impressed by that.
Eleanor Roosevelt famously said that human rights must begin in "small places, close to home." To speak to people's everyday experiences in these places, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights -- drafted with her leadership -- protects not only civil and political rights but also socioeconomic rights "indispensable" for human dignity. These include the rights to work and to just and favorable conditions of work; to education; and to housing, medical care, and social services necessary to ensure an adequate standard of living.
During her lifetime, Roosevelt would not have seen much progress towards the realization of socioeconomic rights for many in her own country (she died in 1962). But today that egalitarian vision is increasingly animating civil society activism and influencing political discourse in the United States. On the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that's worth celebrating.
The Daughters of the American Revolution similarly criticized the United Nations for causing unrest and discontent by "preaching equality" to unequal people.
During the drafting of this historic declaration, U.S. officials supported including socioeconomic rights. However, human rights quickly became a casualty of the Cold War's ideological battlefield. Soon after the United Nations General Assembly adopted the declaration in 1948, the anti-communist president of the American Bar Association denounced it as nothing more than "pink paper." The Daughters of the American Revolution similarly criticized the United Nations for causing unrest and discontent by "preaching equality" to unequal people.
Internationally, diplomatic efforts to translate the Universal Declaration into binding law stalled. Instead, almost 20 years later, two separate covenants were eventually negotiated: one on civil and political rights and another on economic, social and cultural rights. The United States is one of only a handful of major countries not to have ratified the latter.
In the United States, the vibrant mass movements for civil rights and racial equality that grew in the 1950s and 60s made limited reference to international human rights law. Constitutional rights were central, but human rights largely fell off the political radar. As Carol Anderson documents in Eyes off the Prize, this wasn't accidental. It was a tactical response to the repressive era of McCarthy-era politics, when those who advocated for rights were seen as "antithetical to basic American freedoms" and "punished mercilessly."
Activists are increasingly leveraging rights to call out the injustice and structural racism inherent in regressive public policies, including the defunding and deregulation of essential public services.
In the past decade, however, appeals to universal human rights have gained renewed traction, animating a range of U.S. socioeconomic struggles. Activists are increasingly leveraging rights to call out the injustice and structural racism inherent in regressive public policies, including the defunding and deregulation of essential public services. The contamination of Flint's water supply, for example, sparked demands for the right to water, while the growing maternal health crisis for Black women has strengthened calls for the right to health care.
Human rights are also inspiring forward-looking programs of action. As Naomi Klein emphasizes, "no is not enough." We need a compelling vision to compete with the status quo--one that that offers a tangibly better life to those suffering. Social movements are drawing on human rights to spell out that vision.
In various ways, rights underpin the Occupy Wall Street Declaration, the Movement for Black Lives Platform, the Women's March Unity Principles, the Poor People's Campaign, and the call for a New Social Contract. Importantly, these blueprints also spell out the measures needed to realize rights in practice. Progressive taxation, strong labor protections, investment in public services, green energy strategies, and, critically, democratic models that deepen participation all feature consistently.
Politicians are starting to listen, too. In debates about the Affordable Care Act, healthcare has been championed as a human right by senators Bernie Sanders, Kamala Harris, Kirsten Gillibrand, and others. Housing as a human right is also gaining support, particularly among up-and-coming congressional representatives. It was a key pillar of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's and Ilhan Omar's platforms, for example.
Understanding economic inequality as a cause and a consequence of human rights violations has the potential to be transformative. Rights help shift the narrative about what is just and unjust. By demanding that certain material needs are so essential for human flourishing that they must be guaranteed to all, rights directly challenge the logic of market fundamentalism. That's powerful. Responding to this demand means making significant structural changes to the way decisions are taken about how the economy functions.
Roosevelt feared that unless human rights had meaning in homes, schools, factories, farms, and other workplaces, they would have little meaning anywhere. Seventy years later, there's still a tremendous amount of work to do to give human rights meaning in the places they're needed most acutely. But to see today's activists increasingly rallying around socioeconomic rights is testament to the enduring vision of the Universal Declaration. I have to think Eleanor would be impressed by that.
"The very institution that is supposed to keep district residents safe is now allowing ICE to jeopardize the safety and lives of hardworking immigrants and their families," said one local labor leader.
The ACLU and a local branch of one of the nation's largest labor unions were among those who condemned Thursday's order by Washington, DC's police chief authorizing greater cooperation with federal forces sent by President Donald Trump to target and arrest undocumented immigrants in the sanctuary city.
Metropolitan Police Department Chief Pamela Smith issued an executive order directing MPD officers to assist federal forces including Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in sharing information about people in situations including traffic stops. The directive does not apply to people already in MPD custody. The order also allows MPD to provide transportation for federal immigration agencies and people they've detained.
While Trump called the order a "great step," immigrant defenders slammed the move.
"Now our police department is going to be complicit and be reporting our own people to ICE?" DC Councilmember Janeese Lewis George (D-Ward 4) said. "We have values in this city. Coordination and cooperation means we become a part of the regime."
ACLU DC executive director Monica Hopkins said in a statement that "DC police chief's new order inviting collaboration with ICE is dangerous and unnecessary."
"Immigration enforcement is not the role of local police—and when law enforcement aligns itself with ICE, it fosters fear among DC residents, regardless of citizenship status," Hopkins continued. "Our police should serve the people of DC, not ICE's deportation machine."
"As the federal government scales up Immigration and Customs Enforcement operations, including mass deportations, we see how local law enforcement face pressure to participate," she added. "Federal courts across the country have found both ICE and local agencies liable for unconstitutional detentions under ICE detainers. Police departments that choose to carry out the federal government's business risk losing the trust they need to keep communities safe."
Understanding your rights can help you stay calm and advocate for yourself if approached by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) or police. 🧵
[image or embed]
— ACLU of the District of Columbia (@aclu-dc.bsky.social) August 11, 2025 at 7:30 AM
Jaime Contreras, executive vice president and Latino caucus chair of 32BJ SEIU, a local Service Employees International Union branch, said, "It should horrify everyone that DC's police chief has just laid out the welcoming mat for the Trump administration to continue its wave of terror throughout our city."
"The very institution that is supposed to keep district residents safe is now allowing ICE to jeopardize the safety and lives of hardworking immigrants and their families," Contreras continued. "Their complicity is dangerous enough but helping to enforce Trump's tactics and procedures are a violation of the values of DC residents."
"DC needs a chief who will not cave to this administration's fear tactics aimed at silencing anyone who speaks out against injustice," Contreras added. "We call for an immediate end to these rogue attacks that deny basic due process, separates families, and wrongly deports hardworking immigrants and their families."
The condemnation—and local protests—came as dozens of immigrants have been detained this week as government forces occupy and fan out across the city following Trump's deployment of National Guard troops and federalization of the MPD. The president dubiously declared a public safety emergency on Monday, invoking Section 740 of the District of Columbia Self-Government and Governmental Reorganization Act. Trump also said that he would ask the Republican-controlled Congress to authorize an extension of his federal takeover beyond the 30 days allowed under Section 740.
Washington, DC Mayor Muriel Bowser—a Democrat who calls the occupying agencies "our federal partners"—has quietly sought to overturn the capital's Sanctuary Values Amendment Act of 2020, which prohibits MPD from releasing detained individuals to ICE or inquiring about their legal status. The law also limits city officials' cooperation with immigration agencies, including by restricting information sharing regarding individuals in MPD custody.
While the DC Council recently blocked Bowser's attempt to slip legislation repealing the sanctuary policy into her proposed 2026 budget, Congress has the power to modify or even overturn Washington laws under the District of Columbia Home Rule Act of 1973. In June, the Republican-controlled U.S. House of Representatives passed Rep. Clay Higgins' (R-La.) District of Columbia Federal Immigration Compliance Act, which would repeal Washington's sanctuary policies and compel compliance with requests from the Department of Homeland Security, which includes ICE. The Senate is currently considering the bill.
Trump's crackdown has also targeted Washington's unhoused population, with MPD conducting sweeps of encampments around the city.
"There's definitely a lot of chaos, fear, and confusion," Amber Harding, executive director of the Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless, told CNN Thursday.
David Beatty, an unhoused man living in an encampment near the Kennedy Center that Trump threateningly singled out last week, was among the victims of a Thursday sweep.
Beatty told USA Today that Trump "is targeting and persecuting us," adding that "he wants to take our freedom away."
Nearly two-thirds of Americans said they disapprove of the Trump administration slashing the Social Security Administration workforce.
As the US marked the 90th anniversary of one of its most broadly popular public programs, Social Security, on Thursday, President Donald Trump marked the occasion by claiming at an Oval Office event that his administration has saved the retirees' safety net from "fraud" perpetrated by undocumented immigrants—but new polling showed that Trump's approach to the Social Security Administration is among his most unpopular agenda items.
The progressive think tank Data for Progress asked 1,176 likely voters about eight key Trump administration agenda items, including pushing for staffing cuts at the Social Security Administration; signing the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which is projected to raise the cost of living for millions as people will be shut out of food assistance and Medicaid; and firing tens of thousands of federal workers—and found that some of Americans' biggest concerns are about the fate of the agency that SSA chief Frank Bisignano has pledged to make "digital-first."
Sixty-three percent of respondents said they oppose the proposed layoffs of about 7,000 SSA staffers, or about 12% of its workforce—which, as progressives including Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) have warned, have led to longer wait times for beneficiaries who rely on their monthly earned Social Security checks to pay for groceries, housing, medications, and other essentials.
Forty-five percent of people surveyed said they were "very concerned" about the cuts.
Only the Trump administration's decision not to release files related to the Jeffrey Epstein case was more opposed by respondents, with 65% saying they disapproved of the failure to disclose the documents, which involve the financier and convicted sex offender who was a known friend of the president. But fewer voters—about 39%—said they were "very concerned" about the files.
Among "persuadable voters"—those who said they were as likely to vote for candidates from either major political party in upcoming elections—70% said they opposed the cuts to Social Security.
The staffing cuts have forced Social Security field offices across the country to close, and as Sanders said Wednesday as he introduced the Keep Billionaires Out of Social Security Act, the 1-800 number beneficiaries have to call to receive their benefits "is a mess," with staffers overwhelmed due to the loss of more than 4,000 employees so far.
As Common Dreams reported in July, another policy change this month is expected to leave senior citizens and beneficiaries with disabilities unable to perform routine tasks related to their benefits over the phone, as they have for decades—forcing them to rely on a complicated online verification process.
Late last month, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent admitted that despite repeated claims from Trump that he won't attempt to privatize Social Security, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act offers a "backdoor way" for Republicans to do just that.
The law's inclusion of tax-deferred investment accounts called "Trump accounts" that will be available to US citizen children starting next July could allow the GOP to privatize the program as it has hoped to for decades.
"Right now, the Trump administration and Republicans in Congress are quietly creating problems for Social Security so they can later hand it off to their private equity buddies," said Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) on Thursday.
Marking the program's 90th anniversary, Sanders touted his Keep Billionaires Out of Social Security Act.
"This legislation would reverse all of the cuts that the Trump administration has made to the Social Security Administration," said Sanders. "It would make it easier, not harder, for seniors and people with disabilities to receive the benefits they have earned over the phone."
"Each and every year, some 30,000 people die—they die while waiting for their Social Security benefits to be approved," said Sanders. "And Trump's cuts will make this terrible situation even worse. We cannot and must not allow that to happen."
"Voters have made their feelings clear," said the leader of Justice Democrats. "The majority do not see themselves in this party and do not believe in its leaders or many of its representatives."
A top progressive leader has given her prescription for how the Democratic Party can begin to retake power from US President Donald Trump: Ousting "corporate-funded" candidates.
Justice Democrats executive director Alexandra Rojas wrote Thursday in The Guardian that, "If the Democratic Party wants to win back power in 2028," its members need to begin to redefine themselves in the 2026 midterms.
"Voters have made their feelings clear, a majority do not see themselves in this party and do not believe in its leaders or many of its representatives," Rojas said. "They need a new generation of leaders with fresh faces and bold ideas, unbought by corporate super [political action committees] and billionaire donors, to give them a new path and vision to believe in."
Despite Trump's increasing unpopularity, a Gallup poll from July 31 found that the Democratic Party still has record-low approval across the country.
Rojas called for "working-class, progressive primary challenges to the overwhelming number of corporate Democratic incumbents who have rightfully been dubbed as do-nothing electeds."
According to a Reuters/Ipsos poll conducted in June, nearly two-thirds of self-identified Democrats said they desired new leadership, with many believing that the party did not share top priorities, like universal healthcare, affordable childcare, and higher taxes on the rich.
Young voters were especially dissatisfied with the current state of the party and were much less likely to believe the party shared their priorities.
Democrats have made some moves to address their "gerontocracy" problem—switching out the moribund then-President Joe Biden with Vice President Kamala Harris in the 2024 presidential race and swapping out longtime House Speaker Rep. Nancy Pelosi (Calif.) for the younger Rep. Hakeem Jeffries (N.Y.).
But Rojas says a face-lift for the party is not enough. They also need fresh ideas.
"Voters are also not simply seeking to replace their aging corporate shill representatives with younger corporate shills," she said. "More of the same from a younger generation is still more of the same."
Outside of a "small handful of outspoken progressives," she said the party has often been too eager to kowtow to Trump and tow the line of billionaire donors.
"Too many Democratic groups, and even some that call themselves progressive, are encouraging candidates' silence in the face of lobbies like [the America-Israel Public Affairs Committee] (AIPAC) and crypto's multimillion-dollar threats," she said.
A Public Citizen report found that in 2024, Democratic candidates and aligned PACs received millions of dollars from crypto firms like Coinbase, Ripple, and Andreesen Horowitz.
According to OpenSecrets, 58% of the 212 Democrats elected to the House in 2024—135 of them—received money from AIPAC, with an average contribution of $117,334. In the Senate, 17 Democrats who won their elections received donations—$195,015 on average.
The two top Democrats in Congress—Jeffries and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.)—both have long histories of support from AIPAC, and embraced crypto with open arms after the industry flooded the 2024 campaign with cash.
"Too often, we hear from candidates and members who claim they are with us on the policy, but can't speak out on it because AIPAC or crypto will spend against them," Rojas said. "Silence is cowardice, and cowardice inspires no one."
Rojas noted Rep. Summer Lee (D-Pa.), who was elected in 2022 despite an onslaught of attacks from AIPAC and who has since gone on to introduce legislation to ban super PACs from federal elections, as an example of this model's success.
"The path to more Democratic victories," Rojas said, "is not around, behind, and under these lobbies, but it's right through them, taking them head-on and ridding them from our politics once and for all."