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"If we're going to take back the Democratic majority," said historian Harvey J. Kaye, "we're going to have to take back the people who literally abandoned the party because they felt abandoned."
On the eve of the Democratic National Convention, progressive organizers, scholars, and policymakers gathered in Chicago to discuss what matters most to working-class people across the United States and how to pressure elected Democrats to embrace and enact bold solutions.
The two-day event—billed as Progressive Central 2024: The Politics Americans Want and organized by Progressive Democrats of America (PDA) in coordination with the Arab-American Institute, The Nation, and Rainbow PUSH Coalition—was held at the Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) building, just blocks away from the United Center, where the DNC is being held this week.
"The Chicago Teachers Union is supposed to be the anchor, the destination place for progressives from across the world," said CTU president Stacy Davis Gates, whose members are months into negotiations for a new contract. "We're doing the best we can to be a beacon. And what we want to do is call the rest of the progressive movement in to say, help protect this, help anchor this, help grow it, help refine it."
The progressive conference is part of a two-decade tradition, going back to the 2004 convention, PDA communications director Mike Hersh told Common Dreams as the event wrapped up Monday, while anti-genocide protesters marched nearby outside the kickoff of the DNC, where speakers included United Auto Workers president Shawn Fain and Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.).
"I think lot of the energy that progressives have today is because they feel for the first time in a long time that the party has a chance to move more in lockstep with what we want to see."
"This was vintage Progressive Democrats of America," Hersh said of this year's conference. "We try to mobilize people and that's really what all of these Progressive Central events have been about."
The livestreamed conference featured panels, pre-recorded videos, and speeches on a range of key issues, including: building progressive power, the climate emergency, the crisis of American democracy, an Economic Bill of Rights, immigration reform, Medicare for All, organized labor, reproductive freedom, the Rural New Deal, structural racism, foreign policy—particularly U.S. government support for Israel's assault on the Gaza Strip—and more.
Collin Rees of Oil Change U.S. and Food and Water Action's Michelle Allen stressed the need to phase out fossil fuels and combat false climate solutions, while One Fair Wage president Saru Jayaraman and Sara Nelson from the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA delivered remarks—and a rendition of "Solidarity Forever."
"Using power builds power, and we will use our power," Nelson said. "We are not just about access politics in this room. We are about using power to make our world better for the people."
William Walter, who is part of Young PDA, Our Wisconsin Revolution's leader, and a Democratic candidate for his state Assembly, explained that "our initial approach was, 'What would it look like if we held a progressive national convention akin to the DNC or RNC, but devoted to progressive policies, progressive issues, progressive legislation?'"
Reflecting on her experience attending the event, Beaei Pardo, executive director of Code? Whatever!, told Common Dreams that the event "maps the body of honest ideas, systemic nurturing for self-determination, stories that help us 'get it' about what matters for good life, pragmatic history, theory we can test, and a ready community unafraid to consider the possibilities of our humanity."
India Walton of RootsAction speaks at Progressive Central in Chicago on August 19, 2024. (Photo: Young PDA steering committee member Tyler C. Rivera)
The programming offered visions of how the Democratic nominee, Vice President Kamala Harris, and her running mate, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz—coupled with a Democrat-controlled Congress—could tackle these topics, and how to compel them to do so.
"Right now in the United States, there are four prohibitive costs that you experience across life that block young people entering into the economy from having a successful and comfortable economic life readily available to them," PDA executive director Alan Minksy said just before the event began. They are the costs of having a child, education, healthcare, and housing.
"You're not going to be a successful administration if you don't address these things, and the mainstream of Democratic policy is going to fail to produce the kind of society that Americans want to live in," Minsky warned. "We have to be adamant about how we have the solutions to this stuff... Not just maintenance of our democracy, but actually reinvigoration of our democracy."
He added that "one would have to be naïve to believe that an incoming Democratic administration's ready to go against all the power and money and wealth... on the right wing of the party and by the Republicans, but we have to make them see that that's the way to create the society that Americans want to live in."
Over the past few years, Minsky has joined historian Harvey J. Kaye, professor emeritus at the University of Wisconsin - Green Bay, in arguing that progressive groups and unions should create a grand coalition that will press the Democratic Party to advance a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights, a focus of one of the Sunday presentations.
As Kaye spoke, a screen above him displayed a clip of a comic that he and Matt "The Letterhack" Strackbein published in Common Dreams, tracing the idea back to former President Franklin D. Roosevelt's State of the Union speech 80 years ago, and the 10 proposed rights:
In terms of actually pursuing policies in line with the Economic Bill of Rights, Kaye told Common DreamsTuesday, "it's too late for this particular convention, but... it's not too late for a Harris presidency."
The proposal—which polling shows would be popular with the American public—could even motivate voters to support Harris and Walz, who are working to defeat Republican former President Donald Trump and Sen. JD Vance (R-Ohio) in November.
"Just imagine if Tim Walz... just one of them got up and said... 'Our ambition is to redeem the legacy of FDR in favor of an Economic Bill of Rights,'" Kaye said. "You can just lay them out and then start talking about it in policy terms if you wish. In other words, if we're going to take back the Democratic majority, we're going to have to take back the people who literally abandoned the party because they felt abandoned."
While some local and state candidates have in recent years embraced and even run on an Economic Bill of Rights, a starting point for promoting related legislation at the federal level, Kaye noted, is to "get into a couple of congressional folks' minds."
Members of Congress who spoke at Progressive Central included Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), who declared Monday—ahead of his Tuesday DNC address—that "the American people want us to take on the greed of the oligarchy."
There were also video messages from a few Democrats as well as appearances by Reps. Danny Davis (D-Ill.), Maxwell Frost (D-Fla.), Jesús "Chuy" García (D-Ill.), Jonathan Jackson (D-Ill.), Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), and Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.).
Khanna—who mentioned FDR's Economic Bill of Rights in his 2022 book and was part of the same Sunday session as Kaye—told the audience that "the secrets of America's future are in our history" and "we need ideas that move people."
U.S. Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) joins Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) at Progressive Central in Chicago on August 19, 2024. (Photo: Young PDA steering committee member Tyler C. Rivera)
One of those ultra-popular ideas is Medicare for All, which Jayapal discussed during a Sunday panel. The popularity of universal healthcare presents an opportunity for "a great organizing moment," she acknowledged, sharing her hopes to coordinate the reintroduction of the Medicare for All Act with related local and state measures.
While Jayapal and Sanders' bill envisions a full transformation of the U.S. healthcare system, she told Common Dreams that "we're going to try to start to get there by some expansions and modifications to Medicare—so expanding Medicare to include dental, vision, and hearing... That will be a big priority."
"Reducing the Medicare eligibility age to at least 60 will be a big priority," the Congressional Progressive Caucus chair added. "Continuing to expand the number of prescription drugs that are negotiated will be a big priority. And then getting rid of what I call the 'Medicare Disadvantage' plans that are trying to privatize Medicare."
Enacting the healthcare reforms that Jayapal outlined will require expanding the Democratic majority in the Senate and reclaiming the House of Representatives—where progressives who have supported a call to end Israel's assault on Gaza are under sustained attack. This summer, Reps. Jamaal Bowman (D-N.Y.) and Cori Bush (D-Mo.) lost their primaries to Democrats backed by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and rich Republican donors.
"We need Bowman in the Congress. We need Bush in the Congress," Nina Turner—who was targeted by dark money during her 2021 Democratic primary run to fill a vacant seat in Ohio—told the crowd. "But we left them on the side of the road."
Turner also challenged Democrats who have spent this election cycle raising the alarm about Project 2025—which includes a sweeping far-right policy agenda written by Trump allies—by urging the party to put forward its vision for transforming the nation in a positive direction. "Where's their Project 2025?" she asked, asserting that the best way to win voters is "by having policies of your own."
Sara Nelson of the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA, One Fair Wage president Saru Jayaraman, and former congressional candidate Nina Turner particpate in a labor panel at Progressive Central in Chicago on August 19, 2024. (Photo: Young PDA steering committee member Tyler C. Rivera)
Since taking the torch from President Joe Biden last month, Harris has started sharing a policy message that includes an economic agenda to boost access to affordable housing, lower medical costs, and assist families raising young children.
"The economic framework that the vice president and her running mate have come out with so far is really a good start," Turner told Common Dreams, noting the need for progress on issues including calls for a cease-fire and arms embargo regarding Gaza. "It's obvious that there are components of the progressive movement who are excited about the change from Biden to Harris-Walz, but also don't let that excitement delude Democrats into thinking they're just going to get a free ride."
"We're in a sugar high right now. That's how I'm going to describe it. We could come crashing down if they're not careful," she warned. "They're going to have to do the work, hear the cries or the concerns of the very voters that they're trying to touch, and communicate with those voters in a way that says, 'We hear you and we see your pain.'"
"Just talk to people about healthcare. Just talk to people about the cost of living. They want relief. And I think they will support anybody that legitimately is going to give them that relief," she added, urging Harris and Walz to "shake off neoliberalism, shake off incrementalism, and go full throttle for the working class."
Harris' selection of Walz as her vice presidential candidate has been cheered by progressive political leaders and groups, in part because of the historic legislative progress that Minnesota's Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party made under this leadership last year.
During a Monday panel, speakers from the state pushed back against the framing of it as a "Minnesota Miracle," stressing that the wins on school meals, labor protections, reproductive rights, and more were instead the result of years of organizing—an important lesson going into a potential Harris-Walz administration with a Democratic Congress.
Minister JaNaé Bates of Faith in Minnesota speaks at Progressive Central in Chicago on August 19, 2024. (Photo: Young PDA steering committee member Tyler C. Rivera)
Walter of Young PDA is among those welcoming Walz's rise, telling Common Dreams: "I think the Democratic Party has a tendency to shoot themselves in the foot when decisions are obvious. They overthink or overcomplicate things that really should not be overthought. Take the easy answer. Take the free space on the bingo card. It's right in front of you. You have a very popular governor, a Midwestern state, that has universal appeal that can take your message and present it easily in a way that most people resonate with. Just do it. And for the first time in a long time, the party did it. They just did it."
"I think a lot of the energy that progressives have today is because they feel for the first time in a long time that the party has a chance to move more in lockstep with what we want to see rather than deferring to their big corporate donors," Walter said. "Now, that's not to say they won't in the end because that's our job as organizers and as progressives, to continue to pressure them and to push them left, but I think we see a path forward."
Sam Rosenthal, the political director for RootsAction, similarly told Common Dreams after the conference that progressives across the country must continue to pressure the party.
"I think we're at a precarious moment for the progressive movement," he said. "In a lot of ways, we've achieved major victories in mainstreaming positions that, even five years ago, were considered fringe and too far left. The urgent need for environmental action, the fact that we're being price gouged by pharma companies, organized labor as a bedrock of national prosperity—all these things have become more or less mainstream in the Democratic Party, because of our efforts as progressives."
"At the same time, I fear that we risk losing our unique voice if we don't continue to agitate from the left, in coalition with the grassroots activists who form the base of the progressive movement," he continued. "There's a danger that, as our movement matures and grows, our positions will become harder to distinguish from Democratic Party orthodoxy, and I don't think we should let that happen. We have to continue to play our role in pushing the Democratic Party left, exactly because that strategy has been so successful so far."
After 50 years of class war from above and concerted efforts to suppress the working class, the great majority of Americans still crave—and deserve—an economy built for working people. Now we have to fight for it.
With Kamala Harris and Tim Walz, we now have the 2024 Democratic Party ticket—and we clearly recognize that more than that ticket is on the November ballot. But where is the vision to inspire and propel our energies and actions? It’s in our history and our deepest yearnings—and now is the time to make it manifest.
You wouldn’t know it from listening to the corporate media or, for that matter, to Democratic politicians’ campaign speeches and ads, but this year marks the 80th anniversary of President Franklin Roosevelt’s 1944 State of the Union message calling for an Economic Bill of Rights for All Americans. This was a speech that inspired the labor movement and progressive organizations to launch major campaigns to try to secure it.
True, they did not realize that vision. The opposition of the corporations, the wealthy, and the right was too strong. But the vision and aspirations did not die. And even now, after 50 years of class war from above and concerted efforts to suppress the working class, polling reveals that the great majority of Americans still aspire to renew the revolutionary promise of “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” and secure the makings of a second bill of rights. So, it’s up to us—progressives and labor unionists today—to reinvigorate and renew the struggle.
In that spirit, Alan Minsky of Progressive Democrats of America and I, with input from Nina Turner, authored a series of pieces for Common Dreams (here, here, and here) to both remind Americans of their own history and to lay out an updated version of FDR’s vision, that is, a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights—a bill of rights that has garnered very promising support. Not only have prominent progressive political figures taken it up, but also the nation’s most dynamic labor voice, Association of Flight Attendants-CWA president Sara Nelson. Moreover, leading the way in trying to get the Democratic Party to embrace it, the Massachusetts and West Virginia state parties have adopted it as part of their platforms.
To enhance the developing campaign—and give the story even greater color—comic-book creator Matt Strackbein (aka The Letterhack) suggested to me that we produce a comic not only to recount the 80-year struggle for an Economic Bill of Rights, but also to project how we today might actually realize it.
So here it is. We hope you find these words and images compelling. Enjoy and please share widely!
The time has come for our many progressive organizations and resurgent labor unions to create a grand progressive and social-democratic coalition that will press the Democratic Party to redeem FDR’s 1944 call.
We can save the rights we have inherited from our fathers only by winning new ones to bequeath our children. – Henry Demarest Lloyd
After nearly 50 years of corporate, conservative, and neoliberal assaults on the progressive achievements of the long “Age of Roosevelt” from the 1930s to the early 1970s—assaults that have stripped workers, women, and people of color of their hard-won rights, engendered unprecedented concentrations of wealth and power, and devastated the lives of millions—the American political system, indeed, American democratic life is in jeopardy. The time has come to do what our parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents did. The time has come to make America progressive, indeed, radical again. The time has come to renew the fight for an Economic Bill of Rights for All Americans.
Public faith in government “to do the right thing” cratered over a decade ago and has remained low. Most feel that money perverts our elections, resulting in policies that favor the rich over the average person. (They are right on both counts.) Scandals and innuendo receive more coverage than legislation and policy. Partisan squabbling dominates the national dialogue. Blocking the opposition takes precedence over pursuing a positive program. And to top it all off, the Republican Party is poised to re-nominate Donald Trump for President, even though mountains of evidence show that he broke his oath to uphold the Constitution in attempting to reverse the result of the 2020 presidential election. Moreover, he has good chance of winning in 2024—which would be not just terribly tragic, but also perversely ironic in light of the fact that the American people support democracy overwhelmingly and avidly.
But as President Franklin Roosevelt warned 85 years ago, popular support is not enough:
As of today, Fascism and Communism—and old-line Tory Republicanism—are not threats to the continuation of our form of government. But I venture the challenging statement that if American democracy ceases to move forward as a living force, seeking day and night by peaceful means to better the lot of our citizens, then Fascism and Communism, aided, unconsciously perhaps, by old-line Tory Republicanism, will grow in strength in our land….
Sure, communism is moribund. But fascism is resurgent.
So, what are we to do? We should start by taking hold of our history and remembering what Republicans don’t want us to remember and too many Democrats have either forgotten or would just as soon keep us from remembering. We should remember how FDR and those whom we call the Greatest Generation saved America from economic ruin and political oblivion and turned it into the strongest and most prosperous country on Earth by not simply taking up the labors and struggles of the New Deal and the War Effort, but also making the United States progressively, indeed, radically freer, more equal, and more democratic than ever before.
Appreciating how earlier generations had confronted and prevailed over mortal national crises in the 1770s and 1860s by radically transforming America, Roosevelt told a friend two years before he was to run for the presidency: “There is no question in my mind that it is time for the country to become fairly radical for at least one generation.” And in his ensuing 1932 “New Deal” campaign, he promised Americans not only a vast array of progressive policies and initiatives that would empower them to overcome the Great Depression, rebuild America and themselves, assure greater economic security and opportunities, and finally bring an end to the persistent Gilded Age power structure that had brought about the worst economic and social catastrophe in U.S. history. He also proposed an “economic declaration of rights” to redeem and renew the revolutionary promise of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence.
We have both the history of what Roosevelt and the generation he led sought to achieve and solid reason to believe that our fellow citizens already fundamentally embrace his vision of economic rights.
Encouraged by FDR, Americans did more than take up the labors of the New Deal. They pushed Roosevelt to go even further than he may ever have planned on going—and together president and people initiated revolutionary changes in American government and public life.
They subjected capital to public account and regulation; empowered government to address the needs of working people and the poor; organized labor unions, consumer campaigns, and civil rights organizations to fight for their rights and broaden and level the “we” in “we the people;” established a social security system; built schools, libraries, post offices, parks, and playgrounds; vastly expanded the nation’s public infrastructure with new roads, bridges, tunnels, and dams; dramatically improved the American landscape and environment; and energetically cultivated the arts and refashioned popular culture.
Undeniably, they left much undone, especially regarding questions of racial justice and inequality. But Americans in all their diversity imbued themselves with fresh democratic convictions, hopes, and aspirations. And when the second crisis struck, they did not stop. Inspired by FDR’s projection in 1941 of a postwar United States committed to pursuing the “Four Freedoms: Freedom of Speech and Worship, Freedom from Want and Fear,” they not only went “All Out!” to defeat fascism, but also subjected the economy to even greater public control; continued to expand the labor, consumer, and civil rights movements; reduced poverty and inequality from the bottom up; and further transformed the “we” in “we the people.” Moreover, diverse national polls showed that what they had accomplished in the New Deal and ongoing War Effort had made them ever more determined to keep building and moving the country in a more progressive and social-democratic direction at war’s end.
Americans’ surging democratic aspirations and energies gave FDR the confidence to declare in his 1944 State of the Union Message:
We have come to a clear realization of the fact that true individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence. “Necessitous men are not free men...” In our day these economic truths have become accepted as self-evident. We have accepted, so to speak, a second Bill of Rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for all regardless of station, race, or creed.
And returning to his proposal of 1932, he proceeded to call for nothing less than a Second Bill of Rights—an Economic Bill of Rights for all Americans that would guarantee, among other things, a useful job at a living wage, universal healthcare, a good education, food security, a decent home, and opportunities for recreation.
FDR’s Message thrilled the democratic left and labor unionists. And almost immediately the AFL and CIO labor federations, the National Farmers Union, and a newly organized National Citizens Political Action Committee (which was filled with celebrity liberals and progressives) launched campaigns to promote the idea and help secure Roosevelt’s election to a fourth presidential term.
And yet, as popular as his call was, Roosevelt did not assume it would be easy going forward. With corporate bosses, Republican conservatives, and white supremacist Southern Democrats in mind, he not only spoke of the likelihood of fierce “rightist reaction,” but also warned, in words that should speak loudly to us today: “if such reaction should develop—if history were to repeat itself and we were to return to the so-called ‘normalcy’ of the 1920's—then it is certain that even though we shall have conquered our enemies on the battlefields abroad, we shall have yielded to the spirit of Fascism here at home.”
FDR won re-election that year but passed away in the spring of 1945. And yet, the idea of an Economic Bill of Rights did not die. It directly informed the now-legendary GI Bill of Rights. It propelled the ensuing Truman administration to try to secure national healthcare. It led the Democratic Party to structure its 1960 platform around it. It encouraged Lyndon Johnson to pursue a host of Great Society and War on Poverty programs such as Medicare and Medicaid. It inspired labor and civil rights leader A. Philip Randolph to advance a “Freedom Budget: To Achieve Freedom from Want” (1966) (which garnered the endorsement of 150 the most prominent academic, foundation, labor, and religious leaders in America). And it moved the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr to echo FDR in calling for an Economic Bill of Rights in 1968.
More recently, both democratic-socialist Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and progressive Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Masss.) renewed FDR’s call for an Economic Bill of Rights in their 2020 presidential campaigns; Marianne Williamson is championing the idea in her 2024 presidential campaign; and, while Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) has cited it in speeches and writings, many of his congressional Progressive Caucus colleagues have advanced bills in that spirit. Actions are underway in the states, too: The Democratic parties of Massachusetts and Arizona have officially embraced the idea of an Economic Bill of Rights; progressive legislators in Wisconsin have proposed an Economic Bill of Rights (though action on it is blocked by the GOP senate and assembly majorities); and in New Hampshire such a bill has just been advanced in the statehouse. Not to mention, the pages of liberal, progressive, and democratic-socialist periodicals and websites regularly speak of redeeming FDR’s vision.
But most critically, perhaps, even if most Americans do not remember the history recounted here, national polls show that the great majority of them still aspire to secure the makings of what would constitute an Economic Bill of Rights.
So, what are we to do? The time has come to do what our parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents did. Admittedly, we don’t have an FDR as President—one who will call for overthrowing the power of the “economic royalists,” seek to empower and engage working people in democratically transforming the prevailing political and economic order, and inspire us by proclaiming the likes of the Four Freedoms and projecting an Economic Bill of Rights. But we have both the history of what Roosevelt and the generation he led sought to achieve and solid reason to believe that our fellow citizens already fundamentally embrace his vision of economic rights.
The time has come for our many progressive organizations and resurgent labor unions to create a grand progressive and social-democratic coalition that will press the Democratic Party to redeem FDR’s 1944 call and join in rallying working people to fight for a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights that will guarantee to all Americans:
The time has come to save American democratic life by progressively, indeed, radically enhancing it.