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This partial check to the mad violence unleashed last week on Gaza, while it comes as a great relief to all of us, should also be an opportunity to refocus our determination that this violence stop happening, and never happen anywhere again.

The big picture is this: we live in a violent system. Overriding the unquenchable yearning for peace and unity in every one of us, and which is arguably much closer to our actual nature, is a distorting culture that possesses the world of our thoughts and emotions. We see it in, among other things,
Within this thought-world extremists who act out violently have a kind of multiplier effect; their violence resonates powerfully throughout the social system. A drastic example of this was the 9/11 attackers. By laying down 19 and an expenditure estimated at $100,000, they changed America and much of the industrial world forever, wasting thousands of American and allied lives plus many, many more of Iraqis, Afghans, and others--remarkably, we have also utterly wasted more than $1.3 trillion on this long vengeance. We've lost a large part of our freedom and security. How was a small band of fanatical men able to wreak such enormous changes on such a vast country? They played us like a fiddle to our great detriment--how? Because the energy they embodied was the same energy that resonates throughout that country, pervading its value system and culture: violence. They understood us much better than we understood them.
Consider by contrast an episode at the conclusion of the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955-56. Attempting to disrupt the gains of the Civil Rights movement's opening campaign, some extremists set off a bomb. Normally, this would have sown panic in the African American community; but because of the powerful nonviolent spirit that prevailed at that time, the result of the explosion was instead a calm resolve to continue nonviolent struggle--which they won. In a nonviolent system sporadic violence can be absorbed; in a violent system it's magnified.
This is why extremists whom even Hamas cannot control, and others whom the Israelis cannot or will not control (I'm thinking of the "Settlers") cause us such suffering, overwhelming our deepest aspirations for peace and security, for mutual amity, even though those who of us still have such aspirations may be in a great majority. We allow revenge to rule and we lose when we do.
Therefore the first lesson to draw while we have this interlude, this ceasefire, is that, if we wish for a world of peace and justice, we must build from the ground up a system of robust harmony and respect for all human beings that can neutralize the work of extremist minorities. We must, as part of this transformation, put behind us for good the notion that we can win security by violence. The mounting suicides of American servicemen and women are telling us the same story. Our bursting prisons are telling it just as loudly: To have security we must cultivate the worldview of nonviolence in our minds and build the institutions of nonviolence in our world. We must have restorative justice instead of punitive, dehumanizing prisons; we must have strongly authorized diplomacy and the service of unarmed civilian peacekeepers instead of a world flooded with arms and fueled by hatred.
My dear friend Sami Awad of the Holy Land Trust in Bethlehem has been doing nonviolence education and nonviolence training among his fellow Palestinians for two decades. Now, thanks to the bombings visited on Gaza, he finds himself confronted by the most intense hatred toward Israel he's ever seen. How is this going to make Israel --or anyone else -- more secure?
A world that's secure and free from violence will come about only when people like Sami are not voices crying in the wilderness but are understood, appreciated, and empowered by the world around them.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
This partial check to the mad violence unleashed last week on Gaza, while it comes as a great relief to all of us, should also be an opportunity to refocus our determination that this violence stop happening, and never happen anywhere again.

The big picture is this: we live in a violent system. Overriding the unquenchable yearning for peace and unity in every one of us, and which is arguably much closer to our actual nature, is a distorting culture that possesses the world of our thoughts and emotions. We see it in, among other things,
Within this thought-world extremists who act out violently have a kind of multiplier effect; their violence resonates powerfully throughout the social system. A drastic example of this was the 9/11 attackers. By laying down 19 and an expenditure estimated at $100,000, they changed America and much of the industrial world forever, wasting thousands of American and allied lives plus many, many more of Iraqis, Afghans, and others--remarkably, we have also utterly wasted more than $1.3 trillion on this long vengeance. We've lost a large part of our freedom and security. How was a small band of fanatical men able to wreak such enormous changes on such a vast country? They played us like a fiddle to our great detriment--how? Because the energy they embodied was the same energy that resonates throughout that country, pervading its value system and culture: violence. They understood us much better than we understood them.
Consider by contrast an episode at the conclusion of the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955-56. Attempting to disrupt the gains of the Civil Rights movement's opening campaign, some extremists set off a bomb. Normally, this would have sown panic in the African American community; but because of the powerful nonviolent spirit that prevailed at that time, the result of the explosion was instead a calm resolve to continue nonviolent struggle--which they won. In a nonviolent system sporadic violence can be absorbed; in a violent system it's magnified.
This is why extremists whom even Hamas cannot control, and others whom the Israelis cannot or will not control (I'm thinking of the "Settlers") cause us such suffering, overwhelming our deepest aspirations for peace and security, for mutual amity, even though those who of us still have such aspirations may be in a great majority. We allow revenge to rule and we lose when we do.
Therefore the first lesson to draw while we have this interlude, this ceasefire, is that, if we wish for a world of peace and justice, we must build from the ground up a system of robust harmony and respect for all human beings that can neutralize the work of extremist minorities. We must, as part of this transformation, put behind us for good the notion that we can win security by violence. The mounting suicides of American servicemen and women are telling us the same story. Our bursting prisons are telling it just as loudly: To have security we must cultivate the worldview of nonviolence in our minds and build the institutions of nonviolence in our world. We must have restorative justice instead of punitive, dehumanizing prisons; we must have strongly authorized diplomacy and the service of unarmed civilian peacekeepers instead of a world flooded with arms and fueled by hatred.
My dear friend Sami Awad of the Holy Land Trust in Bethlehem has been doing nonviolence education and nonviolence training among his fellow Palestinians for two decades. Now, thanks to the bombings visited on Gaza, he finds himself confronted by the most intense hatred toward Israel he's ever seen. How is this going to make Israel --or anyone else -- more secure?
A world that's secure and free from violence will come about only when people like Sami are not voices crying in the wilderness but are understood, appreciated, and empowered by the world around them.
This partial check to the mad violence unleashed last week on Gaza, while it comes as a great relief to all of us, should also be an opportunity to refocus our determination that this violence stop happening, and never happen anywhere again.

The big picture is this: we live in a violent system. Overriding the unquenchable yearning for peace and unity in every one of us, and which is arguably much closer to our actual nature, is a distorting culture that possesses the world of our thoughts and emotions. We see it in, among other things,
Within this thought-world extremists who act out violently have a kind of multiplier effect; their violence resonates powerfully throughout the social system. A drastic example of this was the 9/11 attackers. By laying down 19 and an expenditure estimated at $100,000, they changed America and much of the industrial world forever, wasting thousands of American and allied lives plus many, many more of Iraqis, Afghans, and others--remarkably, we have also utterly wasted more than $1.3 trillion on this long vengeance. We've lost a large part of our freedom and security. How was a small band of fanatical men able to wreak such enormous changes on such a vast country? They played us like a fiddle to our great detriment--how? Because the energy they embodied was the same energy that resonates throughout that country, pervading its value system and culture: violence. They understood us much better than we understood them.
Consider by contrast an episode at the conclusion of the Montgomery Bus Boycott of 1955-56. Attempting to disrupt the gains of the Civil Rights movement's opening campaign, some extremists set off a bomb. Normally, this would have sown panic in the African American community; but because of the powerful nonviolent spirit that prevailed at that time, the result of the explosion was instead a calm resolve to continue nonviolent struggle--which they won. In a nonviolent system sporadic violence can be absorbed; in a violent system it's magnified.
This is why extremists whom even Hamas cannot control, and others whom the Israelis cannot or will not control (I'm thinking of the "Settlers") cause us such suffering, overwhelming our deepest aspirations for peace and security, for mutual amity, even though those who of us still have such aspirations may be in a great majority. We allow revenge to rule and we lose when we do.
Therefore the first lesson to draw while we have this interlude, this ceasefire, is that, if we wish for a world of peace and justice, we must build from the ground up a system of robust harmony and respect for all human beings that can neutralize the work of extremist minorities. We must, as part of this transformation, put behind us for good the notion that we can win security by violence. The mounting suicides of American servicemen and women are telling us the same story. Our bursting prisons are telling it just as loudly: To have security we must cultivate the worldview of nonviolence in our minds and build the institutions of nonviolence in our world. We must have restorative justice instead of punitive, dehumanizing prisons; we must have strongly authorized diplomacy and the service of unarmed civilian peacekeepers instead of a world flooded with arms and fueled by hatred.
My dear friend Sami Awad of the Holy Land Trust in Bethlehem has been doing nonviolence education and nonviolence training among his fellow Palestinians for two decades. Now, thanks to the bombings visited on Gaza, he finds himself confronted by the most intense hatred toward Israel he's ever seen. How is this going to make Israel --or anyone else -- more secure?
A world that's secure and free from violence will come about only when people like Sami are not voices crying in the wilderness but are understood, appreciated, and empowered by the world around them.