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In contrast to all too many Democratic candidates, Graham Platner gets it.
I just made my first trip to Maine. The flights were exhausting: Green Bay to Detroit to LaGuardia to Bangor on Monday, with weather delays and cancellations along the way. Landed in Bangor at midnight on the way out... and forced to stay overnight in Detroit on the return leg. And yet, when I actually landed back home in Wisconsin on Saturday morning, I didn’t feel tired in the least. In fact, I actually felt refreshed and charged up—though I may have been simply running on adrenaline and the excitement of having joined the progressive-populist Democrat Graham Platner on the campaign trail in his quest to become his party’s nominee for the US Senate to challenge Sen. Susan Collins, the right-wing Republican incumbent.
In contrast to all too many Democratic candidates, Graham Platner gets it. Fed up with a party establishment that continues to turn its back on its own FDR tradition and the social-democratic yearnings of working people, he has come to recognize and respond to the American democratic imperative that the populist-progressive journalist and activist Henry Demarest Lloyd spoke of 130 years ago: “The price of liberty is something more than eternal vigilance. We can save the rights we have inherited from our fathers only by winning new ones to bequeath our children.”
Not at all a career politician, Platner is a 41-year-old Marine and Army combat veteran. He left the military after tours of duty in both Iraq and Afghanistan, having finally had enough of witnessing the unrelenting waste of human life and resources that those wars entailed. But as much as he was fed up with forever wars, he did not return home either cynical about or fed up with America. He remained fundamentally a patriot—a democratic patriot.
Back in his hometown of Sullivan, Maine, Graham took up an offer to partner in an oyster farming business and before long became actively involved in progressive community organizing. But it was not enough. An avid reader of history—and knowing full well that the way things were is not the way they have always been or need to be today—he decided, with the support of his wife Amy and a cohort of friends, to pursue the Democratic nomination.
Inspired by Thomas Paine in 1776, the American colonists turned their rebellion into a revolutionary war not just for independence, but also for the making of a democratic republic.
I could not help but take note of his candidacy this past autumn—especially when I saw via social media sites that he was not only quoting my boy Thomas Paine in his speeches—“We have it in our to power to the begin the world over again...” (Common Sense) and “These are the times that try men’s souls...” (The Crisis)—and including my book, Thomas Paine and the Promise of America in his campaign book club. He was also lamenting the fact that Congress had never acted on Franklin Delano Roosevelt's 1944 call for an Economic Bill of Rights for all Americans. Long story short: I reached out to his campaign manager Ben Chin, who quickly set up a face-to-face zoom meeting for us. And the ensuing conversation made it clear to me that Platner would pass any essay exam this professor of democracy and justice might set. But good grades aside, what really struck me was Graham’s professed determination to take hold of the best of our progressive and radical history and to rhetorically engage and encourage his fellow Mainers to join him in renewing the fight to make the revolutionary promise of Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness all the more real for all the more of them.
If you know anything about my work—and Graham made it very clear that he did—you’ll appreciate why I was not only thrilled to run into him on social media, but also eager to help boost his campaign. We stayed in daily touch. Then, just over two weeks ago, Platner reached out to invite me to Maine for the campaign's launch of its Defend Democracy Agenda on March 10. He said would be honored to have me present for the launch, but hell, I have to admit I felt honored he wanted me there.

Flying to Maine, I was still in the dark as to what my actual role would be. But when I finally arrived at Graham and Amy’s house—coming in at 1am after my long flight—I found out that they wanted me to actually introduce the proceedings the next day at the rally in Machias by placing the Agenda in historical perspective. I loved the prospect.
Driving that morning to Machias, the seat of Washington County in Downeast Maine, Graham and Ben told me of the Battle of Machias in 1775—the first naval battle of what would become the American Revolution—in which local residents rallied to defend their town against British ships seeking to secure supplies, by sailing out to engage them. Along the way, we stopped to meet a friendly group of Indivisible Mainers who gathered every Tuesday on a bridge with signs protesting the political and economic royalists of today who are tearing down American democracy. That definitely revved me up a bit and after our visit with local activists, Graham and Ben enthusiastically licensed me to speak radically at the rally in Machias.
Standing outside the Revolutionary-era Burnham Tavern in Machias, I told the crowd of about 100 or so people that I had come to Maine to express my support for Graham’s campaign and to stand in solidarity with them. I then turned to American history. I said straightforwardly that we have endured 50 years of class war from above by corporate elites, conservative Republicans, and neoliberal Democrats, all of which have worked against the democratic achievements of the Long Age of Roosevelt from the 1930s to the 1960s. This is a class war that has stripped workers, women, and people of color of their hard-won rights. It's a class war that has produced gross inequalities and propelled 50 years of creeping authoritarianism that is now running roughshod over us.
I explained that although history does not repeat itself, we have been here before. Not for the first time do we face a mortal crisis in which reactionary forces threaten to destroy American democratic life and bury the nation’s revolutionary promise. We did so in the 1770s, the 1860s, and the 1930s and 1940s. And yet, in each of those crises, generations of Americans—for all of their faults and failings, and sins of omission and commission—found it in themselves to save the nation and its promise by making America radically freer, more equal, and more democratic than ever before.
Don’t vote for the candidate who promises to be your champion and fight for you. Vote for the candidate who inspires the fight in you.
Inspired by Thomas Paine in 1776, the American colonists turned their rebellion into a revolutionary war not just for independence, but also for the making of a democratic republic. Inspired by Abraham Lincoln in the 1860s, Americans of that era saved the Union not only by fighting the Civil War, but also by bringing the scourge of slavery to an end. And inspired by Franklin Roosevelt in the 1930s and 1940s, it was the people who beat back both the Great Depression and fascism, not merely by taking up the labors and struggles of the New Deal and the War Effort, but also by empowering working people and radically transforming the nation for the better.
Finally, in introducing Graham, I declared how thrilled I was to have finally discovered a Democratic candidate who understood that to “Defend American Democracy” required joining together and once again fighting to make America radically freer, more equal, and more democratic. (I sadly realized afterwards that I forgot to finish with these words of advice: Don’t vote for the candidate who promises to fight for you – vote for the candidate who inspires the fight in you!)
Stepping forward to uplifting cheers and applause, Graham vigorously reaffirmed the narrative I offered and proceeded to present a set of bold, clear, critical policy proposals to progressively redeem, renew, and and realize America’s promise: ending lifetime Supreme Court appointments; reasserting Congress’s authority over the courts and the executive (the question of war powers!); banning partisan gerrymandering; getting money out of politics; protecting the constitutional right to privacy; strengthening workers’ rights to organize and bargain collectively; passing the Equal Rights Amendment; and updating and advancing the economic freedoms which FDR called a Second Bill of Rights via a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights.
These rights would include the right to a useful job that pays a living wage, the right to a decent home, the right to quality medical care and the opportunity to enjoy good health and recreation, the right to economic security in old age, sickness, unemployment, or disability; the right to a good education; and the right of farmers and small business owners to fair competition free from monopoly power.

Graham was impressive. He really does know how to take hold of our history without ever sounding pedantic. And he knows politics and policy. He even confesses when he needs to "look into that”—which is to say, he never fudges his answers.
Following a walking tour of Machias with stops in the local shoppes, we went to the renowned Helen’s Restaurant, where Graham spoke to a full house of enthusiasts, and I ate the best blueberry pie of my life. That evening, Graham addressed a filled-to-the-steeple crowd of local citizens—Democrats, Republicans, and Independents—at the Congregational Church and he stayed on for quite a while to answer questions friendly and challenging.
On the next day, he and I recorded a two-hour conversation at the Bon Vent Cidery in Hancock. The exchange flowed back and forth between past and present and allowed us to not only go deeper into the remarks we made in Machias, but also refine our thinking. We talked about Paine, Lincoln, FDR, the Democratic Party, politics, movement building, populism, progressivism, and social democracy. That night we had dinner with a few friends of Graham’s at his mom’s home. As it was my first time in Maine, I could not help but ask them to tell me the best adjectives to define Mainers and life in Maine. It was so much fun I can’t remember any of the answers.
The following day I was supposed to fly back to Wisconsin, but my flight was cancelled due to thick fog. So, I tagged along to Graham’s campaign meetings for the day. That night, I took Graham out to dinner to thank him for having me out, during which he felt the need to apologize for all the interruptions by other diners (not all of whom were locals), but I thought it fascinating to watch it unfold. He is leading in both the primary and the general-election polls (vs Governor Janet Mills and Senator Susan Collins, respectively), but everyone is well aware of the fact that he is not the favorite of party leaders in Augusta and Washington—and they expect the billionaire money of the ruling class to soon start pouring into the state. Still, union endorsements are strong; both Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren have embraced his candidacy; and Graham is starting to pick up endorsements from other progressive lawmakers and movement leaders.
I expect to go back to Maine when I can—hopefully, for a couple of victory parties. Meanwhile, my advice to Mainers is what I forgot to say at Machias: Don’t vote for the candidate who promises to be your champion and fight for you. Vote for the candidate who inspires the fight in you. And from what I saw on my visit, that candidate is Graham Platner.
As we confront what some are expecting to be the third once-in-a-generation economic downturn in less than two decades, we need to be ready with real solutions.
President Trump has given many contradictory reasons for his recent tariff spree, including claiming tariffs will “create jobs like we have never seen before.”
Yet research shows that tariffs don’t increase employment and instead are likely to cost jobs due to increased input prices and retaliatory tariffs. Economist Michael Strain at the conservative American Enterprise Institute expects Trump’s tariffs will lead to "recessionary levels" of unemployment. Ironically, analysts expect the rural and Heartland communities that voted for Trump will be disproportionately negatively impacted by retaliatory tariffs. Given how this Administration has cavalierly forced tens of thousands of federal workers out of good jobs and destroyed just as many research and nonprofit jobs supported by federal grants, it’s clear that employing Americans has never been the true priority.
A federal job guarantee is a public option for a good job—with living wages, full benefits, and union protections—on projects that meet community needs for physical and human infrastructure that are often long-overlooked.
But it should be a national priority. And we have a much better solution than tariffs: a job guarantee.
A federal job guarantee is a public option for a good job—with living wages, full benefits, and union protections—on projects that meet community needs for physical and human infrastructure that are often long-overlooked. Repairing bridges, helping communities recover from disasters, providing quality care for children and the elderly, fixing potholes, and expanding tree canopy to mitigate extreme heat are just a few examples of the community-building work that would become possible with a job guarantee.
A job guarantee would address the failure of our economy to provide good jobs for all. Even during times of relatively low unemployment, millions of Americans—currently 7.9 million—want full-time work but cannot find it. This is a chronic crisis that disproportionately burdens rural communities and communities of color. Another 39 million American workers are stuck in jobs that pay below $17 per hour, often with precarious, unhealthy, and undignified working conditions. Guaranteed jobs would provide these workers with the option of stable employment and real economic security.
Tariffs may grab headlines, but they don’t build communities or deliver good jobs.
A job guarantee is not a new idea. The right to a “useful and remunerative” job was the number one item on the Economic Bill of Rights proposed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1944. Guaranteed jobs were a central demand of the civil rights movement, from the 1963 March on Washington to Coretta Scott King’s advocacy throughout the 1970s. And it nearly became law: the original Humphrey Hawkins Full Employment Act of 1978 included a legally enforceable right to a job with the federal government acting as employer of last resort, though that provision was stripped from the watered-down version that eventually passed. In recent years, congressional leaders including senators Cory Booker and Bernie Sanders have supported versions of a job guarantee, and representative Ayanna Pressley introduced a Congressional resolution outlining a modernized federal job guarantee that would pay $25 per hour.
While we’ve never had a true federal job guarantee, successful public employment efforts demonstrate its practicality and potential. In the 1930’s, the Works Progress Administration employed 8.5 million people building physical infrastructure and artistic works that strengthened our economy and culture for decades. Smaller-scale “subsidized employment” programs that provide the on-the-job training and wraparound supports for workers facing barriers to employment (similar to what would be provided by a job guarantee) also have a strong track record of success.
A job guarantee is not a new idea. The right to a “useful and remunerative” job was the number one item on the Economic Bill of Rights proposed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1944.
By producing not only good jobs but also vital infrastructure and services, a job guarantee bolsters families and the neighborhoods where they live. Moreover, it would generate “trickle-up” economic effects. Money would begin circulating in persistently-disinvested communities, creating opportunities for grocery stores, small businesses, and local entrepreneurship. And a public option for good jobs would put healthy pressure on private employers to better compensate their workers—elevating wages and benefits across the board.
Funded by the federal government and implemented locally, a job guarantee would create new opportunities for civic engagement, with communities suggesting new public investments that meet their needs and manifest their aspirations. This partnership could strengthen democracy and rebuild trust that government can work for working people.
Ultimately, a job guarantee would create a more stable, resilient, and equitable economy. By immediately providing jobs and income at the first sign of an economic downturn, it would act as an automatic stabilizer—maintaining consumer spending and preventing prolonged recessions and jobless recoveries. This would benefit the economy as a whole and protect marginalized Black workers who are the “last hired and first fired” when the economy sours. It would enable a “just transition” away from unsustainable industries and address the threat of job displacement posed by AI, creating new jobs protecting the environment and mitigating climate change.
And for those who would dismiss this as socialism, it’s worth emphasizing: the job guarantee simply ensures there is an available job. If the more “productive” private sector can offer something better, all the better—workers will have the freedom to choose.
As we confront what some are expecting to be the third once-in-a-generation economic downturn in less than two decades, we need to be ready with real solutions. Tariffs may grab headlines, but they don’t build communities or deliver good jobs. Instead, this administration’s chaotic policies are creating widespread economic uncertainty and strain. A federal job guarantee, by contrast, is a bold economic policy rooted in American history and grounded in the needs of workers who’ve been sidelined by our economic policies. If we want to empower workers and build a more resilient economy, we should start investing in real solutions—starting with a job guarantee.
We must lay claim to or, better, reclaim America’s past and—without discounting the terrible tragedies and ironies that have marked the lives of so many Americans—articulate the truly radical story of America.
“America needs something more right now than a “must-do” list from liberals and progressives. America needs a different story… the leaders, and thinkers, and activists who honestly tell that story and speak passionately of the moral and religious values it puts in play will be the first political generation since the New Deal to win power back for the people… The right story will set our course for a generation to come…”
“Tell it—for America’s sake.”—Bill Moyers, A New Story for America (2006)
The time has come. The crisis intensifies, and the struggle is being joined. Abraham Lincoln’s warning of 1862–“We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope of Earth”—speaks ever more directly to us. But keep listening. Lincoln did not merely issue a warning to his fellow citizens. Believing they already essentially knew what he was to say, he reminded them of who they were and made it perfectly clear to them what they had to do to overcome the crisis and prevail against the enemy they confronted. He told them that winning the war and sustaining the Union required not simply defeating the Confederacy, but also making America’s revolutionary promise all the more real for all the more Americans. He told them that to truly secure the United States they had to end slavery. He called on them to make America radically freer, more equal, and more democratic.
The time has come for us to do the same. The time has come for us to remind ourselves of who we are and what that demands. The time has come for us to take hold of our history and make America radical again.
The resurgent democratic energies and agencies we are sensing and seeing reveal that Americans not only continue both to believe in America’s revolutionary promise and to feel the radical impulse imbued in American life by the Revolution and sustained by the struggles of generations, but also yearn to defend American democratic life. Thus, they challenge not only a treacherous and reactionary president and his party. They challenge us—the democratic left—as well.
Even as we draw inspiration and encouragement from America’s progressive and radical story, we should never forget what our forebears never forgot, that the America we seek lies not in the past, but in the future that we are struggling to make.
They challenge labor unionists, progressives, radicals, socialists, and true liberals to do what we have failed to do for the past 50 years. They challenge us to finally fulfill the fearful expectations that in the 1970s drove the corporate powers that be and their conservative and neoliberal champions to declare war on the progress of American democratic life and pursue to this day class-war and culture-war campaigns against the democratic achievements of generations; the hard-won rights of workers, women, and people of color; and the very memory of how those achievements were secured and those rights were won. They challenge us to unite in a coalition—call it a “popular front” if you wish—to liberate the Democratic party, the historic Party of the People, from the Money Power and to take up the fight to truly assure life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness to all Americans. A coalition determined to not only win elections, but also harness the powers of democratic government, subject capital to ever greater public regulation and control, and push the nation all the more in a social-democratic direction.
We cannot delay. We must start doing what we have not been doing. We must embrace our history and recognize that we are radicals at heart. And we must build a coalition of democratic forces which is committed not merely to restoring the democratic legacy of generations and the rights of workers, women, and people of color, but also, if we are to truly secure them, to radically or, if you prefer, progressively extending and deepening them. We must address the needs of the commonwealth and its citizens by re-appropriating through taxation the wealth transferred from working people to capital and the rich. We must empower labor both private and public to organize and bargain collectively and to elect union brothers and sisters to corporate boards. We must make ourselves more secure by demilitarizing and de-weaponizing everyday American life and by establishing a system of universal national healthcare. We must enact the Equal Rights Amendment and guarantee a woman’s right to control her own body. We must not simply abolish the Electoral College, but actually enact a constitutional amendment guaranteeing citizens the right to vote. Moreover, we should redeem FDR’s vision of an Economic Bill of Rights for all Americans.
We must, however, do more than come up with a “must-do list” that will appeal to and draw together diverse interests. We must do what America’s finest radical and progressive voices have always done in the face of crises and forces determined to stymie, or bring an end altogether to, the progress of American democratic life. We must recover and proclaim anew the revolutionary promise projected in Common Sense, the Declaration, the Preamble, and the Bill of Rights so as to call out the powers that be and call forth our fellow citizens.
We must do what our greatest democratic poet Walt Whitman did on the eve of the Civil War when he wrote in his continuing epic, Leaves of Grass:
YOU just maturing youth! You male or female!
Remember the organic compact of These States,
Remember the pledge of the Old Thirteen thenceforward to the rights, life, liberty, equality of man,
Remember what was promulged by the founders, ratified by The States, signed in black and white by the Commissioners, and read by Washington at the head of the army,
Remember the purposes of the founders,––Remember Washington;
Remember the copious humanity streaming from every direction toward America;
Remember the hospitality that belongs to nations and men; (Cursed be nation, woman, man, without hospitality!)
Remember, government is to subserve individuals,
Not any, not the President, is to have one jot more than you or me,
Not any habitan of America is to have one jot less than you or me.
We must do what Elizabeth Cady Stanton and her colleagues did at Seneca Falls in 1848 when they stated in the Declaration of Sentiments that “all men and women are created equal”; what Frederick Douglass did in 1852 when he asked his fellow Americans “What to the slave is the Fourth of July?”; what Lincoln did most eloquently at Gettysburg in 1863 when he projected a “new birth of freedom” to assure that “government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the Earth”; what Eugene Debs did when he called forth Paine and other radicals and progressives to champion the causes of labor and socialism; what Franklin Roosevelt did in proclaiming the Four Freedoms and envisioning the creation of an Economic Bill of Rights for all Americans; and what Martin Luther King, Jr. did when demanding a fulfillment of America’s revolutionary promise on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in 1963.
Moreover, we must lay claim to or, better, reclaim America’s past and—without discounting the terrible tragedies and ironies that have marked the lives of so many Americans—articulate the truly radical story of America, the truly radical story that is America. The story of how, in the face of fierce opposition, and despite all of our terrible faults and failings, generations of Americans native-born and newly-arrived, men and women in all their extraordinary diversity, have struggled both to realize the nation’s fundamental promise of equality and life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness and to enlarge not only the We in We the People, but also the powers of the people. Indeed, the story of how our greatest generations confronted and transcended mortal threats to American democratic life in the 1770s, 1860s, and 1930s-40s (not to mention the 1960s) by making the United States radically freer, more equal, and more democratic. And we must tell that story in a way that enables us to not only appreciate why we feel the democratic impulses and yearnings we do, but also to recognize and embrace our many and diverse struggles to make real the nation’s promise past and present as ours not respectively “theirs” alone.
Finally, even as we draw inspiration and encouragement from America’s progressive and radical story, we should never forget what our forebears never forgot, that the America we seek lies not in the past, but in the future that we are struggling to make. And in that spirit, we should recall, if not publicly recite, lines such as these from Langston Hughes’ 1936 poem “Let America Be America Again”:
O, let America be America again—
The land that never has been yet—
And yet must be—the land where every man is free.
The land that’s mine—the poor man’s, Indian’s, Negro’s, ME—
Who made America,
Whose sweat and blood, whose faith and pain,
Whose hand at the foundry, whose plow in the rain,
Must bring back our mighty dream again.
Sure, call me any ugly name you choose—
The steel of freedom does not stain.
From those who live like leeches on the people’s lives,
We must take back our land again,
America!
O, yes,
I say it plain,
America never was America to me,
And yet I swear this oath—
America will be!
The time has come to take hold of our history and make America radical again. The time has come not merely to take back America, but all the more to make America America.
Note: This article is based on the Afterword to my 2020 book Take Hold of Our History: Make America Radical Again.
Either we act now to position progressive politics as the viable alternative to Trump or we’re complicit in the end of our democratic society.
There are two central facts about the Democratic Party that everyone must understand if our democratic republic is going to survive President Donald Trump’s authoritarian counterrevolution:
That sounds pretty hopeless.
However, there is a path forward. We can change the “configuration” of the party, i.e. transform the Democratic Party.
Can that be done in time to rebuff Trump and save our democracy? The answer has to be “yes” because it’s our only hope.
Fortunately, right on cue, events over the past few weeks reminded the public why centrist Democratic leaders have failed to protect America from Trump; and that progressives, in sharp contrast, are more than capable of rejuvenating the opposition and inspiring mass participation.
This is the final installment in a four-part series that argues that a progressive transformation of the Democratic Party is required to defeat Trump, Musk, the lockstep GOP, and 21st-century fascism in general.
Indeed, by early-March, public approval of the Democratic Party was already at an all-time low. The central complaint was that the Democrats were too weak to stand up to Trump. And that was before Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer’s (D-N.Y.) capitulation.
On March 14, a Stopgap Budget Bill needed to pass the Senate to avoid a government shutdown; and, to overcome a filibuster, it needed support from a handful of Democratic Senators. Finally, here was the opportunity to block the Trump agenda, to “gum up the works” as Democrats had promised. Petitions arrived on Capitol Hill; phone calls flooded the switchboard, pleading with Democrats to take a stand. Nope. Schumer delivered the votes the Republicans needed. Disgust with the Democrats reached a new crescendo.
Meanwhile, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I.-Vt.) was barnstorming through middle America, speaking to overflow crowds. Then he was joined by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) for a swing through the Mountain West and the crowds grew even larger and more exuberant. Here was the vital opposition. The vast audience hung on every word, recognizing that the progressive proposals presented were the antidote to Trump’s destructive agenda. They spoke to the needs, not just the anger, of the population.
Most importantly, there was a tangible sense of solidarity present. Both Bernie and AOC called upon the people gathered to join with them, to organize in their communities and build a movement to defend democracy, protect the environment, and advocate for policies that prioritize the interests of the working class—and, significantly, remain engaged with electoral politics.
This was exactly the message people came to hear. They understand that a popular movement that presents a positive progressive vision for society and organizes to win elections is necessary to turn the tide against Trump. They are ready to act, along with millions more across the country.
Progressives have to seize the moment.
The Constitution’s system of checks and balances, designed to protect America from tyranny, are teetering. The courts have limited some damage, but one would have to be willfully naive to believe that a Federalist Society-dominated Supreme Court, the ultimate arbiter in the judicial branch, will rule against right-wing authoritarianism. We already see that congressional Republicans, even with razor-thin majorities, will not break with Trump to defend the Constitution.
Therefore, our best hope for preserving our constitutional democracy is the election of a Democratic House majority in 2026. As a prerequisite, we will need a party that fights before election day to ensure that we have free and fair elections. The Democratic Party is the only institution in contemporary American society that can take on this task—and the more people it mobilizes, the more likely it will succeed.
This moment is crying out for progressive leadership.
This article outlines a workable strategy for progressives to transform the Democratic Party through mass entryism. The plan’s centerpiece is an updated “outside-inside strategy” designed to overcome the barriers that protect entrenched interests inside the party. Through this strategy, we can unseat the neoliberal status quo, which condemns the party to failure, and facilitate the mass entry of the party’s progressive base, which will lift the party to victory over fascism.
History is demanding that the Democratic Party change—and change fast. That is not going to happen by simply wishing it will come true.
This is the final installment in a four-part series that argues that a progressive transformation of the Democratic Party is required to defeat Trump, Musk, the lockstep GOP, and 21st-century fascism in general.
The first two articles explained that of the three major political tendencies in the country (the Trumpian reactionaries on the right, the neoliberal “moderates” in the center, and the progressives on the left), only the progressives adequately address the two major complaints that the public has about the direction of the country: 1. The performance of the economy for the vast majority of Americans; and 2. Mistrust of politicians and the political system.
As such, the only effective antidote to the current crisis of our democracy will be the rise of the progressives.
The third article, the most polemical in the series, challenged Americans to recognize some difficult truths. Our constitutional system of government is under attack from within. We are at a perilous moment in our history. For all its flaws, both historical and contemporary, our democratic republic and open society must be defended against the unfolding fascist coup. However, our last bastion of defense is a seemingly listless Democratic Party. As one of the two parties in a nationwide two-party system, it alone has the capacity to take on and defeat a threat of this magnitude. Therefore, it is incumbent upon all people of conscience to get inside the Democratic Party and get to work.
This article, the final installment in the series, presents a viable plan for progressives to transform the Democratic Party into the party that we need; and which, through an alliance with independent left progressive elected officials (like Bernie Sanders), will be poised to win majorities across the country, undo the damage wrought by Trump, and build an America as great as its promise. A country at peace with the world, in harmony with the planet, with an economy organized to ensure that the working class is a prosperous middle class.
Thus, before introducing the “outside-inside” plan to transform the Democratic Party, it’s important to reiterate that this is more than a strategy to win elections in the short run, it’s an outline to dramatically improve American society through mass political participation. As such, it is a strategy to win elections now and for the foreseeable future.
It’s not enough to express anger at Trump—as centrist Democrats are finally starting to do, even as they intend otherwise to proceed as before. Such an opposition party cannot defeat Trumpism. Sure, it’s plausible that this sorry crew could pull off a victory in the midterms—but only because of the horrors of Trump.
While any victory over Trump is welcome, no one should believe that a party that represents the previous status quo can vanquish Trumpism in the long run.
The public recognizes that by complacently calling for a return to “norm,” establishment Democrats are advocating for a society with little to offer them. America in the 21st century has been defined by massive wealth inequality; where the average person has to have two, three, or four jobs, working 60, 70, 80 hours a week, just to keep their head above water; with a broken and inhumane healthcare system designed primarily to steal people's money and give it to the idle investor class; where there is an epidemic of despair among our youth; with legions of fellow citizens homeless; where the jobs are not coming back; where a lot is said but nothing is ever done about persistent structural racism, or mass incarceration, or rampant drug addiction (both “legal” and illegal); and humanity is burning itself off the planet.
Such an opposition party in a two-party political system, even if it achieves a narrow 51-49 victory in 2026 or 2028, can only forestall the rise of savage fascism—because only one of the two options promises change.
We need another option. Only an opposition party that sincerely addresses the crises that afflict American society and proposes workable solutions—and then implements those plans upon being elected, like FDR—can revive faith in the country. We must transform the Democratic Party.
What follows is a simple blueprint for transforming the Democratic Party into the party that America, and all those who believe in democracy around the world, needs in the 21st century.
The following proposal is based on Progressive Democrats of America’s (PDA) two decades of experience working to increase progressive influence within the Party.
Throughout its history PDA has deployed an “inside-outside” strategy. Its members establish themselves inside their local party while maintaining coordination with social movements and the labor movement on the outside of the party. This not only builds support for these movements in the political and legislative realms, but also grounds PDA members in the issues important to communities and the grassroots.
Then, in 2013, PDA launched the Run Bernie Run campaign, calling upon Sen. Sanders to run for president as a Democrat. The campaign was successful, and Sanders’ spectacular performance in the primaries changed American politics for the better—reestablishing progressive politics nationwide.
What better time to build a party through which people will meet fellow community members and share their ideas about how society should be organized?
In the aftermath of the 2016 Sanders campaign, tens of thousands of activists entered the Democratic Party in the hope of moving it in a progressive direction.
While some met with success, most encountered considerable resistance. Democratic Party rules differ from state to state, so they were made to feel unwelcome in a wide variety of ways.
Fast-forward to 2025, and the general sentiment among progressive activists is that the party establishment will do whatever necessary to keep them away.
However, staying away is not an option. History is demanding that the Democratic Party change—and change fast. That is not going to happen by simply wishing it will come true.
What’s needed is a new strategy to transform the Party.
Here’s our proposal, based on two decades of experience:
Progressives must establish an organization—or, at least, a well-defined network of organizations—on the outside of the Democratic Party that is dedicated to transforming the Democratic Party into an exemplary progressive Party committed to the needs and aspirations of the general public.
This organization or network would convene progressives in each state since party rules differ significantly from state to state, and also coordinate nationally, with the clear goal of overcoming the barriers to progressive influence that the party establishment has erected.
As for a unifying political agenda, which is very important, it should be kept simple so that it’s not a source of dissension and distraction. PDA supports adopting the 2020 Sanders for President platform, with some minor tweaks and updates. Also, given the current crisis, a short negative agenda, opposing Trump’s policies, could be added.
Just as importantly, a set of basic demands to reform the Democratic Party should be adopted nationally, including the elimination of dark money from all party primaries, mandatory reporting of all revenue and expenditures, and requirements for a high level of direct engagement with party members and the general public.
In every state, our organization should operate on two fronts: 1. It should organize members to move into the party, determining and then implementing strategies for transforming the party in a progressive direction; and 2. It should hold public-facing events, showing the public what a truly inclusive and welcoming 21st century political party can look like.
On the first front, here are seven strategies that the statewide organizations could deploy:
Then, most importantly, after pursuing these initiatives, members should reconvene in the outside organization and share notes about their success or failure. Like a football team re-huddling after every play, they can adjust their approach and go for it again. In all likelihood, they will devise strategies beyond the seven outlined above.
Over time, and possibly very quickly, this approach will produce breakthroughs. In some states, the party infrastructure is not well populated. Even in states where more people are participating, there’s often a lack of enthusiasm, let alone inspiration. Still, in most cases, progressive activists will encounter barriers to entry and influence.
This is why the establishment of an organization, operating independently on the outside of the party, but dedicated to gaining power in each state party, will make a huge difference compared to recent efforts. Getting to reconvene with fellow progressives, hear about their experiences, and use that knowledge to devise better strategies will mitigate any sense of defeat, and build perseverance.
Lastly, at the national level, the organization should push for a similar ban on dark money in the presidential primaries, and fight to make sure that all the candidates share a level playing field.
On the second front, that of inviting the public to join the effort, the organization should more-or-less operate as a de facto political party—as a party-inside-a-party, so to speak, that happens to be on the outside of the party. And, by adopting exemplary practices, it can prove to the world that democracy, far from dying, remains the best system of political organization for the 21st century.
In this regard, each statewide branch of this new organization must allow for broad participation. This means holding public forums, inviting everyone regardless of political affiliation, engaging with and learning from the people. (Each state branch of the organization should have its own fundraising capacity and balance sheet. Even as some funding will come from the national organization.) Through such events, we can rapidly grow the ranks of our “progressive party outside the party.” In turn, we will invite the new members to join our efforts to “take over” the official Democratic Party. Soon, we will be able to flood the party with progressive activists.
We should aspire to build a party that accommodates people according to their needs. In particular, we must find ways to hear from people who work long hours, and don’t have time to attend meetings, let alone volunteer. Just as we must respect people who don’t want a barrage of text messages. We should engage people at their own pace; always keeping an open line of communication and making sure to check in with everyone a few times per year, placing a priority on listening.
The great Italian political philosopher Antonio Gramsci posited the idea of a political party creating a counter-hegemonic space, where the people could discover their own culture. Certainly, this concept should be applied to our era when countless hours of our lives are lost staring into handheld devices, our minds channeled down rabbit holes by algorithms designed by and for the benefit of our class enemies. What better time to build a party through which people will meet fellow community members and share their ideas about how society should be organized? Study after study suggests that contemporary Americans have a ravenous appetite for exactly this kind of social space.
The organization will also facilitate a full flowering of the classic “inside-outside strategy.” Representatives from social movements and labor organizers will always be provided a platform—as will the broad array of Resistance activists, in particular those from communities and groups of workers under direct attack from the Trump administration. Members of the organization will convey their messages inside the party and call upon elected Democrats to support them.
Also, the organization’s public events will invariably attract people supporting the wide array of radical and visionary projects long marginalized by the moderate Democratic Party. A progressive party, true to its principles, would want to learn about the innumerable mutual aid projects across the country, and consider public policies to support such efforts. Indeed, ours should be a party open to all projects that serve the general welfare.
As such, we should not be shy about reclaiming words like liberty and freedom, long held hostage by the right wing, for all the people—and we should absolutely pull no punches in embracing free speech, rejecting censorship, and exposing right-wing hypocrisy on that front. Such initiatives will help negate the constant misrepresentation of progressives in right-wing media (and by moderate Democrats as well).
Of course, the organization should always be advocating for, and educating the public about, signature progressive policies like Medicare for All, a 21st-Century Economic Bill of Rights, free public higher education and childcare, affordable housing, support for the labor movement, a reduction in Pentagon spending, the Green New Deal, and the Rural New Deal. Almost all of these have majority support among the general public, and their adoption would reestablish an American social contract defined by prosperity for all.
Now for the big question: Can this work?
Two answers.
1. It’s a moot question. It simply has to be tried. Progressives are far too aware of the failings of mainstream Democrats to have faith that they can save us from fascism. But it goes deeper than that. Their zombie ideology is not going to revive itself. History has turned the page on neoliberalism.
So, either we act now to position progressive politics as the viable alternative to Trump or we’re complicit in the end of our democratic society. In our two-party system, there’s only one option: We have to transform the Democratic Party. So, let’s get to it.
2. Yes, it will work.
But only if two important conditions are met.
The first is that the balance of the progressive movement must get behind the effort. You may have noticed that I haven’t been describing this as a PDA initiative, though PDA most certainly will pursue the strategy outlined above. (Indeed, please join PDA, as we will be launching this initiative in the next week—including the recruitment of partner organizations.)
PDA is only one of a number of sizable national progressive organizations, and, for a campaign like this to be successful, it’s important that most of the others join the effort too.
In the coming days, PDA will be reaching out to our regular partners, Our Revolution and Roots Action, as well as a long list of frequent partners and allies, including labor unions, and ask them to be partners.
Fortunately, there is good news, very good news, on this front. Bernie Sanders has been calling for a similar approach to electoral politics in recent days.
On the one hand, he has been calling for the Democratic Party to make many of the changes outlined above (with special emphasis on getting dark money out of the primaries). In general, his critique of the contemporary party matches up with PDA’s.
On the other hand, Bernie has been emphasizing something that, at first glance, may appear to conflict with PDA’s strategy, but the opposite is true—we love the idea. Sen. Sanders has been calling on progressives to consider endorsing independent candidates, especially in parts of the country where the Democratic brand is in shambles. Why does this not contradict our strategy? Because it’s something PDA has practiced throughout our history. You may recall that we ruffled some feathers in the party when we drafted an independent senator to run for president as a Democrat in 2016. The same independent senator that we’ve endorsed every six years.
The Democratic Party can be the party of the working class—and no one will think we’re gaslighting anyone, and we’ll win national elections—when we adopt the Sanders-AOC policy program, which will dramatically improve the lives of the majority of the population.
Not only does Sen. Sanders’ proposal about independent progressive candidates suit our strategy perfectly, but it will be aided by our organization. The success of such an independent candidate requires that the Democratic Party not throw its support behind a Democrat in the general election—this was the case last year in Nebraska when the Democratic Party “stood down” for independent candidate Dan Osbourn. Our “outside-inside” organization is perfectly suited to help facilitate, and, with the right independent candidate, support this strategy.
In the coming days, I will be reaching out to Sen. Sanders to talk about coordinating our efforts.
The second important condition is that, even in states where we might endorse independent candidates, the Democratic Party itself must be a central focus of the campaign. This can’t simply be a matter of supporting progressive candidates.
Why? Because Trumpism will not be vanquished until the opposition can implement transformative policies that will noticeably improve the lives of Americans. This will not be possible until progressives win control of the party and can diminish the power of big money, which effectively buys primaries for moderate neoliberal Democrats. This is especially pronounced in the U.S. Senate where Democrats, on balance, are more conservative than in the House—and where primary elections are much, much more expensive.
Thus, even though a strong majority of Democratic voters support progressive policies, congressional Democrats invariably champion a milquetoast set of technocratic adjustments that will improve very few people’s lives. This plays right into the hands of a demagogue like Trump. Yet moderate Democratic incumbents will be safe in their seats until progressives gain control of the party and can level the primary playing field (and also call out incumbents for not supporting the party platform). Only then will the public feel that Democratic Party candidates are serious about making changes to improve their lives.
It follows that building progressive power inside the party is a necessary precursor to the passage of transformative progressive legislation. This is an opportune time to pursue this strategy, as incoming Democratic National Committee Chair Ken Martin has said that he welcomes an influx of progressives into the party.
Of course, Martin extends this invitation in a spirit of party unity, which progressives should also embrace while never bending on principle. After all, it still remains essential that we join together to defeat the fascists and preserve our democratic republic.
Having said that, we will be calling for, and organizing to achieve, a progressive transformation of the party. We just need to proceed with grace and decorum. We’re confident that we’ll win the debate. The facts are with us 100%.
Neoliberal and moderate Democrats keep losing national elections to an anti-constitutional authoritarian Republican Party that itself has very low public support. Why? Because moderate Democrats are a status-quo political formation, and the public is profoundly dissatisfied with the state of the country.
Furthermore—and this really drives the point home—when it became apparent after the election that the mainstream Democrats had “lost the working class” to Trump, mainstream Democrats across the nation started talking about the working class. But there was no discernable change in the policies they support. This is gaslighting, and the public will see right through it.
Progressives, as part of the same political party as the moderates, need to explain this politely to the moderates and to the party activists, rank-and-file members, and the general public.
The Democratic Party can be the party of the working class—and no one will think we’re gaslighting anyone, and we’ll win national elections—when we adopt the Sanders-AOC policy program, which will dramatically improve the lives of the majority of the population.
I’m confident that progressives can win the debate over the direction of the party while maintaining a spirit of comity and anti-fascist unity.
So, there you have it. Public dissatisfaction with the party is so profound, the moment is ripe for a progressive takeover—and this can be achieved through some basic organizing and old-fashioned stick-to-itiveness.
Many historians have noted that periods of significant social progress often follow great crises. Well, with Trump, we have a great crisis unfolding.
If we take appropriate action now, not only can we limit the damage, but we can set the table for a new progressive era and the redemption of democracy.
Join PDA’s efforts to create a truly progressive Democratic Party, which we desperately need at this crucial hour of our history.
NB: In the previous article in this series, I promised to respond to the myriad objections (i.e. excuses) people have to becoming active in the Democratic Party. Because of the great length of this article, I will publish those retorts at the end of an addendum to this series that I will publish in a few weeks, which will also update the progress of the project outlined in this article.
With our latest holiday-themed comic, we seek not only to empower the voices of working people, but also to push the Democrats to do so as we work to rebuild the party in favor of taking back and democratically transforming America.
It gives us no pleasure in saying this, for we definitely wanted it to go differently, but the Democrats deserved to lose. We, however, did not. They ceased to be the party of the people—the party of working people—years ago and they hardly seemed bothered by what was happening. Apparently the Democratic leaders were not listening to what working people were saying. Or, if they were listening, they failed to hear what was being said.
Embracing neoliberalism, the party’s leaders and presidents cultivated the affections of their billionaire donors; rationalized the widening inequalities and intensifying concentration of wealth and power; joined in the assaults upon the democratic achievements of the Greatest Generation and the Long Age of Roosevelt; distanced themselves from the resistance expressed in the Wisconsin Rising of 2011 and the anger and hopes of Occupy Wall Street; failed the Fight for $15; and made nothing of the polling which showed that Americans wanted not just change—indeed, radical change—but also jobs at living wages, guaranteed healthcare, decent affordable housing for all, and free public higher education (all of which would have amounted to what the greatest of Democratic Presidents, Franklin Roosevelt, projected as an Economic Bill of Rights in 1944).
In fact, even as workers began to organize anew and started demanding better deals from their bosses, the Democrats failed to act seriously to bolster their initiatives. Then, truly proving they had not been listening, they ran a 2024 presidential campaign that avoided calling out the billionaire bosses whose billions are growing ever greater and made little of the voiced needs and wants of the working class.
Situating our new comic in the Holiday season, we seek not only to remind liberals, progressives, radicals, and socialists to listen to and empower the voices of working people, but also to push the Democrats to do so as they/we work to rebuild the party in favor of taking back and democratically transforming America.
We close this installment of our comic-strip series with a portrait of FDR, the Democratic President who—for all of his tragic faults and failings—not only listened to and actually heard working people, but also encouraged them to progressively push him further than he might otherwise have gone and determinedly engaged their labors and energies to dramatically transform the nation and radically enhance freedom, equality, and democracy.
In upcoming comics for Common Dreams we intend to recount that history in hopes of inspiring and propelling Democrats and working people alike to take action.
“We have it in our power to begin the world again.” And so we must.
Contributing fundamentally to the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and the struggles of British workers in the Industrial Revolution, Thomas Paine was the greatest radical of a truly radical age. Yet this son of an English artisan did not become a radical until his arrival in America in late 1774 at the age of thirty-seven. Even then he had never expected such things to happen.
However, struck by America’s startling contradictions and magnificent possibilities, and moved by the spirit and determination of its people to resist British authority, he dedicated himself to the American cause and through his pamphlets of 1776—Common Sense and the ensuing American Crisis Papers—he emboldened Americans to transform their colonial rebellion into a revolutionary war, defined the new nation in a democratically expansive and progressive fashion, and articulated an American identity charged with exceptional purpose and promise.
As Paine saw it: Americans could show the world that humanity had no need for kings and overlords, indeed, that common people, working people, could govern themselves!
Is it any wonder then that we have reached back and recruited Paine to the cause of rescuing America’s revolutionary promise from royal wannabee Donald Trump and his MAGA and GOP (Tory) subjects who seem set upon destroying it?
Vote Democratic top to bottom on November 5th… so we can start acting anew on Citizen Paine’s radical-democratic challenge: “We have it in our power to begin the world again.”Having failed to effectively counter the rise of neoliberalism and authoritarianism with truly progressive and radical democratic action, we now face the threat of full-throated fascism. We turn to Thomas Paine to help us take stock and change course.
We have endured 50 years of unrelenting class war and culture war campaigns by corporate elites, conservatives, and neoliberals against the democratic achievements of last century's progress. Following the gains achieved from the 1930's through the end of the end of the 1960's, we've now had five decades of devastating attacks on the rights of workers, women, and people of color. It's been a half-century of creeping authoritarianism. And now, having failed to effectively counter it with truly progressive and radical democratic action, we face the threat of full-throated fascism. Just listen to what the rhetoric of Donald Trump and his MAGA followers in Congress, on-line, and at rallies portends.
So, what is to be done?
However much we may have yearned for a more progressive ticket and platform—the answer to the above question is simple: Work like hell for Harris/Walz, and their fellow Democratic nominees from top-to- bottom, to win in November. If they lose, we lose.
We lose not only the election, but also any chance of redeeming and enhancing American democratic life in the foreseeable future.
But don’t think of November 5th as merely an election to save American democratic life. Because the struggle for us, however much rooted in the long struggle to make real the revolutionary promise of the Declaration—the promise of equality and life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness for all Americans—will have just begun. Think of it as a vote to empower ourselves anew to take up that fight.
Don’t think of November 5th as merely an election to save American democratic life.
Having recently produced a comic strip recounting FDR’s 1944 call and the continuing fight for an Economic Bill of Rights, Matt "The Letterhack" Strackbein and I have been asking ourselves what we should do now to remind Americans of who we all are and what we need to do to truly save democracy.
To both help us confront the question and inspire us to make history anew, we invited the great radical patriot and pamphleteer Thomas Paine to join us at the bar. This is the Paine whose Common Sense turned a colonial rebellion into a revolution for independence and the making of a democratic republic; the Paine, whose Crisis papers sustained the Revolution in its darkest days; the Paine who not only called for an end to slavery, but also proposed the creation of a social security system.
As we say at the close of this comic: Stay tuned…
"If we're going to take back the Democratic majority," said historian Harvey J. Kaye, "we're going to have to take back the people who literally abandoned the party because they felt abandoned."
On the eve of the Democratic National Convention, progressive organizers, scholars, and policymakers gathered in Chicago to discuss what matters most to working-class people across the United States and how to pressure elected Democrats to embrace and enact bold solutions.
The two-day event—billed as Progressive Central 2024: The Politics Americans Want and organized by Progressive Democrats of America (PDA) in coordination with the Arab-American Institute, The Nation, and Rainbow PUSH Coalition—was held at the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) building, just blocks away from the United Center, where the DNC is being held this week.
"The Chicago Teachers Union is supposed to be the anchor, the destination place for progressives from across the world," said CTU president Stacy Davis Gates, whose members are months into negotiations for a new contract. "We're doing the best we can to be a beacon. And what we want to do is call the rest of the progressive movement in to say, help protect this, help anchor this, help grow it, help refine it."
The progressive conference is part of a two-decade tradition, going back to the 2004 convention, PDA communications director Mike Hersh told Common Dreams as the event wrapped up Monday, while anti-genocide protesters marched nearby outside the kickoff of the DNC, where speakers included United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain and Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.).
"I think lot of the energy that progressives have today is because they feel for the first time in a long time that the party has a chance to move more in lockstep with what we want to see."
"This was vintage Progressive Democrats of America," Hersh said of this year's conference. "We try to mobilize people and that's really what all of these Progressive Central events have been about."
The livestreamed conference featured panels, pre-recorded videos, and speeches on a range of key issues, including: building progressive power, the climate emergency, the crisis of American democracy, an Economic Bill of Rights, immigration reform, Medicare for All, organized labor, reproductive freedom, the Rural New Deal, structural racism, foreign policy—particularly U.S. government support for Israel's assault on the Gaza Strip—and more.
Collin Rees of Oil Change U.S. and Food and Water Action's Michelle Allen stressed the need to phase out fossil fuels and combat false climate solutions, while One Fair Wage president Saru Jayaraman and Sara Nelson from the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA delivered remarks—and a rendition of "Solidarity Forever."
"Using power builds power, and we will use our power," Nelson said. "We are not just about access politics in this room. We are about using power to make our world better for the people."
William Walter, who is part of Young PDA, Our Wisconsin Revolution's leader, and a Democratic candidate for his state Assembly, explained that "our initial approach was, 'What would it look like if we held a progressive national convention akin to the DNC or RNC, but devoted to progressive policies, progressive issues, progressive legislation?'"
Reflecting on her experience attending the event, Beaei Pardo, executive director of Code? Whatever!, told Common Dreams that the event "maps the body of honest ideas, systemic nurturing for self-determination, stories that help us 'get it' about what matters for good life, pragmatic history, theory we can test, and a ready community unafraid to consider the possibilities of our humanity."

The programming offered visions of how the Democratic nominee, Vice President Kamala Harris, and her running mate, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz—coupled with a Democrat-controlled Congress—could tackle these topics, and how to compel them to do so.
"Right now in the United States, there are four prohibitive costs that you experience across life that block young people entering into the economy from having a successful and comfortable economic life readily available to them," PDA executive director Alan Minksy said just before the event began. They are the costs of having a child, education, healthcare, and housing.
"You're not going to be a successful administration if you don't address these things, and the mainstream of Democratic policy is going to fail to produce the kind of society that Americans want to live in," Minsky warned. "We have to be adamant about how we have the solutions to this stuff... Not just maintenance of our democracy, but actually reinvigoration of our democracy."
He added that "one would have to be naïve to believe that an incoming Democratic administration's ready to go against all the power and money and wealth... on the right wing of the party and by the Republicans, but we have to make them see that that's the way to create the society that Americans want to live in."
Over the past few years, Minsky has joined historian Harvey J. Kaye, professor emeritus at the University of Wisconsin - Green Bay, in arguing that progressive groups and unions should create a grand coalition that will press the Democratic Party to advance a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights, a focus of one of the Sunday presentations.
As Kaye spoke, a screen above him displayed a clip of a comic that he and Matt "The Letterhack" Strackbein published in Common Dreams, tracing the idea back to former President Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union speech 80 years ago, and the 10 proposed rights:
In terms of actually pursuing policies in line with the Economic Bill of Rights, Kaye told Common Dreams Tuesday, "it's too late for this particular convention, but... it's not too late for a Harris presidency."
The proposal—which polling shows would be popular with the American public—could even motivate voters to support Harris and Walz, who are working to defeat Republican former President Donald Trump and Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio) in November.
"Just imagine if Tim Walz... just one of them got up and said... 'Our ambition is to redeem the legacy of FDR in favor of an Economic Bill of Rights,'" Kaye said. "You can just lay them out and then start talking about it in policy terms if you wish. In other words, if we're going to take back the Democratic majority, we're going to have to take back the people who literally abandoned the party because they felt abandoned."
While some local and state candidates have in recent years embraced and even run on an Economic Bill of Rights, a starting point for promoting related legislation at the federal level, Kaye noted, is to "get into a couple of congressional folks' minds."
Members of Congress who spoke at Progressive Central included Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), who declared Monday—ahead of his Tuesday DNC address—that "the American people want us to take on the greed of the oligarchy."
There were also video messages from a few Democrats as well as appearances by Reps. Danny Davis (D-Ill.), Maxwell Frost (D-Fla.), Jesús "Chuy" García (D-Ill.), Jonathan Jackson (D-Ill.), Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), and Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.).
Khanna—who mentioned FDR's Economic Bill of Rights in his 2022 book and was part of the same Sunday session as Kaye—told the audience that "the secrets of America's future are in our history" and "we need ideas that move people."

One of those ultra-popular ideas is Medicare for All, which Jayapal discussed during a Sunday panel. The popularity of universal healthcare presents an opportunity for "a great organizing moment," she acknowledged, sharing her hopes to coordinate the reintroduction of the Medicare for All Act with related local and state measures.
While Jayapal and Sanders' bill envisions a full transformation of the U.S. healthcare system, she told Common Dreams that "we're going to try to start to get there by some expansions and modifications to Medicare—so expanding Medicare to include dental, vision, and hearing... That will be a big priority."
"Reducing the Medicare eligibility age to at least 60 will be a big priority," the Congressional Progressive Caucus chair added. "Continuing to expand the number of prescription drugs that are negotiated will be a big priority. And then getting rid of what I call the 'Medicare Disadvantage' plans that are trying to privatize Medicare."
Enacting the healthcare reforms that Jayapal outlined will require expanding the Democratic majority in the Senate and reclaiming the House of Representatives—where progressives who have supported a call to end Israel's assault on Gaza are under sustained attack. This summer, Reps. Jamaal Bowman (D-N.Y.) and Cori Bush (D-Mo.) lost their primaries to Democrats backed by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and rich Republican donors.
"We need Bowman in the Congress. We need Bush in the Congress," Nina Turner—who was targeted by dark money during her 2021 Democratic primary run to fill a vacant seat in Ohio—told the crowd. "But we left them on the side of the road."
Turner also challenged Democrats who have spent this election cycle raising the alarm about Project 2025—which includes a sweeping far-right policy agenda written by Trump allies—by urging the party to put forward its vision for transforming the nation in a positive direction. "Where's their Project 2025?" she asked, asserting that the best way to win voters is "by having policies of your own."

Since taking the torch from President Joe Biden last month, Harris has started sharing a policy message that includes an economic agenda to boost access to affordable housing, lower medical costs, and assist families raising young children.
"The economic framework that the vice president and her running mate have come out with so far is really a good start," Turner told Common Dreams, noting the need for progress on issues including calls for a cease-fire and arms embargo regarding Gaza. "It's obvious that there are components of the progressive movement who are excited about the change from Biden to Harris-Walz, but also don't let that excitement delude Democrats into thinking they're just going to get a free ride."
"We're in a sugar high right now. That's how I'm going to describe it. We could come crashing down if they're not careful," she warned. "They're going to have to do the work, hear the cries or the concerns of the very voters that they're trying to touch, and communicate with those voters in a way that says, 'We hear you and we see your pain.'"
"Just talk to people about healthcare. Just talk to people about the cost of living. They want relief. And I think they will support anybody that legitimately is going to give them that relief," she added, urging Harris and Walz to "shake off neoliberalism, shake off incrementalism, and go full throttle for the working class."
Harris' selection of Walz as her vice presidential candidate has been cheered by progressive political leaders and groups, in part because of the historic legislative progress that Minnesota's Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party made under this leadership last year.
During a Monday panel, speakers from the state pushed back against the framing of it as a "Minnesota Miracle," stressing that the wins on school meals, labor protections, reproductive rights, and more were instead the result of years of organizing—an important lesson going into a potential Harris-Walz administration with a Democratic Congress.

Walter of Young PDA is among those welcoming Walz's rise, telling Common Dreams: "I think the Democratic Party has a tendency to shoot themselves in the foot when decisions are obvious. They overthink or overcomplicate things that really should not be overthought. Take the easy answer. Take the free space on the bingo card. It's right in front of you. You have a very popular governor, a Midwestern state, that has universal appeal that can take your message and present it easily in a way that most people resonate with. Just do it. And for the first time in a long time, the party did it. They just did it."
"I think a lot of the energy that progressives have today is because they feel for the first time in a long time that the party has a chance to move more in lockstep with what we want to see rather than deferring to their big corporate donors," Walter said. "Now, that's not to say they won't in the end because that's our job as organizers and as progressives, to continue to pressure them and to push them left, but I think we see a path forward."
Sam Rosenthal, the political director for RootsAction, similarly told Common Dreams after the conference that progressives across the country must continue to pressure the party.
"I think we're at a precarious moment for the progressive movement," he said. "In a lot of ways, we've achieved major victories in mainstreaming positions that, even five years ago, were considered fringe and too far left. The urgent need for environmental action, the fact that we're being price gouged by pharma companies, organized labor as a bedrock of national prosperity—all these things have become more or less mainstream in the Democratic Party, because of our efforts as progressives."
"At the same time, I fear that we risk losing our unique voice if we don't continue to agitate from the left, in coalition with the grassroots activists who form the base of the progressive movement," he continued. "There's a danger that, as our movement matures and grows, our positions will become harder to distinguish from Democratic Party orthodoxy, and I don't think we should let that happen. We have to continue to play our role in pushing the Democratic Party left, exactly because that strategy has been so successful so far."
After 50 years of class war from above and concerted efforts to suppress the working class, the great majority of Americans still crave—and deserve—an economy built for working people. Now we have to fight for it.
With Kamala Harris and Tim Walz, we now have the 2024 Democratic Party ticket—and we clearly recognize that more than that ticket is on the November ballot. But where is the vision to inspire and propel our energies and actions? It’s in our history and our deepest yearnings—and now is the time to make it manifest.
You wouldn’t know it from listening to the corporate media or, for that matter, to Democratic politicians’ campaign speeches and ads, but this year marks the 80th anniversary of President Franklin Roosevelt’s 1944 State of the Union message calling for an Economic Bill of Rights for All Americans. This was a speech that inspired the labor movement and progressive organizations to launch major campaigns to try to secure it.
True, they did not realize that vision. The opposition of the corporations, the wealthy, and the right was too strong. But the vision and aspirations did not die. And even now, after 50 years of class war from above and concerted efforts to suppress the working class, polling reveals that the great majority of Americans still aspire to renew the revolutionary promise of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” and secure the makings of a second bill of rights. So, it’s up to us—progressives and labor unionists today—to reinvigorate and renew the struggle.
In that spirit, Alan Minsky of Progressive Democrats of America and I, with input from Nina Turner, authored a series of pieces for Common Dreams (here, here, and here) to both remind Americans of their own history and to lay out an updated version of FDR’s vision, that is, a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights—a bill of rights that has garnered very promising support. Not only have prominent progressive political figures taken it up, but also the nation’s most dynamic labor voice, Association of Flight Attendants-CWA president Sara Nelson. Moreover, leading the way in trying to get the Democratic Party to embrace it, the Massachusetts and West Virginia state parties have adopted it as part of their platforms.
To enhance the developing campaign—and give the story even greater color—comic-book creator Matt Strackbein (aka The Letterhack) suggested to me that we produce a comic not only to recount the 80-year struggle for an Economic Bill of Rights, but also to project how we today might actually realize it.
So here it is. We hope you find these words and images compelling. Enjoy and please share widely!
The time has come for our many progressive organizations and resurgent labor unions to create a grand progressive and social-democratic coalition that will press the Democratic Party to redeem FDR’s 1944 call.
We can save the rights we have inherited from our fathers only by winning new ones to bequeath our children. – Henry Demarest Lloyd
After nearly 50 years of corporate, conservative, and neoliberal assaults on the progressive achievements of the long “Age of Roosevelt” from the 1930s to the early 1970s—assaults that have stripped workers, women, and people of color of their hard-won rights, engendered unprecedented concentrations of wealth and power, and devastated the lives of millions—the American political system, indeed, American democratic life is in jeopardy. The time has come to do what our parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents did. The time has come to make America progressive, indeed, radical again. The time has come to renew the fight for an Economic Bill of Rights for All Americans.
Public faith in government “to do the right thing” cratered over a decade ago and has remained low. Most feel that money perverts our elections, resulting in policies that favor the rich over the average person. (They are right on both counts.) Scandals and innuendo receive more coverage than legislation and policy. Partisan squabbling dominates the national dialogue. Blocking the opposition takes precedence over pursuing a positive program. And to top it all off, the Republican Party is poised to re-nominate Donald Trump for President, even though mountains of evidence show that he broke his oath to uphold the Constitution in attempting to reverse the result of the 2020 presidential election. Moreover, he has good chance of winning in 2024—which would be not just terribly tragic, but also perversely ironic in light of the fact that the American people support democracy overwhelmingly and avidly.
But as President Franklin Roosevelt warned 85 years ago, popular support is not enough:
As of today, Fascism and Communism—and old-line Tory Republicanism—are not threats to the continuation of our form of government. But I venture the challenging statement that if American democracy ceases to move forward as a living force, seeking day and night by peaceful means to better the lot of our citizens, then Fascism and Communism, aided, unconsciously perhaps, by old-line Tory Republicanism, will grow in strength in our land….
Sure, communism is moribund. But fascism is resurgent.
So, what are we to do? We should start by taking hold of our history and remembering what Republicans don’t want us to remember and too many Democrats have either forgotten or would just as soon keep us from remembering. We should remember how FDR and those whom we call the Greatest Generation saved America from economic ruin and political oblivion and turned it into the strongest and most prosperous country on Earth by not simply taking up the labors and struggles of the New Deal and the War Effort, but also making the United States progressively, indeed, radically freer, more equal, and more democratic than ever before.
Appreciating how earlier generations had confronted and prevailed over mortal national crises in the 1770s and 1860s by radically transforming America, Roosevelt told a friend two years before he was to run for the presidency: “There is no question in my mind that it is time for the country to become fairly radical for at least one generation.” And in his ensuing 1932 “New Deal” campaign, he promised Americans not only a vast array of progressive policies and initiatives that would empower them to overcome the Great Depression, rebuild America and themselves, assure greater economic security and opportunities, and finally bring an end to the persistent Gilded Age power structure that had brought about the worst economic and social catastrophe in U.S. history. He also proposed an “economic declaration of rights” to redeem and renew the revolutionary promise of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence.
We have both the history of what Roosevelt and the generation he led sought to achieve and solid reason to believe that our fellow citizens already fundamentally embrace his vision of economic rights.
Encouraged by FDR, Americans did more than take up the labors of the New Deal. They pushed Roosevelt to go even further than he may ever have planned on going—and together president and people initiated revolutionary changes in American government and public life.
They subjected capital to public account and regulation; empowered government to address the needs of working people and the poor; organized labor unions, consumer campaigns, and civil rights organizations to fight for their rights and broaden and level the “we” in “we the people;” established a social security system; built schools, libraries, post offices, parks, and playgrounds; vastly expanded the nation’s public infrastructure with new roads, bridges, tunnels, and dams; dramatically improved the American landscape and environment; and energetically cultivated the arts and refashioned popular culture.
Undeniably, they left much undone, especially regarding questions of racial justice and inequality. But Americans in all their diversity imbued themselves with fresh democratic convictions, hopes, and aspirations. And when the second crisis struck, they did not stop. Inspired by FDR’s projection in 1941 of a postwar United States committed to pursuing the “Four Freedoms: Freedom of Speech and Worship, Freedom from Want and Fear,” they not only went “All Out!” to defeat fascism, but also subjected the economy to even greater public control; continued to expand the labor, consumer, and civil rights movements; reduced poverty and inequality from the bottom up; and further transformed the “we” in “we the people.” Moreover, diverse national polls showed that what they had accomplished in the New Deal and ongoing War Effort had made them ever more determined to keep building and moving the country in a more progressive and social-democratic direction at war’s end.
Americans’ surging democratic aspirations and energies gave FDR the confidence to declare in his 1944 State of the Union Message:
We have come to a clear realization of the fact that true individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence. “Necessitous men are not free men...” In our day these economic truths have become accepted as self-evident. We have accepted, so to speak, a second Bill of Rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for all regardless of station, race, or creed.
And returning to his proposal of 1932, he proceeded to call for nothing less than a Second Bill of Rights—an Economic Bill of Rights for all Americans that would guarantee, among other things, a useful job at a living wage, universal healthcare, a good education, food security, a decent home, and opportunities for recreation.
FDR’s Message thrilled the democratic left and labor unionists. And almost immediately the AFL and CIO labor federations, the National Farmers Union, and a newly organized National Citizens Political Action Committee (which was filled with celebrity liberals and progressives) launched campaigns to promote the idea and help secure Roosevelt’s election to a fourth presidential term.
And yet, as popular as his call was, Roosevelt did not assume it would be easy going forward. With corporate bosses, Republican conservatives, and white supremacist Southern Democrats in mind, he not only spoke of the likelihood of fierce “rightist reaction,” but also warned, in words that should speak loudly to us today: “if such reaction should develop—if history were to repeat itself and we were to return to the so-called ‘normalcy’ of the 1920's—then it is certain that even though we shall have conquered our enemies on the battlefields abroad, we shall have yielded to the spirit of Fascism here at home.”
FDR won re-election that year but passed away in the spring of 1945. And yet, the idea of an Economic Bill of Rights did not die. It directly informed the now-legendary GI Bill of Rights. It propelled the ensuing Truman administration to try to secure national healthcare. It led the Democratic Party to structure its 1960 platform around it. It encouraged Lyndon Johnson to pursue a host of Great Society and War on Poverty programs such as Medicare and Medicaid. It inspired labor and civil rights leader A. Philip Randolph to advance a “Freedom Budget: To Achieve Freedom from Want” (1966) (which garnered the endorsement of 150 the most prominent academic, foundation, labor, and religious leaders in America). And it moved the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr to echo FDR in calling for an Economic Bill of Rights in 1968.
More recently, both democratic-socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and progressive Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Masss.) renewed FDR’s call for an Economic Bill of Rights in their 2020 presidential campaigns; Marianne Williamson is championing the idea in her 2024 presidential campaign; and, while Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) has cited it in speeches and writings, many of his congressional Progressive Caucus colleagues have advanced bills in that spirit. Actions are underway in the states, too: The Democratic parties of Massachusetts and Arizona have officially embraced the idea of an Economic Bill of Rights; progressive legislators in Wisconsin have proposed an Economic Bill of Rights (though action on it is blocked by the GOP senate and assembly majorities); and in New Hampshire such a bill has just been advanced in the statehouse. Not to mention, the pages of liberal, progressive, and democratic-socialist periodicals and websites regularly speak of redeeming FDR’s vision.
But most critically, perhaps, even if most Americans do not remember the history recounted here, national polls show that the great majority of them still aspire to secure the makings of what would constitute an Economic Bill of Rights.
So, what are we to do? The time has come to do what our parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents did. Admittedly, we don’t have an FDR as President—one who will call for overthrowing the power of the “economic royalists,” seek to empower and engage working people in democratically transforming the prevailing political and economic order, and inspire us by proclaiming the likes of the Four Freedoms and projecting an Economic Bill of Rights. But we have both the history of what Roosevelt and the generation he led sought to achieve and solid reason to believe that our fellow citizens already fundamentally embrace his vision of economic rights.
The time has come for our many progressive organizations and resurgent labor unions to create a grand progressive and social-democratic coalition that will press the Democratic Party to redeem FDR’s 1944 call and join in rallying working people to fight for a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights that will guarantee to all Americans:
The time has come to save American democratic life by progressively, indeed, radically enhancing it.