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A polling station in the Mexican state of Chiapas on June 7, 2015. (Photo: Dimitri della Faille/flickr/cc)
Dear Members of the US Senate and House of Representatives,
On July 1, Mexicans will go to the polls to elect a new president, both houses of Congress, and thousands of local and state officials. As scholars and representatives of civil society organizations that focus on Mexico, we are concerned about the serious challenges surrounding these elections. We are also concerned about the potentially negative role that the US government may play in light of recent comments from this administration and a mixed track record when it comes to supporting democracy in Mexico and other countries in the hemisphere.
It is important that Mexico, one of the US's closest allies and trading partners, has a vibrant democracy, one in which citizens can freely and fairly exercise their right to vote, without restrictions or outside interference. We therefore respectfully call on you and your congressional colleagues to do everything in your power to ensure that US government policy with regard to Mexico's elections remains neutral and supportive of basic democratic norms.
Mexico has a troubling, checkered record when it comes to elections, with frequent reports of major irregularities, vote buying, and the manipulation of results. The 1988 and 2006 presidential elections were strongly denounced as fraudulent by both the political opposition and independent civil society groups. The legitimacy of the most recent presidential elections, in 2012, has also been called into question due to revelations of illegal funding, vast vote-buying schemes, and the lack of independence of official electoral institutions and much of the broadcast media.
The recent 2017 regional elections in Mexico State and Coahuila demonstrated that unfair and fraudulent electoral practices remain a major problem today. In both these elections, there were credible allegations regarding the illegal use of public and private funds in the campaigns of the winning candidates (both belonging to the party of the sitting national government), numerous serious reports of vote buying, reports of attacks and intimidation targeting opposition campaigns, and widespread doubts about the fairness of the vote counting itself.
We are also concerned by recent developments that undermine basic civil liberties, such as freedom of association, freedom of speech, and the right to peaceful protest, all of which are a prerequisite to a healthy electoral climate. Among other things, reports have emerged indicating that the Mexican government has been involved in spying on opposition activists through the use of "Pegasus" software, and has engaged in covering up the role of security forces in the 2014 mass disappearance of 43 students from Ayotzinapa, Guerrero. The government also has recently approved a new Internal Security Law that gives the armed forces a greater role in policing, causing many to fear that these forces could be used to suppress legitimate political opposition and social protest.
At the same time, there is growing discontent in Mexico with increasing levels of corruption and violence. Last year, four former state governors were arrested on charges of corruption. Mexico scored at the bottom of Transparency International's index of perceived public sector corruption, with 61 percent of those polled affirming that the level of corruption had increased. Violent crimes have also risen, with 2017 being the worst year on record in terms of the number of homicides that Mexico has experienced. As in the case of the 43 disappeared of Ayotzinapa, frequent and credible allegations of state security agents' involvement in disappearances and homicides are rarely investigated.
These and other serious problems currently plaguing Mexico can only be resolved by Mexicans. But for Mexicans to be able to effectively and collectively tackle these issues, they need to have institutions and public officials that they can rely on and believe in. Clean and fair elections are essential to achieving this.
In this context, it is imperative for the US government to support a fair and democratic electoral process in Mexico, and avoid premature statements or actions that could lend legitimacy to elections that are strongly contested on the basis of credible reports of fraud.
Unfortunately, US administrations have at times adopted unhelpful positions with regard to elections in Mexico and other countries in the region.
In last year's elections in Honduras, the US government was quick to recognize and support elections that raised serious doubts, both within Honduras and internationally. The same occurred after the Mexican presidential elections of 1988 and 2006. Such positions embolden entrenched political actors to carry out further fraudulent and unfair electoral practices. Such a scenario should not repeat itself in the upcoming elections in Mexico.
We urge you and your colleagues to make every effort to ensure that the US supports Mexican democracy by insisting on the strict adherence to fair electoral practices and compliance with laws by supporting the peaceful transition of power, and by publicly condemning any electoral irregularities or human rights violations. The US government should maintain the utmost respect for Mexican national sovereignty and the popular vote and express its commitment to building a strong relationship with any new Mexican administration.
We also encourage you to closely monitor the selection of the next United States ambassador to Mexico, subsequent to the departure of current ambassador Roberta Jacobson on May 1st, so as to ensure that he or she is equipped with the necessary experience and diplomatic skills to effectively navigate the complex and critical bilateral relationship.
Many Mexican and international electoral monitors, including many signers of this letter, will be on the ground in Mexico providing independent reports and evaluation of the elections. We will keep you posted on these monitoring efforts, and look forward to sharing key observations with you before, during, and following the July 1 electoral process.
Sincerely,
*Affiliation for identity purposes only
Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, Associate Professor, Schar School of Policy and Government, George Mason University
Laura Carlsen, Director, Americas Program, Center for International Policy
Christy Thornton, Assistant Professor, Johns Hopkins University
Tony Payan, Fellow and Director, Baker Institute Mexico Center, Rice University
Gilbert Joseph, Farnam Professor of History and International Studies, Yale University
Mary Kay Vaughan, Professor Emerita, University of Maryland, College Park
Horacio Larreguy Arbesu, Associate Professor of Government, Harvard University
Jonathan Fox, Professor, American University
Robert A. Blecker, Professor of Economics, American University
Maureen Meyer, Director for Mexico and Migrant Rights, Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
Vanessa Freije, Assistant Professor, University of Washington
Ted Lewis, Human Rights Director, Global Exchange
Manuel Perez-Rocha, Associate Fellow, Institute for Policy Studies
Karin Alejandra Rosemblatt, Associate Professor of History, University of Maryland
Alexander Avina, Associate Professor of History, School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies, Arizona State University
David Shirk, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of San Diego
Lisa VeneKlasen, Executive Director, JASS (Just Associates)
Salih Booker, Executive Director, Center for International Policy (CIP)
Margaret Chowning, Professor of History, University of California Berkeley
Jose Antonio Lucero, Associate Professor of International Studies, University of Washington
Christopher Boyer, Professor, University of Illinois - Chicago
Renata Keller, Assistant Professor, University of Nevada, Reno
John Lindsay-Poland, Coordinator, Project to Stop US Arms to Mexico
Vicki Gass, Senior Policy Advisor for Central America & Mexico, Oxfam
Stephen Morris, Professor, Dept of Political Science and International Relations, Middle Tennessee State University
Paul Gillingham, Director of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, Associate Professor of History, Northwestern University
Kevin P. Gallagher, Director, Global Development Policy Center, Boston University, USA
Louise Walker, Associate Professor of History, Northeastern University
John M. Ackerman, Law Professor, National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM)
James Cohen, Professor, North American Studies, University of Paris 3-Sorbonne Nouvelle
Alexander Main, Senior Associate for International Policy, Center for Economic and Policy
Research
Jocelyn Olcott, Associate Professor of History, Duke University
Tanalis Padilla, Associate Professor, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Daniella Burgi-Palomino, Senior Associate, Latin America Working Group
William I. Robinson, Professor of Sociology and Global and International Studies, University of California-Santa Barbara
Greg Grandin, Professor of History, New York University
Yolanda Zorayda Avila Toledo, Leadership and Capacity Building Manager, Alianza Americas
Mark Weisbrot, Co-Director, Center for Economic and Policy Research
Geoff Thale, Vice President for Programs, Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
David Montejano, Professor Emeritus of Comparative Ethnic Studies, University of California at Berkeley
Carla Garcia Zendejas, Director People, Land and Resources Program, Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL)
Dan La Botz, Murphy Institute, City University of New York
Casey Marina Lurtz, Assistant Professor of History, Johns Hopkins University
Ericka Beckman, Associate Professor of Romance Languages, University of Pennsylvania
James E. Sanders, Professor of History, Utah State University
Barbara Weinstein, Professor of History, New York University
Raymond Craib, Professor of History and Director, Latin American Studies Program, Cornell University
Amy Offner, Assistant Professor of History, University of Pennsylvania
Luis Herran Avila, Visiting Assistant Professor of History, Carleton College
Laura G. Gutierrez, Associate Professor of Mexican American and Latina/o Studies, The
University of Texas at Austin
Ginapaolo Baiocchi, Associate Professor and Director, Urban Democracy Lab, New York University
Pamela Voekel, Associate Professor of History, Dartmouth College
Sinclair Thomson, Associate Professor of History, New York University
Matthew Vitz, Assistant Professor of History, University of California, San Diego
Susan Gauss, Associate Professor, Latin American and Iberian Studies, University of Massachusetts, Boston
Alejandro Velasco, Associate Professor, Gallatin School, New York University
Robert A. Karl, Assistant Professor of History, Princeton University
Maria Josefina Saldana-Portillo, Professor of Social & Cultural Analysis, New York University
Gerardo Renique, Associate Professor, City College of New York
Adam Goodman, Assistant Professor of History, University of Illinois at Chicago
Aurelia Gomez Unamuno, Assistant Professor of Spanish, Haverford College
George Ciccariello-Maher, Visiting Scholar, Hemispheric Institute of Performance and Politics
Bruce Ackerman, Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science, Yale University
Judith Aissen, Professor Emerita of Linguistics, UC Santa Cruz
Miguel Tinker Salas, Professor, Pomona College
Benjamin H. Johnson, Associate Professor, Loyola University Chicago
Susan Rose-Ackerman, Professor of Law and Political Science, Yale University
Gareth Williams, Professor, University of Michigan
Victor Silverman, Professor, Pomona College
Guadalupe Bacio, Assistant Professor, Pomona College
Gilda Ochoa, Professor of Chicana/o-Latina/o Studies, Pomona College
Guillermo Delgado-P., Anthropologist, Univ of California Santa Cruz
James M. Cypher, Professor of Economics, Universidad Autonoma de Zacatecas and California State University (Emeritus)
Ivonne del Valle, Associate Professor, U.C. Berkeley
Bradley Levinson, Professor of Education, Indiana University
Domenico Romero, Adjunct Assistant Professor, Queens College, City University of New York
Kirsten Weld, John L. Loeb Associate Professor of the Social Sciences, Harvard University
Rodrigo Aguilar Benignos, CEO, Wiljan Consulting LLC
Susanne Jonas, Retired, University of California, Santa Cruz
Noam Chomsky, Professor (emeritus) MIT, Laureate Professor U. of Arizona, U. of Arizona
Veronica Montes, Assistant Professor, Bryn Mawr College
Lorrin Thomas, Professor, Rutgers University
Alexander Dawson, Associate Professor of History, SUNY Albany
Patricia Escamilla Hamm, Associate Professor, Independent Scholar/formerly at William J Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies, National Defense University
Valentina Melgar Bermudez, Project Coordinator, University and Citizen Network for Democracy ("RUCD"), Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Francisco de Vitoria OP. A.C.
Carolyn Gallaher, Associate Professor, American University
Yann P. Kerevel, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Louisiana State University
Xochitl Bada, Associate Professor of Latin American and Latino Studies, University of Illinois at Chicago
Neil Harvey, Professor, New Mexico State University
Dana Frank, Professor of History, University of California, Santa Cruz
Norma Klahn, Professor of Latin American Literary and Cultural Studies, U of CA, Santa Cruz
Armando Navarro, Professor Emeritus, University of California, Riverside
Nora Haenn, Associate Professor, North Carolina State University
Maria Anna Gonzales, Retired Public Policy Researcher, University of California, Riverside
Enrique C. Ochoa, Professor of Latin American Studies and History, California State University, Los Angeles
Estelle Tarica, Associate Professor, University of California, Berkeley
Suyapa Portillo, Assistant Professor, Pitzer College
Fernando Herrera Calderon, Associate Professor of History, University of Northern Iowa
Janice Gallagher, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Rutgers University-Newark
Karen Hansen-Kuhn, Director of Trade and Global Governance, Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy
Francisco Lara-Valencia, Associate Professor, Arizona State University
Corinna Zeltsman. Assistant Professor of History, Georgia Southern University
Heather Vrana, Assistant Professor of History, University of Florida
Ana Claudia Zubieta, Program Director, The Ohio State University
Chris Tilly, Professor of Urban Planning and Sociology, UCLA
Gladys McCormick, Associate Professor, History, Syracuse University
Maria L. Olin Munoz, Associate Professor of History, Susquehanna University
Maria Rosa Garcia, Professor, CSUN
Rachel Nolan, Doctoral Candidate, New York University
Claudia Lucero, Executive Director, Chicago Religious Leadership Network on Latin America - CRLN
James Chaney, Professor, Middle Tennessee State University
Diana Schwartz Francisco, Andrew W. Mellon Postdoctoral Fellow in Latin American Studies, Wesleyan University
Maria Jose Zubieta, Professor, New York University
Stephen Allen, Assistant Professor, California State University, Bakersfield
Rebecca Watts, Program Associate, Center for Economic and Policy Research
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Dear Members of the US Senate and House of Representatives,
On July 1, Mexicans will go to the polls to elect a new president, both houses of Congress, and thousands of local and state officials. As scholars and representatives of civil society organizations that focus on Mexico, we are concerned about the serious challenges surrounding these elections. We are also concerned about the potentially negative role that the US government may play in light of recent comments from this administration and a mixed track record when it comes to supporting democracy in Mexico and other countries in the hemisphere.
It is important that Mexico, one of the US's closest allies and trading partners, has a vibrant democracy, one in which citizens can freely and fairly exercise their right to vote, without restrictions or outside interference. We therefore respectfully call on you and your congressional colleagues to do everything in your power to ensure that US government policy with regard to Mexico's elections remains neutral and supportive of basic democratic norms.
Mexico has a troubling, checkered record when it comes to elections, with frequent reports of major irregularities, vote buying, and the manipulation of results. The 1988 and 2006 presidential elections were strongly denounced as fraudulent by both the political opposition and independent civil society groups. The legitimacy of the most recent presidential elections, in 2012, has also been called into question due to revelations of illegal funding, vast vote-buying schemes, and the lack of independence of official electoral institutions and much of the broadcast media.
The recent 2017 regional elections in Mexico State and Coahuila demonstrated that unfair and fraudulent electoral practices remain a major problem today. In both these elections, there were credible allegations regarding the illegal use of public and private funds in the campaigns of the winning candidates (both belonging to the party of the sitting national government), numerous serious reports of vote buying, reports of attacks and intimidation targeting opposition campaigns, and widespread doubts about the fairness of the vote counting itself.
We are also concerned by recent developments that undermine basic civil liberties, such as freedom of association, freedom of speech, and the right to peaceful protest, all of which are a prerequisite to a healthy electoral climate. Among other things, reports have emerged indicating that the Mexican government has been involved in spying on opposition activists through the use of "Pegasus" software, and has engaged in covering up the role of security forces in the 2014 mass disappearance of 43 students from Ayotzinapa, Guerrero. The government also has recently approved a new Internal Security Law that gives the armed forces a greater role in policing, causing many to fear that these forces could be used to suppress legitimate political opposition and social protest.
At the same time, there is growing discontent in Mexico with increasing levels of corruption and violence. Last year, four former state governors were arrested on charges of corruption. Mexico scored at the bottom of Transparency International's index of perceived public sector corruption, with 61 percent of those polled affirming that the level of corruption had increased. Violent crimes have also risen, with 2017 being the worst year on record in terms of the number of homicides that Mexico has experienced. As in the case of the 43 disappeared of Ayotzinapa, frequent and credible allegations of state security agents' involvement in disappearances and homicides are rarely investigated.
These and other serious problems currently plaguing Mexico can only be resolved by Mexicans. But for Mexicans to be able to effectively and collectively tackle these issues, they need to have institutions and public officials that they can rely on and believe in. Clean and fair elections are essential to achieving this.
In this context, it is imperative for the US government to support a fair and democratic electoral process in Mexico, and avoid premature statements or actions that could lend legitimacy to elections that are strongly contested on the basis of credible reports of fraud.
Unfortunately, US administrations have at times adopted unhelpful positions with regard to elections in Mexico and other countries in the region.
In last year's elections in Honduras, the US government was quick to recognize and support elections that raised serious doubts, both within Honduras and internationally. The same occurred after the Mexican presidential elections of 1988 and 2006. Such positions embolden entrenched political actors to carry out further fraudulent and unfair electoral practices. Such a scenario should not repeat itself in the upcoming elections in Mexico.
We urge you and your colleagues to make every effort to ensure that the US supports Mexican democracy by insisting on the strict adherence to fair electoral practices and compliance with laws by supporting the peaceful transition of power, and by publicly condemning any electoral irregularities or human rights violations. The US government should maintain the utmost respect for Mexican national sovereignty and the popular vote and express its commitment to building a strong relationship with any new Mexican administration.
We also encourage you to closely monitor the selection of the next United States ambassador to Mexico, subsequent to the departure of current ambassador Roberta Jacobson on May 1st, so as to ensure that he or she is equipped with the necessary experience and diplomatic skills to effectively navigate the complex and critical bilateral relationship.
Many Mexican and international electoral monitors, including many signers of this letter, will be on the ground in Mexico providing independent reports and evaluation of the elections. We will keep you posted on these monitoring efforts, and look forward to sharing key observations with you before, during, and following the July 1 electoral process.
Sincerely,
*Affiliation for identity purposes only
Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, Associate Professor, Schar School of Policy and Government, George Mason University
Laura Carlsen, Director, Americas Program, Center for International Policy
Christy Thornton, Assistant Professor, Johns Hopkins University
Tony Payan, Fellow and Director, Baker Institute Mexico Center, Rice University
Gilbert Joseph, Farnam Professor of History and International Studies, Yale University
Mary Kay Vaughan, Professor Emerita, University of Maryland, College Park
Horacio Larreguy Arbesu, Associate Professor of Government, Harvard University
Jonathan Fox, Professor, American University
Robert A. Blecker, Professor of Economics, American University
Maureen Meyer, Director for Mexico and Migrant Rights, Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
Vanessa Freije, Assistant Professor, University of Washington
Ted Lewis, Human Rights Director, Global Exchange
Manuel Perez-Rocha, Associate Fellow, Institute for Policy Studies
Karin Alejandra Rosemblatt, Associate Professor of History, University of Maryland
Alexander Avina, Associate Professor of History, School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies, Arizona State University
David Shirk, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of San Diego
Lisa VeneKlasen, Executive Director, JASS (Just Associates)
Salih Booker, Executive Director, Center for International Policy (CIP)
Margaret Chowning, Professor of History, University of California Berkeley
Jose Antonio Lucero, Associate Professor of International Studies, University of Washington
Christopher Boyer, Professor, University of Illinois - Chicago
Renata Keller, Assistant Professor, University of Nevada, Reno
John Lindsay-Poland, Coordinator, Project to Stop US Arms to Mexico
Vicki Gass, Senior Policy Advisor for Central America & Mexico, Oxfam
Stephen Morris, Professor, Dept of Political Science and International Relations, Middle Tennessee State University
Paul Gillingham, Director of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, Associate Professor of History, Northwestern University
Kevin P. Gallagher, Director, Global Development Policy Center, Boston University, USA
Louise Walker, Associate Professor of History, Northeastern University
John M. Ackerman, Law Professor, National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM)
James Cohen, Professor, North American Studies, University of Paris 3-Sorbonne Nouvelle
Alexander Main, Senior Associate for International Policy, Center for Economic and Policy
Research
Jocelyn Olcott, Associate Professor of History, Duke University
Tanalis Padilla, Associate Professor, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Daniella Burgi-Palomino, Senior Associate, Latin America Working Group
William I. Robinson, Professor of Sociology and Global and International Studies, University of California-Santa Barbara
Greg Grandin, Professor of History, New York University
Yolanda Zorayda Avila Toledo, Leadership and Capacity Building Manager, Alianza Americas
Mark Weisbrot, Co-Director, Center for Economic and Policy Research
Geoff Thale, Vice President for Programs, Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
David Montejano, Professor Emeritus of Comparative Ethnic Studies, University of California at Berkeley
Carla Garcia Zendejas, Director People, Land and Resources Program, Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL)
Dan La Botz, Murphy Institute, City University of New York
Casey Marina Lurtz, Assistant Professor of History, Johns Hopkins University
Ericka Beckman, Associate Professor of Romance Languages, University of Pennsylvania
James E. Sanders, Professor of History, Utah State University
Barbara Weinstein, Professor of History, New York University
Raymond Craib, Professor of History and Director, Latin American Studies Program, Cornell University
Amy Offner, Assistant Professor of History, University of Pennsylvania
Luis Herran Avila, Visiting Assistant Professor of History, Carleton College
Laura G. Gutierrez, Associate Professor of Mexican American and Latina/o Studies, The
University of Texas at Austin
Ginapaolo Baiocchi, Associate Professor and Director, Urban Democracy Lab, New York University
Pamela Voekel, Associate Professor of History, Dartmouth College
Sinclair Thomson, Associate Professor of History, New York University
Matthew Vitz, Assistant Professor of History, University of California, San Diego
Susan Gauss, Associate Professor, Latin American and Iberian Studies, University of Massachusetts, Boston
Alejandro Velasco, Associate Professor, Gallatin School, New York University
Robert A. Karl, Assistant Professor of History, Princeton University
Maria Josefina Saldana-Portillo, Professor of Social & Cultural Analysis, New York University
Gerardo Renique, Associate Professor, City College of New York
Adam Goodman, Assistant Professor of History, University of Illinois at Chicago
Aurelia Gomez Unamuno, Assistant Professor of Spanish, Haverford College
George Ciccariello-Maher, Visiting Scholar, Hemispheric Institute of Performance and Politics
Bruce Ackerman, Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science, Yale University
Judith Aissen, Professor Emerita of Linguistics, UC Santa Cruz
Miguel Tinker Salas, Professor, Pomona College
Benjamin H. Johnson, Associate Professor, Loyola University Chicago
Susan Rose-Ackerman, Professor of Law and Political Science, Yale University
Gareth Williams, Professor, University of Michigan
Victor Silverman, Professor, Pomona College
Guadalupe Bacio, Assistant Professor, Pomona College
Gilda Ochoa, Professor of Chicana/o-Latina/o Studies, Pomona College
Guillermo Delgado-P., Anthropologist, Univ of California Santa Cruz
James M. Cypher, Professor of Economics, Universidad Autonoma de Zacatecas and California State University (Emeritus)
Ivonne del Valle, Associate Professor, U.C. Berkeley
Bradley Levinson, Professor of Education, Indiana University
Domenico Romero, Adjunct Assistant Professor, Queens College, City University of New York
Kirsten Weld, John L. Loeb Associate Professor of the Social Sciences, Harvard University
Rodrigo Aguilar Benignos, CEO, Wiljan Consulting LLC
Susanne Jonas, Retired, University of California, Santa Cruz
Noam Chomsky, Professor (emeritus) MIT, Laureate Professor U. of Arizona, U. of Arizona
Veronica Montes, Assistant Professor, Bryn Mawr College
Lorrin Thomas, Professor, Rutgers University
Alexander Dawson, Associate Professor of History, SUNY Albany
Patricia Escamilla Hamm, Associate Professor, Independent Scholar/formerly at William J Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies, National Defense University
Valentina Melgar Bermudez, Project Coordinator, University and Citizen Network for Democracy ("RUCD"), Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Francisco de Vitoria OP. A.C.
Carolyn Gallaher, Associate Professor, American University
Yann P. Kerevel, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Louisiana State University
Xochitl Bada, Associate Professor of Latin American and Latino Studies, University of Illinois at Chicago
Neil Harvey, Professor, New Mexico State University
Dana Frank, Professor of History, University of California, Santa Cruz
Norma Klahn, Professor of Latin American Literary and Cultural Studies, U of CA, Santa Cruz
Armando Navarro, Professor Emeritus, University of California, Riverside
Nora Haenn, Associate Professor, North Carolina State University
Maria Anna Gonzales, Retired Public Policy Researcher, University of California, Riverside
Enrique C. Ochoa, Professor of Latin American Studies and History, California State University, Los Angeles
Estelle Tarica, Associate Professor, University of California, Berkeley
Suyapa Portillo, Assistant Professor, Pitzer College
Fernando Herrera Calderon, Associate Professor of History, University of Northern Iowa
Janice Gallagher, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Rutgers University-Newark
Karen Hansen-Kuhn, Director of Trade and Global Governance, Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy
Francisco Lara-Valencia, Associate Professor, Arizona State University
Corinna Zeltsman. Assistant Professor of History, Georgia Southern University
Heather Vrana, Assistant Professor of History, University of Florida
Ana Claudia Zubieta, Program Director, The Ohio State University
Chris Tilly, Professor of Urban Planning and Sociology, UCLA
Gladys McCormick, Associate Professor, History, Syracuse University
Maria L. Olin Munoz, Associate Professor of History, Susquehanna University
Maria Rosa Garcia, Professor, CSUN
Rachel Nolan, Doctoral Candidate, New York University
Claudia Lucero, Executive Director, Chicago Religious Leadership Network on Latin America - CRLN
James Chaney, Professor, Middle Tennessee State University
Diana Schwartz Francisco, Andrew W. Mellon Postdoctoral Fellow in Latin American Studies, Wesleyan University
Maria Jose Zubieta, Professor, New York University
Stephen Allen, Assistant Professor, California State University, Bakersfield
Rebecca Watts, Program Associate, Center for Economic and Policy Research
Dear Members of the US Senate and House of Representatives,
On July 1, Mexicans will go to the polls to elect a new president, both houses of Congress, and thousands of local and state officials. As scholars and representatives of civil society organizations that focus on Mexico, we are concerned about the serious challenges surrounding these elections. We are also concerned about the potentially negative role that the US government may play in light of recent comments from this administration and a mixed track record when it comes to supporting democracy in Mexico and other countries in the hemisphere.
It is important that Mexico, one of the US's closest allies and trading partners, has a vibrant democracy, one in which citizens can freely and fairly exercise their right to vote, without restrictions or outside interference. We therefore respectfully call on you and your congressional colleagues to do everything in your power to ensure that US government policy with regard to Mexico's elections remains neutral and supportive of basic democratic norms.
Mexico has a troubling, checkered record when it comes to elections, with frequent reports of major irregularities, vote buying, and the manipulation of results. The 1988 and 2006 presidential elections were strongly denounced as fraudulent by both the political opposition and independent civil society groups. The legitimacy of the most recent presidential elections, in 2012, has also been called into question due to revelations of illegal funding, vast vote-buying schemes, and the lack of independence of official electoral institutions and much of the broadcast media.
The recent 2017 regional elections in Mexico State and Coahuila demonstrated that unfair and fraudulent electoral practices remain a major problem today. In both these elections, there were credible allegations regarding the illegal use of public and private funds in the campaigns of the winning candidates (both belonging to the party of the sitting national government), numerous serious reports of vote buying, reports of attacks and intimidation targeting opposition campaigns, and widespread doubts about the fairness of the vote counting itself.
We are also concerned by recent developments that undermine basic civil liberties, such as freedom of association, freedom of speech, and the right to peaceful protest, all of which are a prerequisite to a healthy electoral climate. Among other things, reports have emerged indicating that the Mexican government has been involved in spying on opposition activists through the use of "Pegasus" software, and has engaged in covering up the role of security forces in the 2014 mass disappearance of 43 students from Ayotzinapa, Guerrero. The government also has recently approved a new Internal Security Law that gives the armed forces a greater role in policing, causing many to fear that these forces could be used to suppress legitimate political opposition and social protest.
At the same time, there is growing discontent in Mexico with increasing levels of corruption and violence. Last year, four former state governors were arrested on charges of corruption. Mexico scored at the bottom of Transparency International's index of perceived public sector corruption, with 61 percent of those polled affirming that the level of corruption had increased. Violent crimes have also risen, with 2017 being the worst year on record in terms of the number of homicides that Mexico has experienced. As in the case of the 43 disappeared of Ayotzinapa, frequent and credible allegations of state security agents' involvement in disappearances and homicides are rarely investigated.
These and other serious problems currently plaguing Mexico can only be resolved by Mexicans. But for Mexicans to be able to effectively and collectively tackle these issues, they need to have institutions and public officials that they can rely on and believe in. Clean and fair elections are essential to achieving this.
In this context, it is imperative for the US government to support a fair and democratic electoral process in Mexico, and avoid premature statements or actions that could lend legitimacy to elections that are strongly contested on the basis of credible reports of fraud.
Unfortunately, US administrations have at times adopted unhelpful positions with regard to elections in Mexico and other countries in the region.
In last year's elections in Honduras, the US government was quick to recognize and support elections that raised serious doubts, both within Honduras and internationally. The same occurred after the Mexican presidential elections of 1988 and 2006. Such positions embolden entrenched political actors to carry out further fraudulent and unfair electoral practices. Such a scenario should not repeat itself in the upcoming elections in Mexico.
We urge you and your colleagues to make every effort to ensure that the US supports Mexican democracy by insisting on the strict adherence to fair electoral practices and compliance with laws by supporting the peaceful transition of power, and by publicly condemning any electoral irregularities or human rights violations. The US government should maintain the utmost respect for Mexican national sovereignty and the popular vote and express its commitment to building a strong relationship with any new Mexican administration.
We also encourage you to closely monitor the selection of the next United States ambassador to Mexico, subsequent to the departure of current ambassador Roberta Jacobson on May 1st, so as to ensure that he or she is equipped with the necessary experience and diplomatic skills to effectively navigate the complex and critical bilateral relationship.
Many Mexican and international electoral monitors, including many signers of this letter, will be on the ground in Mexico providing independent reports and evaluation of the elections. We will keep you posted on these monitoring efforts, and look forward to sharing key observations with you before, during, and following the July 1 electoral process.
Sincerely,
*Affiliation for identity purposes only
Guadalupe Correa-Cabrera, Associate Professor, Schar School of Policy and Government, George Mason University
Laura Carlsen, Director, Americas Program, Center for International Policy
Christy Thornton, Assistant Professor, Johns Hopkins University
Tony Payan, Fellow and Director, Baker Institute Mexico Center, Rice University
Gilbert Joseph, Farnam Professor of History and International Studies, Yale University
Mary Kay Vaughan, Professor Emerita, University of Maryland, College Park
Horacio Larreguy Arbesu, Associate Professor of Government, Harvard University
Jonathan Fox, Professor, American University
Robert A. Blecker, Professor of Economics, American University
Maureen Meyer, Director for Mexico and Migrant Rights, Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
Vanessa Freije, Assistant Professor, University of Washington
Ted Lewis, Human Rights Director, Global Exchange
Manuel Perez-Rocha, Associate Fellow, Institute for Policy Studies
Karin Alejandra Rosemblatt, Associate Professor of History, University of Maryland
Alexander Avina, Associate Professor of History, School of Historical, Philosophical and Religious Studies, Arizona State University
David Shirk, Associate Professor of Political Science, University of San Diego
Lisa VeneKlasen, Executive Director, JASS (Just Associates)
Salih Booker, Executive Director, Center for International Policy (CIP)
Margaret Chowning, Professor of History, University of California Berkeley
Jose Antonio Lucero, Associate Professor of International Studies, University of Washington
Christopher Boyer, Professor, University of Illinois - Chicago
Renata Keller, Assistant Professor, University of Nevada, Reno
John Lindsay-Poland, Coordinator, Project to Stop US Arms to Mexico
Vicki Gass, Senior Policy Advisor for Central America & Mexico, Oxfam
Stephen Morris, Professor, Dept of Political Science and International Relations, Middle Tennessee State University
Paul Gillingham, Director of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, Associate Professor of History, Northwestern University
Kevin P. Gallagher, Director, Global Development Policy Center, Boston University, USA
Louise Walker, Associate Professor of History, Northeastern University
John M. Ackerman, Law Professor, National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM)
James Cohen, Professor, North American Studies, University of Paris 3-Sorbonne Nouvelle
Alexander Main, Senior Associate for International Policy, Center for Economic and Policy
Research
Jocelyn Olcott, Associate Professor of History, Duke University
Tanalis Padilla, Associate Professor, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Daniella Burgi-Palomino, Senior Associate, Latin America Working Group
William I. Robinson, Professor of Sociology and Global and International Studies, University of California-Santa Barbara
Greg Grandin, Professor of History, New York University
Yolanda Zorayda Avila Toledo, Leadership and Capacity Building Manager, Alianza Americas
Mark Weisbrot, Co-Director, Center for Economic and Policy Research
Geoff Thale, Vice President for Programs, Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA)
David Montejano, Professor Emeritus of Comparative Ethnic Studies, University of California at Berkeley
Carla Garcia Zendejas, Director People, Land and Resources Program, Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL)
Dan La Botz, Murphy Institute, City University of New York
Casey Marina Lurtz, Assistant Professor of History, Johns Hopkins University
Ericka Beckman, Associate Professor of Romance Languages, University of Pennsylvania
James E. Sanders, Professor of History, Utah State University
Barbara Weinstein, Professor of History, New York University
Raymond Craib, Professor of History and Director, Latin American Studies Program, Cornell University
Amy Offner, Assistant Professor of History, University of Pennsylvania
Luis Herran Avila, Visiting Assistant Professor of History, Carleton College
Laura G. Gutierrez, Associate Professor of Mexican American and Latina/o Studies, The
University of Texas at Austin
Ginapaolo Baiocchi, Associate Professor and Director, Urban Democracy Lab, New York University
Pamela Voekel, Associate Professor of History, Dartmouth College
Sinclair Thomson, Associate Professor of History, New York University
Matthew Vitz, Assistant Professor of History, University of California, San Diego
Susan Gauss, Associate Professor, Latin American and Iberian Studies, University of Massachusetts, Boston
Alejandro Velasco, Associate Professor, Gallatin School, New York University
Robert A. Karl, Assistant Professor of History, Princeton University
Maria Josefina Saldana-Portillo, Professor of Social & Cultural Analysis, New York University
Gerardo Renique, Associate Professor, City College of New York
Adam Goodman, Assistant Professor of History, University of Illinois at Chicago
Aurelia Gomez Unamuno, Assistant Professor of Spanish, Haverford College
George Ciccariello-Maher, Visiting Scholar, Hemispheric Institute of Performance and Politics
Bruce Ackerman, Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science, Yale University
Judith Aissen, Professor Emerita of Linguistics, UC Santa Cruz
Miguel Tinker Salas, Professor, Pomona College
Benjamin H. Johnson, Associate Professor, Loyola University Chicago
Susan Rose-Ackerman, Professor of Law and Political Science, Yale University
Gareth Williams, Professor, University of Michigan
Victor Silverman, Professor, Pomona College
Guadalupe Bacio, Assistant Professor, Pomona College
Gilda Ochoa, Professor of Chicana/o-Latina/o Studies, Pomona College
Guillermo Delgado-P., Anthropologist, Univ of California Santa Cruz
James M. Cypher, Professor of Economics, Universidad Autonoma de Zacatecas and California State University (Emeritus)
Ivonne del Valle, Associate Professor, U.C. Berkeley
Bradley Levinson, Professor of Education, Indiana University
Domenico Romero, Adjunct Assistant Professor, Queens College, City University of New York
Kirsten Weld, John L. Loeb Associate Professor of the Social Sciences, Harvard University
Rodrigo Aguilar Benignos, CEO, Wiljan Consulting LLC
Susanne Jonas, Retired, University of California, Santa Cruz
Noam Chomsky, Professor (emeritus) MIT, Laureate Professor U. of Arizona, U. of Arizona
Veronica Montes, Assistant Professor, Bryn Mawr College
Lorrin Thomas, Professor, Rutgers University
Alexander Dawson, Associate Professor of History, SUNY Albany
Patricia Escamilla Hamm, Associate Professor, Independent Scholar/formerly at William J Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies, National Defense University
Valentina Melgar Bermudez, Project Coordinator, University and Citizen Network for Democracy ("RUCD"), Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Francisco de Vitoria OP. A.C.
Carolyn Gallaher, Associate Professor, American University
Yann P. Kerevel, Assistant Professor of Political Science, Louisiana State University
Xochitl Bada, Associate Professor of Latin American and Latino Studies, University of Illinois at Chicago
Neil Harvey, Professor, New Mexico State University
Dana Frank, Professor of History, University of California, Santa Cruz
Norma Klahn, Professor of Latin American Literary and Cultural Studies, U of CA, Santa Cruz
Armando Navarro, Professor Emeritus, University of California, Riverside
Nora Haenn, Associate Professor, North Carolina State University
Maria Anna Gonzales, Retired Public Policy Researcher, University of California, Riverside
Enrique C. Ochoa, Professor of Latin American Studies and History, California State University, Los Angeles
Estelle Tarica, Associate Professor, University of California, Berkeley
Suyapa Portillo, Assistant Professor, Pitzer College
Fernando Herrera Calderon, Associate Professor of History, University of Northern Iowa
Janice Gallagher, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Rutgers University-Newark
Karen Hansen-Kuhn, Director of Trade and Global Governance, Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy
Francisco Lara-Valencia, Associate Professor, Arizona State University
Corinna Zeltsman. Assistant Professor of History, Georgia Southern University
Heather Vrana, Assistant Professor of History, University of Florida
Ana Claudia Zubieta, Program Director, The Ohio State University
Chris Tilly, Professor of Urban Planning and Sociology, UCLA
Gladys McCormick, Associate Professor, History, Syracuse University
Maria L. Olin Munoz, Associate Professor of History, Susquehanna University
Maria Rosa Garcia, Professor, CSUN
Rachel Nolan, Doctoral Candidate, New York University
Claudia Lucero, Executive Director, Chicago Religious Leadership Network on Latin America - CRLN
James Chaney, Professor, Middle Tennessee State University
Diana Schwartz Francisco, Andrew W. Mellon Postdoctoral Fellow in Latin American Studies, Wesleyan University
Maria Jose Zubieta, Professor, New York University
Stephen Allen, Assistant Professor, California State University, Bakersfield
Rebecca Watts, Program Associate, Center for Economic and Policy Research
One critic accused the president of "testing the limits of his power, hoping to intimidate other cities into submission to his every vengeful whim."
The Trump administration's military occupation of Washington, D.C. is expected to expand, a White House official said Wednesday, with President Donald Trump also saying he will ask Congress to approve a "long-term" extension of federal control over local police in the nation's capital.
The unnamed Trump official told CNN that a "significantly higher" number of National Guard troops are expected on the ground in Washington later Wednesday to support law enforcement patrols in the city.
"The National Guard is not arresting people," the official said, adding that troops are tasked with creating "a safe environment" for the hundreds of federal officers and agents from over a dozen agencies who are fanning out across the city over the strong objection of local officials.
Trump dubiously declared a public safety emergency Monday in order to take control of Washington police under Section 740 of the District of Columbia Self-Government and Governmental Reorganization Act. The president said Wednesday that he would ask the Republican-controlled Congress to authorize an extension of his federal takeover of local police beyond the 30 days allowed under Section 740.
"Already they're saying, 'He's a dictator,'" Trump said of his critics during remarks at the Kennedy Center in Washington. "The place is going to hell. We've got to stop it. So instead of saying, 'He's a dictator,' they should say, 'We're going to join him and make Washington safe.'"
According to official statistics, violent crime in Washington is down 26% from a year ago, when it was at its second-lowest level since 1966,
House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) and Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) have both expressed support for Trump's actions. However, any legislation authorizing an extension of federal control over local police would face an uphill battle in the Senate, where Democratic lawmakers can employ procedural rules to block the majority's effort.
Trump also said any congressional authorization could open the door to targeting other cities in his crosshairs, including Baltimore, Chicago, Los Angeles, New York, and Oakland. Official statistics show violent crime trending downward in all of those cities—with some registering historically low levels.
While some critics have called Trump's actions in Washington a distraction from his administration's mishandling of the Jeffrey Epstein scandal, others say his occupation of the nation's capital is a test case to see what he can get away with in other cities.
Kat Abughazaleh, a Democratic candidate for Congress in Illinois, said Monday that the president's D.C. takeover "is another telltale sign of his authoritarian ambitions."
Some opponents also said Trump's actions are intended to intimidate Democrat-controlled cities, pointing to his June order to deploy thousands of National Guard troops to Los Angeles in response to protests against his administration's mass deportation campaign.
Testifying Wednesday at a San Francisco trial to determine whether Trump violated the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878—which generally prohibits use of the military for domestic law enforcement—by sending troops to Los Angeles, California Deputy Attorney General Meghan Strong argued that the president wanted to "strike fear into the hearts of Californians."
Roosevelt University political science professor and Newsweek contributor David Faris wrote Wednesday that "deploying the National Guard to Washington, D.C. is an unconscionable abuse of federal power and another worrisome signpost on our road to autocracy."
"Using the military to bring big, blue cities to heel, exactly as 'alarmists' predicted during the 2024 campaign, isn't about a crisis in D.C.—violent crime is actually at a 30-year low," he added. "President Trump is, once again, testing the limits of his power, hoping to intimidate other cities into submission to his every vengeful whim by making the once unimaginable—an American tyrant ordering a military occupation of our own capital—a terrifying reality."
"Underneath shiny motherhood medals and promises of baby bonuses is a movement intent on elevating white supremacist ideology and forcing women out of the workplace," said one advocate.
The Trump administration's push for Americans to have more children has been well documented, from Vice President JD Vance's insults aimed at "childless cat ladies" to officials' meetings with "pronatalist" advocates who want to boost U.S. birth rates, which have been declining since 2007.
But a report released by the National Women's Law Center (NWLC) on Wednesday details how the methods the White House have reportedly considered to convince Americans to procreate moremay be described by the far right as "pro-family," but are actually being pushed by a eugenicist, misogynist movement that has little interest in making it any easier to raise a family in the United States.
The proposals include bestowing a "National Medal of Motherhood" on women who have more than six children, giving a $5,000 "baby bonus" to new parents, and prioritizing federal projects in areas with high birth rates.
"Underneath shiny motherhood medals and promises of baby bonuses is a movement intent on elevating white supremacist ideology and forcing women out of the workplace," said Emily Martin, chief program officer of the National Women's Law Center.
The report describes how "Silicon Valley tech elites" and traditional conservatives who oppose abortion rights and even a woman's right to work outside the home have converged to push for "preserving the traditional family structure while encouraging women to have a lot of children."
With pronatalists often referring to "declining genetic quality" in the U.S. and promoting the idea that Americans must produce "good quality children," in the words of evolutionary psychologist Diana Fleischman, the pronatalist movement "is built on racist, sexist, and anti-immigrant ideologies."
If conservatives are concerned about population loss in the U.S., the report points out, they would "make it easier for immigrants to come to the United States to live and work. More immigrants mean more workers, which would address some of the economic concerns raised by declining birth rates."
But pronatalists "only want to see certain populations increase (i.e., white people), and there are many immigrants who don't fit into that narrow qualification."
The report, titled "Baby Bonuses and Motherhood Medals: Why We Shouldn't Trust the Pronatalist Movement," describes how President Donald Trump has enlisted a "pronatalist army" that's been instrumental both in pushing a virulently anti-immigrant, mass deportation agenda and in demanding that more straight couples should marry and have children, as the right-wing policy playbook Project 2025 demands.
Trump's former adviser and benefactor, billionaire tech mogul Elon Musk, has spoken frequently about the need to prevent a collapse of U.S. society and civilization by raising birth rates, and has pushed misinformation fearmongering about birth control.
Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy proposed rewarding areas with high birth rates by prioritizing infrastructure projects, and like Vance has lobbed insults at single women while also deriding the use of contraception.
The report was released days after CNN detailed the close ties the Trump administration has with self-described Christian nationalist pastor Doug Wilson, who heads the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches, preaches that women should not vote, and suggested in an interview with correspondent Pamela Brown that women's primary function is birthing children, saying they are "the kind of people that people come out of."
Wilson has ties to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whose children attend schools founded by the pastor and who shared the video online with the tagline of Wilson's church, "All of Christ for All of Life."
But the NWLC noted, no amount of haranguing women over their relationship status, plans for childbearing, or insistence that they are primarily meant to stay at home with "four or five children," as Wilson said, can reverse the impact the Trump administration's policies have had on families.
"While the Trump administration claims to be pursuing a pro-baby agenda, their actions tell a different story," the report notes. "Rather than advancing policies that would actually support families—like lowering costs, expanding access to housing and food, or investing in child care—they've prioritized dismantling basic need supports, rolling back longstanding civil rights protections, and ripping away people's bodily autonomy."
The report was published weeks after Trump signed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act into law—making pregnancy more expensive and more dangerous for millions of low-income women by slashing Medicaid funding and "endangering the 42 million women and children" who rely on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program for their daily meals.
While demanding that women have more children, said the NWLC, Trump has pushed an "anti-women, anti-family agenda."
Martin said that unlike the pronatalist movement, "a real pro-family agenda would include protecting reproductive healthcare, investing in childcare as a public good, promoting workplace policies that enable parents to succeed, and ensuring that all children have the resources that they need to thrive not just at birth, but throughout their lives."
"The administration's deep hostility toward these pro-family policies," said Martin, "tells you all that you need to know about pronatalists' true motives.”
A Center for Constitutional Rights lawyer called on Kathy Jennings to "use her power to stop this dangerous entity that is masquerading as a charitable organization while furthering death and violence in Gaza."
A leading U.S. legal advocacy group on Wednesday urged Delaware Attorney General Kathy Jennings to pursue revoking the corporate charter of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, whose aid distribution points in the embattled Palestinian enclave have been the sites of near-daily massacres in which thousands of Palestinians have reportedly been killed or wounded.
Last week, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) urgently requested a meeting with Jennings, a Democrat, whom the group asserted has a legal obligation to file suit in the state's Chancery Court to seek revocation of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation's (GHF) charter because the purported charity "is complicit in war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide."
CCR said Wednesday that Jennings "has neither responded" to the group's request "nor publicly addressed the serious claims raised against the Delaware-registered entity."
"GHF woefully fails to adhere to fundamental humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence and has proven to be an opportunistic and obsequious entity masquerading as a humanitarian organization," CCR asserted. "Since the start of its operations in late May, at least 1,400 Palestinians have died seeking aid, with at least 859 killed at or near GHF sites, which it operates in close coordination with the Israeli government and U.S. private military contractors."
One of those contractors, former U.S. Army Green Beret Col. Anthony Aguilar, quit his job and blew the whistle on what he said he saw while working at GHF aid sites.
"What I saw on the sites, around the sites, to and from the sites, can be described as nothing but war crimes, crimes against humanity, violations of international law," Aguilar told Democracy Now! host Amy Goodman earlier this month. "This is not hyperbole. This is not platitudes or drama. This is the truth... The sites were designed to lure, bait aid, and kill."
Israel Defense Forces officers and soldiers have admitted to receiving orders to open fire on Palestinian aid-seekers with live bullets and artillery rounds, even when the civilians posed no security threat.
"It is against this backdrop that [President Donald] Trump's State Department approved a $30 million United States Agency for International Development grant for GHF," CCR noted. "In so doing, the State Department exempted it from the audit usually required for new USAID grantees."
"It also waived mandatory counterterrorism and anti-fraud safeguards and overrode vetting mechanisms, including 58 internal objections to GHF's application," the group added. "The Center for Constitutional Rights has submitted a [Freedom of Information Act] request seeking information on the administration's funding of GHF."
CCR continued:
The letter to Jennings opens a new front in the effort to hold GHF accountable. The Center for Constitutional Rights letter provides extensive evidence that, far from alleviating suffering in Gaza, GHF is contributing to the forced displacement, illegal killing, and genocide of Palestinians, while serving as a fig leaf for Israel's continued denial of access to food and water. Given this, Jennings has not only the authority, but the obligation to investigate GHF to determine if it abused its charter by engaging in unlawful activity. She may then file suit with the Court of Chancery, which has the authority to revoke GHF's charter.
CCR's August 5 letter notes that Jennings has previously exercised such authority. In 2019, she filed suit to dissolve shell companies affiliated with former Trump campaign officials Paul Manafort and Richard Gates after they pleaded guilty to money laundering and other crimes.
"Attorney General Jennings has the power to significantly change the course of history and save lives by taking action to dissolve GHF," said CCR attorney Adina Marx-Arpadi. "We call on her to use her power to stop this dangerous entity that is masquerading as a charitable organization while furthering death and violence in Gaza, and to do so without delay."
CCR's request follows a call earlier this month by a group of United Nations experts for the "immediate dismantling" of GHF, as well as "holding it and its executives accountable and allowing experienced and humanitarian actors from the U.N. and civil society alike to take back the reins of managing and distributing lifesaving aid."