Mar 14, 2008
A half-century ago, Richard Nixon spearheaded his party's national congressional campaign in the face of a recession like the one we face today. Then Dwight Eisenhower's vice president, he decided that as a way to defeat Democrats the GOP would champion anti-worker laws pioneered in the segregationist South. Specifically, he rolled out "right to work" ballot initiatives to weaken the labor movement. These measures ban contracts that compel employees who benefit from union representation to contribute union dues.
When the 1958 election came, Nixon's blame-workers-first initiatives bombed, and Republicans lost 48 congressional seats, handing the party "its worst year ever," as historian Rick Perlstein recounts in his brilliant new book, "Nixonland."
"Right-to-work wasn't popular with a general public that understood how a strong labor movement had rocketed millions of voters into the middle class," Perlstein writes.
Fifty years later, conservatives are ignoring history's teachings and resurrecting Nixon's failed strategy in a place that could decide a close presidential election. In Colorado, one of the most contested "swing" states, a group of zealots is hoping a "right to work" ballot initiative will drive up GOP turnout and help John McCain keep nine electoral votes in the Republican column.
The strategy is bold in its desperation. Right-wingers are betting that Colorado citizens will vote to cut their own pay. After all, according to the Economic Policy Institute, employees in right-to-work states make between 4 and 8 percent less per year than those in other states.
Already, a poll shows that 56 percent of Coloradans oppose "right to work" laws. Even one of Colorado's most influential business groups has said it has "no desire" for such irrational measures. But the right is not in a rational frame of mind.
Colorado conservatives are reeling after Republicans lost both the Legislature and governor's mansion for the first time in more than four decades. The state Republican Party is so unhinged that it hired a buffoon named Dick Wadhams to save it-the same Dick Wadhams who most recently made headlines running Sen. George "Macaca" Allen's 2006 re-election campaign into the ground, effectively ending the Virginia lawmaker's political career. Clearly, these are dire times for the right, and despair tends to deify the Nixons and the Wadhamses by embracing irrational extremism-whether YouTube-amplified racism or worker persecution inherent in right-to-work schemes.
Adding to conservatives' troubles is Colorado's emboldened labor movement. Rather than crouching in a defensive posture, unions are preparing two initiatives that could drive up turnout for Democrats and serve as a model for other states across the nation.
One forces the right to defend criminals-literally. The initiative would make a corporate executive personally liable under the law if he or she "engages in, authorizes, solicits, requests, commands or knowingly tolerates the business's criminal conduct."
According to union polling, 84 percent of Colorado citizens back the measure. Nonetheless, the Denver Chamber of Commerce is trying to keep the initiative off the ballot, claiming that punishing corporate criminals is "a direct assault on our business climate." Yes, conservatives say lawbreaking is not an "assault on our business climate"-prosecuting lawbreakers is. Next thing you know, these shills will argue that locking up violent criminals hurts the "business climate" because, when not killing people, murderers contribute to the local economy.
The other labor-backed initiative would require employers to have a "just cause" when laying off an employee. The unions' poll shows 70 percent of Colorado voters support the concept-not surprising, considering that many voters are probably shocked to discover that most states allow employers to terminate workers for any reason not already outlawed by existing anti-discrimination statutes. Your boss doesn't like that you root for a particular professional sports team? Unless the ballot initiative passes, you can be fired "at will" for that and more in Colorado-and the initiative's conservative opponents will be arguing that's A-OK by them.
Perlstein notes that after Nixon's anti-labor strategy backfired in 1958, he "hardly said an ill word about the labor movement in public again." He learned a lesson that today's conservatives have forgotten-namely, that the public punishes those who overtly denigrate workers. If these initiatives end up on the ballot in a state garnering so much election attention, voters will have the chance to teach the right that crucial lesson once again.
David Sirota is a bestselling author whose newest book, "The Uprising," will be released in June of 2008. He is a fellow at the Campaign for America's Future and a board member of the Progressive States Network-both nonpartisan organizations. His blog is at www.credoaction.com/sirota.
(c) 2008 Creators Syndicate Inc.
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David Sirota
David Sirota is an award-winning journalist and bestselling author living in Denver, Colorado. He was nominated for an Academy Award for his work helping create the story for the film DON'T LOOK UP, which became one of the most widely viewed movies in Netflix's history. He is the founder and editor of The Daily Poster, an editor at large at Jacobin Magazine and a columnist at The Guardian. He served as Bernie Sanders' presidential campaign speechwriter in 2020. Sirota is the author of "Back to Our Future" and "Hostile Takeover: How Big Money & Corruption Conquered Our Government--And How We Take It Back". His website: www.davidsirota.com.
A half-century ago, Richard Nixon spearheaded his party's national congressional campaign in the face of a recession like the one we face today. Then Dwight Eisenhower's vice president, he decided that as a way to defeat Democrats the GOP would champion anti-worker laws pioneered in the segregationist South. Specifically, he rolled out "right to work" ballot initiatives to weaken the labor movement. These measures ban contracts that compel employees who benefit from union representation to contribute union dues.
When the 1958 election came, Nixon's blame-workers-first initiatives bombed, and Republicans lost 48 congressional seats, handing the party "its worst year ever," as historian Rick Perlstein recounts in his brilliant new book, "Nixonland."
"Right-to-work wasn't popular with a general public that understood how a strong labor movement had rocketed millions of voters into the middle class," Perlstein writes.
Fifty years later, conservatives are ignoring history's teachings and resurrecting Nixon's failed strategy in a place that could decide a close presidential election. In Colorado, one of the most contested "swing" states, a group of zealots is hoping a "right to work" ballot initiative will drive up GOP turnout and help John McCain keep nine electoral votes in the Republican column.
The strategy is bold in its desperation. Right-wingers are betting that Colorado citizens will vote to cut their own pay. After all, according to the Economic Policy Institute, employees in right-to-work states make between 4 and 8 percent less per year than those in other states.
Already, a poll shows that 56 percent of Coloradans oppose "right to work" laws. Even one of Colorado's most influential business groups has said it has "no desire" for such irrational measures. But the right is not in a rational frame of mind.
Colorado conservatives are reeling after Republicans lost both the Legislature and governor's mansion for the first time in more than four decades. The state Republican Party is so unhinged that it hired a buffoon named Dick Wadhams to save it-the same Dick Wadhams who most recently made headlines running Sen. George "Macaca" Allen's 2006 re-election campaign into the ground, effectively ending the Virginia lawmaker's political career. Clearly, these are dire times for the right, and despair tends to deify the Nixons and the Wadhamses by embracing irrational extremism-whether YouTube-amplified racism or worker persecution inherent in right-to-work schemes.
Adding to conservatives' troubles is Colorado's emboldened labor movement. Rather than crouching in a defensive posture, unions are preparing two initiatives that could drive up turnout for Democrats and serve as a model for other states across the nation.
One forces the right to defend criminals-literally. The initiative would make a corporate executive personally liable under the law if he or she "engages in, authorizes, solicits, requests, commands or knowingly tolerates the business's criminal conduct."
According to union polling, 84 percent of Colorado citizens back the measure. Nonetheless, the Denver Chamber of Commerce is trying to keep the initiative off the ballot, claiming that punishing corporate criminals is "a direct assault on our business climate." Yes, conservatives say lawbreaking is not an "assault on our business climate"-prosecuting lawbreakers is. Next thing you know, these shills will argue that locking up violent criminals hurts the "business climate" because, when not killing people, murderers contribute to the local economy.
The other labor-backed initiative would require employers to have a "just cause" when laying off an employee. The unions' poll shows 70 percent of Colorado voters support the concept-not surprising, considering that many voters are probably shocked to discover that most states allow employers to terminate workers for any reason not already outlawed by existing anti-discrimination statutes. Your boss doesn't like that you root for a particular professional sports team? Unless the ballot initiative passes, you can be fired "at will" for that and more in Colorado-and the initiative's conservative opponents will be arguing that's A-OK by them.
Perlstein notes that after Nixon's anti-labor strategy backfired in 1958, he "hardly said an ill word about the labor movement in public again." He learned a lesson that today's conservatives have forgotten-namely, that the public punishes those who overtly denigrate workers. If these initiatives end up on the ballot in a state garnering so much election attention, voters will have the chance to teach the right that crucial lesson once again.
David Sirota is a bestselling author whose newest book, "The Uprising," will be released in June of 2008. He is a fellow at the Campaign for America's Future and a board member of the Progressive States Network-both nonpartisan organizations. His blog is at www.credoaction.com/sirota.
(c) 2008 Creators Syndicate Inc.
David Sirota
David Sirota is an award-winning journalist and bestselling author living in Denver, Colorado. He was nominated for an Academy Award for his work helping create the story for the film DON'T LOOK UP, which became one of the most widely viewed movies in Netflix's history. He is the founder and editor of The Daily Poster, an editor at large at Jacobin Magazine and a columnist at The Guardian. He served as Bernie Sanders' presidential campaign speechwriter in 2020. Sirota is the author of "Back to Our Future" and "Hostile Takeover: How Big Money & Corruption Conquered Our Government--And How We Take It Back". His website: www.davidsirota.com.
A half-century ago, Richard Nixon spearheaded his party's national congressional campaign in the face of a recession like the one we face today. Then Dwight Eisenhower's vice president, he decided that as a way to defeat Democrats the GOP would champion anti-worker laws pioneered in the segregationist South. Specifically, he rolled out "right to work" ballot initiatives to weaken the labor movement. These measures ban contracts that compel employees who benefit from union representation to contribute union dues.
When the 1958 election came, Nixon's blame-workers-first initiatives bombed, and Republicans lost 48 congressional seats, handing the party "its worst year ever," as historian Rick Perlstein recounts in his brilliant new book, "Nixonland."
"Right-to-work wasn't popular with a general public that understood how a strong labor movement had rocketed millions of voters into the middle class," Perlstein writes.
Fifty years later, conservatives are ignoring history's teachings and resurrecting Nixon's failed strategy in a place that could decide a close presidential election. In Colorado, one of the most contested "swing" states, a group of zealots is hoping a "right to work" ballot initiative will drive up GOP turnout and help John McCain keep nine electoral votes in the Republican column.
The strategy is bold in its desperation. Right-wingers are betting that Colorado citizens will vote to cut their own pay. After all, according to the Economic Policy Institute, employees in right-to-work states make between 4 and 8 percent less per year than those in other states.
Already, a poll shows that 56 percent of Coloradans oppose "right to work" laws. Even one of Colorado's most influential business groups has said it has "no desire" for such irrational measures. But the right is not in a rational frame of mind.
Colorado conservatives are reeling after Republicans lost both the Legislature and governor's mansion for the first time in more than four decades. The state Republican Party is so unhinged that it hired a buffoon named Dick Wadhams to save it-the same Dick Wadhams who most recently made headlines running Sen. George "Macaca" Allen's 2006 re-election campaign into the ground, effectively ending the Virginia lawmaker's political career. Clearly, these are dire times for the right, and despair tends to deify the Nixons and the Wadhamses by embracing irrational extremism-whether YouTube-amplified racism or worker persecution inherent in right-to-work schemes.
Adding to conservatives' troubles is Colorado's emboldened labor movement. Rather than crouching in a defensive posture, unions are preparing two initiatives that could drive up turnout for Democrats and serve as a model for other states across the nation.
One forces the right to defend criminals-literally. The initiative would make a corporate executive personally liable under the law if he or she "engages in, authorizes, solicits, requests, commands or knowingly tolerates the business's criminal conduct."
According to union polling, 84 percent of Colorado citizens back the measure. Nonetheless, the Denver Chamber of Commerce is trying to keep the initiative off the ballot, claiming that punishing corporate criminals is "a direct assault on our business climate." Yes, conservatives say lawbreaking is not an "assault on our business climate"-prosecuting lawbreakers is. Next thing you know, these shills will argue that locking up violent criminals hurts the "business climate" because, when not killing people, murderers contribute to the local economy.
The other labor-backed initiative would require employers to have a "just cause" when laying off an employee. The unions' poll shows 70 percent of Colorado voters support the concept-not surprising, considering that many voters are probably shocked to discover that most states allow employers to terminate workers for any reason not already outlawed by existing anti-discrimination statutes. Your boss doesn't like that you root for a particular professional sports team? Unless the ballot initiative passes, you can be fired "at will" for that and more in Colorado-and the initiative's conservative opponents will be arguing that's A-OK by them.
Perlstein notes that after Nixon's anti-labor strategy backfired in 1958, he "hardly said an ill word about the labor movement in public again." He learned a lesson that today's conservatives have forgotten-namely, that the public punishes those who overtly denigrate workers. If these initiatives end up on the ballot in a state garnering so much election attention, voters will have the chance to teach the right that crucial lesson once again.
David Sirota is a bestselling author whose newest book, "The Uprising," will be released in June of 2008. He is a fellow at the Campaign for America's Future and a board member of the Progressive States Network-both nonpartisan organizations. His blog is at www.credoaction.com/sirota.
(c) 2008 Creators Syndicate Inc.
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