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In contrast to all too many Democratic candidates, Graham Platner gets it.
I just made my first trip to Maine. The flights were exhausting: Green Bay to Detroit to LaGuardia to Bangor on Monday, with weather delays and cancellations along the way. Landed in Bangor at midnight on the way out... and forced to stay overnight in Detroit on the return leg. And yet, when I actually landed back home in Wisconsin on Saturday morning, I didn’t feel tired in the least. In fact, I actually felt refreshed and charged up—though I may have been simply running on adrenaline and the excitement of having joined the progressive-populist Democrat Graham Platner on the campaign trail in his quest to become his party’s nominee for the US Senate to challenge Sen. Susan Collins, the right-wing Republican incumbent.
In contrast to all too many Democratic candidates, Graham Platner gets it. Fed up with a party establishment that continues to turn its back on its own FDR tradition and the social-democratic yearnings of working people, he has come to recognize and respond to the American democratic imperative that the populist-progressive journalist and activist Henry Demarest Lloyd spoke of 130 years ago: “The price of liberty is something more than eternal vigilance. We can save the rights we have inherited from our fathers only by winning new ones to bequeath our children.”
Not at all a career politician, Platner is a 41-year-old Marine and Army combat veteran. He left the military after tours of duty in both Iraq and Afghanistan, having finally had enough of witnessing the unrelenting waste of human life and resources that those wars entailed. But as much as he was fed up with forever wars, he did not return home either cynical about or fed up with America. He remained fundamentally a patriot—a democratic patriot.
Back in his hometown of Sullivan, Maine, Graham took up an offer to partner in an oyster farming business and before long became actively involved in progressive community organizing. But it was not enough. An avid reader of history—and knowing full well that the way things were is not the way they have always been or need to be today—he decided, with the support of his wife Amy and a cohort of friends, to pursue the Democratic nomination.
Inspired by Thomas Paine in 1776, the American colonists turned their rebellion into a revolutionary war not just for independence, but also for the making of a democratic republic.
I could not help but take note of his candidacy this past autumn—especially when I saw via social media sites that he was not only quoting my boy Thomas Paine in his speeches—“We have it in our to power to the begin the world over again...” (Common Sense) and “These are the times that try men’s souls...” (The Crisis)—and including my book, Thomas Paine and the Promise of America in his campaign book club. He was also lamenting the fact that Congress had never acted on Franklin Delano Roosevelt's 1944 call for an Economic Bill of Rights for all Americans. Long story short: I reached out to his campaign manager Ben Chin, who quickly set up a face-to-face zoom meeting for us. And the ensuing conversation made it clear to me that Platner would pass any essay exam this professor of democracy and justice might set. But good grades aside, what really struck me was Graham’s professed determination to take hold of the best of our progressive and radical history and to rhetorically engage and encourage his fellow Mainers to join him in renewing the fight to make the revolutionary promise of Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness all the more real for all the more of them.
If you know anything about my work—and Graham made it very clear that he did—you’ll appreciate why I was not only thrilled to run into him on social media, but also eager to help boost his campaign. We stayed in daily touch. Then, just over two weeks ago, Platner reached out to invite me to Maine for the campaign's launch of its Defend Democracy Agenda on March 10. He said would be honored to have me present for the launch, but hell, I have to admit I felt honored he wanted me there.

Flying to Maine, I was still in the dark as to what my actual role would be. But when I finally arrived at Graham and Amy’s house—coming in at 1am after my long flight—I found out that they wanted me to actually introduce the proceedings the next day at the rally in Machias by placing the Agenda in historical perspective. I loved the prospect.
Driving that morning to Machias, the seat of Washington County in Downeast Maine, Graham and Ben told me of the Battle of Machias in 1775—the first naval battle of what would become the American Revolution—in which local residents rallied to defend their town against British ships seeking to secure supplies, by sailing out to engage them. Along the way, we stopped to meet a friendly group of Indivisible Mainers who gathered every Tuesday on a bridge with signs protesting the political and economic royalists of today who are tearing down American democracy. That definitely revved me up a bit and after our visit with local activists, Graham and Ben enthusiastically licensed me to speak radically at the rally in Machias.
Standing outside the Revolutionary-era Burnham Tavern in Machias, I told the crowd of about 100 or so people that I had come to Maine to express my support for Graham’s campaign and to stand in solidarity with them. I then turned to American history. I said straightforwardly that we have endured 50 years of class war from above by corporate elites, conservative Republicans, and neoliberal Democrats, all of which have worked against the democratic achievements of the Long Age of Roosevelt from the 1930s to the 1960s. This is a class war that has stripped workers, women, and people of color of their hard-won rights. It's a class war that has produced gross inequalities and propelled 50 years of creeping authoritarianism that is now running roughshod over us.
I explained that although history does not repeat itself, we have been here before. Not for the first time do we face a mortal crisis in which reactionary forces threaten to destroy American democratic life and bury the nation’s revolutionary promise. We did so in the 1770s, the 1860s, and the 1930s and 1940s. And yet, in each of those crises, generations of Americans—for all of their faults and failings, and sins of omission and commission—found it in themselves to save the nation and its promise by making America radically freer, more equal, and more democratic than ever before.
Don’t vote for the candidate who promises to be your champion and fight for you. Vote for the candidate who inspires the fight in you.
Inspired by Thomas Paine in 1776, the American colonists turned their rebellion into a revolutionary war not just for independence, but also for the making of a democratic republic. Inspired by Abraham Lincoln in the 1860s, Americans of that era saved the Union not only by fighting the Civil War, but also by bringing the scourge of slavery to an end. And inspired by Franklin Roosevelt in the 1930s and 1940s, it was the people who beat back both the Great Depression and fascism, not merely by taking up the labors and struggles of the New Deal and the War Effort, but also by empowering working people and radically transforming the nation for the better.
Finally, in introducing Graham, I declared how thrilled I was to have finally discovered a Democratic candidate who understood that to “Defend American Democracy” required joining together and once again fighting to make America radically freer, more equal, and more democratic. (I sadly realized afterwards that I forgot to finish with these words of advice: Don’t vote for the candidate who promises to fight for you – vote for the candidate who inspires the fight in you!)
Stepping forward to uplifting cheers and applause, Graham vigorously reaffirmed the narrative I offered and proceeded to present a set of bold, clear, critical policy proposals to progressively redeem, renew, and and realize America’s promise: ending lifetime Supreme Court appointments; reasserting Congress’s authority over the courts and the executive (the question of war powers!); banning partisan gerrymandering; getting money out of politics; protecting the constitutional right to privacy; strengthening workers’ rights to organize and bargain collectively; passing the Equal Rights Amendment; and updating and advancing the economic freedoms which FDR called a Second Bill of Rights via a 21st Century Economic Bill of Rights.
These rights would include the right to a useful job that pays a living wage, the right to a decent home, the right to quality medical care and the opportunity to enjoy good health and recreation, the right to economic security in old age, sickness, unemployment, or disability; the right to a good education; and the right of farmers and small business owners to fair competition free from monopoly power.

Graham was impressive. He really does know how to take hold of our history without ever sounding pedantic. And he knows politics and policy. He even confesses when he needs to "look into that”—which is to say, he never fudges his answers.
Following a walking tour of Machias with stops in the local shoppes, we went to the renowned Helen’s Restaurant, where Graham spoke to a full house of enthusiasts, and I ate the best blueberry pie of my life. That evening, Graham addressed a filled-to-the-steeple crowd of local citizens—Democrats, Republicans, and Independents—at the Congregational Church and he stayed on for quite a while to answer questions friendly and challenging.
On the next day, he and I recorded a two-hour conversation at the Bon Vent Cidery in Hancock. The exchange flowed back and forth between past and present and allowed us to not only go deeper into the remarks we made in Machias, but also refine our thinking. We talked about Paine, Lincoln, FDR, the Democratic Party, politics, movement building, populism, progressivism, and social democracy. That night we had dinner with a few friends of Graham’s at his mom’s home. As it was my first time in Maine, I could not help but ask them to tell me the best adjectives to define Mainers and life in Maine. It was so much fun I can’t remember any of the answers.
The following day I was supposed to fly back to Wisconsin, but my flight was cancelled due to thick fog. So, I tagged along to Graham’s campaign meetings for the day. That night, I took Graham out to dinner to thank him for having me out, during which he felt the need to apologize for all the interruptions by other diners (not all of whom were locals), but I thought it fascinating to watch it unfold. He is leading in both the primary and the general-election polls (vs Governor Janet Mills and Senator Susan Collins, respectively), but everyone is well aware of the fact that he is not the favorite of party leaders in Augusta and Washington—and they expect the billionaire money of the ruling class to soon start pouring into the state. Still, union endorsements are strong; both Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren have embraced his candidacy; and Graham is starting to pick up endorsements from other progressive lawmakers and movement leaders.
I expect to go back to Maine when I can—hopefully, for a couple of victory parties. Meanwhile, my advice to Mainers is what I forgot to say at Machias: Don’t vote for the candidate who promises to be your champion and fight for you. Vote for the candidate who inspires the fight in you. And from what I saw on my visit, that candidate is Graham Platner.
As we confront what some are expecting to be the third once-in-a-generation economic downturn in less than two decades, we need to be ready with real solutions.
President Trump has given many contradictory reasons for his recent tariff spree, including claiming tariffs will “create jobs like we have never seen before.”
Yet research shows that tariffs don’t increase employment and instead are likely to cost jobs due to increased input prices and retaliatory tariffs. Economist Michael Strain at the conservative American Enterprise Institute expects Trump’s tariffs will lead to "recessionary levels" of unemployment. Ironically, analysts expect the rural and Heartland communities that voted for Trump will be disproportionately negatively impacted by retaliatory tariffs. Given how this Administration has cavalierly forced tens of thousands of federal workers out of good jobs and destroyed just as many research and nonprofit jobs supported by federal grants, it’s clear that employing Americans has never been the true priority.
A federal job guarantee is a public option for a good job—with living wages, full benefits, and union protections—on projects that meet community needs for physical and human infrastructure that are often long-overlooked.
But it should be a national priority. And we have a much better solution than tariffs: a job guarantee.
A federal job guarantee is a public option for a good job—with living wages, full benefits, and union protections—on projects that meet community needs for physical and human infrastructure that are often long-overlooked. Repairing bridges, helping communities recover from disasters, providing quality care for children and the elderly, fixing potholes, and expanding tree canopy to mitigate extreme heat are just a few examples of the community-building work that would become possible with a job guarantee.
A job guarantee would address the failure of our economy to provide good jobs for all. Even during times of relatively low unemployment, millions of Americans—currently 7.9 million—want full-time work but cannot find it. This is a chronic crisis that disproportionately burdens rural communities and communities of color. Another 39 million American workers are stuck in jobs that pay below $17 per hour, often with precarious, unhealthy, and undignified working conditions. Guaranteed jobs would provide these workers with the option of stable employment and real economic security.
Tariffs may grab headlines, but they don’t build communities or deliver good jobs.
A job guarantee is not a new idea. The right to a “useful and remunerative” job was the number one item on the Economic Bill of Rights proposed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1944. Guaranteed jobs were a central demand of the civil rights movement, from the 1963 March on Washington to Coretta Scott King’s advocacy throughout the 1970s. And it nearly became law: the original Humphrey Hawkins Full Employment Act of 1978 included a legally enforceable right to a job with the federal government acting as employer of last resort, though that provision was stripped from the watered-down version that eventually passed. In recent years, congressional leaders including senators Cory Booker and Bernie Sanders have supported versions of a job guarantee, and representative Ayanna Pressley introduced a Congressional resolution outlining a modernized federal job guarantee that would pay $25 per hour.
While we’ve never had a true federal job guarantee, successful public employment efforts demonstrate its practicality and potential. In the 1930’s, the Works Progress Administration employed 8.5 million people building physical infrastructure and artistic works that strengthened our economy and culture for decades. Smaller-scale “subsidized employment” programs that provide the on-the-job training and wraparound supports for workers facing barriers to employment (similar to what would be provided by a job guarantee) also have a strong track record of success.
A job guarantee is not a new idea. The right to a “useful and remunerative” job was the number one item on the Economic Bill of Rights proposed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1944.
By producing not only good jobs but also vital infrastructure and services, a job guarantee bolsters families and the neighborhoods where they live. Moreover, it would generate “trickle-up” economic effects. Money would begin circulating in persistently-disinvested communities, creating opportunities for grocery stores, small businesses, and local entrepreneurship. And a public option for good jobs would put healthy pressure on private employers to better compensate their workers—elevating wages and benefits across the board.
Funded by the federal government and implemented locally, a job guarantee would create new opportunities for civic engagement, with communities suggesting new public investments that meet their needs and manifest their aspirations. This partnership could strengthen democracy and rebuild trust that government can work for working people.
Ultimately, a job guarantee would create a more stable, resilient, and equitable economy. By immediately providing jobs and income at the first sign of an economic downturn, it would act as an automatic stabilizer—maintaining consumer spending and preventing prolonged recessions and jobless recoveries. This would benefit the economy as a whole and protect marginalized Black workers who are the “last hired and first fired” when the economy sours. It would enable a “just transition” away from unsustainable industries and address the threat of job displacement posed by AI, creating new jobs protecting the environment and mitigating climate change.
And for those who would dismiss this as socialism, it’s worth emphasizing: the job guarantee simply ensures there is an available job. If the more “productive” private sector can offer something better, all the better—workers will have the freedom to choose.
As we confront what some are expecting to be the third once-in-a-generation economic downturn in less than two decades, we need to be ready with real solutions. Tariffs may grab headlines, but they don’t build communities or deliver good jobs. Instead, this administration’s chaotic policies are creating widespread economic uncertainty and strain. A federal job guarantee, by contrast, is a bold economic policy rooted in American history and grounded in the needs of workers who’ve been sidelined by our economic policies. If we want to empower workers and build a more resilient economy, we should start investing in real solutions—starting with a job guarantee.
We must lay claim to or, better, reclaim America’s past and—without discounting the terrible tragedies and ironies that have marked the lives of so many Americans—articulate the truly radical story of America.
“America needs something more right now than a “must-do” list from liberals and progressives. America needs a different story… the leaders, and thinkers, and activists who honestly tell that story and speak passionately of the moral and religious values it puts in play will be the first political generation since the New Deal to win power back for the people… The right story will set our course for a generation to come…”
“Tell it—for America’s sake.”—Bill Moyers, A New Story for America (2006)
The time has come. The crisis intensifies, and the struggle is being joined. Abraham Lincoln’s warning of 1862–“We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope of Earth”—speaks ever more directly to us. But keep listening. Lincoln did not merely issue a warning to his fellow citizens. Believing they already essentially knew what he was to say, he reminded them of who they were and made it perfectly clear to them what they had to do to overcome the crisis and prevail against the enemy they confronted. He told them that winning the war and sustaining the Union required not simply defeating the Confederacy, but also making America’s revolutionary promise all the more real for all the more Americans. He told them that to truly secure the United States they had to end slavery. He called on them to make America radically freer, more equal, and more democratic.
The time has come for us to do the same. The time has come for us to remind ourselves of who we are and what that demands. The time has come for us to take hold of our history and make America radical again.
The resurgent democratic energies and agencies we are sensing and seeing reveal that Americans not only continue both to believe in America’s revolutionary promise and to feel the radical impulse imbued in American life by the Revolution and sustained by the struggles of generations, but also yearn to defend American democratic life. Thus, they challenge not only a treacherous and reactionary president and his party. They challenge us—the democratic left—as well.
Even as we draw inspiration and encouragement from America’s progressive and radical story, we should never forget what our forebears never forgot, that the America we seek lies not in the past, but in the future that we are struggling to make.
They challenge labor unionists, progressives, radicals, socialists, and true liberals to do what we have failed to do for the past 50 years. They challenge us to finally fulfill the fearful expectations that in the 1970s drove the corporate powers that be and their conservative and neoliberal champions to declare war on the progress of American democratic life and pursue to this day class-war and culture-war campaigns against the democratic achievements of generations; the hard-won rights of workers, women, and people of color; and the very memory of how those achievements were secured and those rights were won. They challenge us to unite in a coalition—call it a “popular front” if you wish—to liberate the Democratic party, the historic Party of the People, from the Money Power and to take up the fight to truly assure life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness to all Americans. A coalition determined to not only win elections, but also harness the powers of democratic government, subject capital to ever greater public regulation and control, and push the nation all the more in a social-democratic direction.
We cannot delay. We must start doing what we have not been doing. We must embrace our history and recognize that we are radicals at heart. And we must build a coalition of democratic forces which is committed not merely to restoring the democratic legacy of generations and the rights of workers, women, and people of color, but also, if we are to truly secure them, to radically or, if you prefer, progressively extending and deepening them. We must address the needs of the commonwealth and its citizens by re-appropriating through taxation the wealth transferred from working people to capital and the rich. We must empower labor both private and public to organize and bargain collectively and to elect union brothers and sisters to corporate boards. We must make ourselves more secure by demilitarizing and de-weaponizing everyday American life and by establishing a system of universal national healthcare. We must enact the Equal Rights Amendment and guarantee a woman’s right to control her own body. We must not simply abolish the Electoral College, but actually enact a constitutional amendment guaranteeing citizens the right to vote. Moreover, we should redeem FDR’s vision of an Economic Bill of Rights for all Americans.
We must, however, do more than come up with a “must-do list” that will appeal to and draw together diverse interests. We must do what America’s finest radical and progressive voices have always done in the face of crises and forces determined to stymie, or bring an end altogether to, the progress of American democratic life. We must recover and proclaim anew the revolutionary promise projected in Common Sense, the Declaration, the Preamble, and the Bill of Rights so as to call out the powers that be and call forth our fellow citizens.
We must do what our greatest democratic poet Walt Whitman did on the eve of the Civil War when he wrote in his continuing epic, Leaves of Grass:
YOU just maturing youth! You male or female!
Remember the organic compact of These States,
Remember the pledge of the Old Thirteen thenceforward to the rights, life, liberty, equality of man,
Remember what was promulged by the founders, ratified by The States, signed in black and white by the Commissioners, and read by Washington at the head of the army,
Remember the purposes of the founders,––Remember Washington;
Remember the copious humanity streaming from every direction toward America;
Remember the hospitality that belongs to nations and men; (Cursed be nation, woman, man, without hospitality!)
Remember, government is to subserve individuals,
Not any, not the President, is to have one jot more than you or me,
Not any habitan of America is to have one jot less than you or me.
We must do what Elizabeth Cady Stanton and her colleagues did at Seneca Falls in 1848 when they stated in the Declaration of Sentiments that “all men and women are created equal”; what Frederick Douglass did in 1852 when he asked his fellow Americans “What to the slave is the Fourth of July?”; what Lincoln did most eloquently at Gettysburg in 1863 when he projected a “new birth of freedom” to assure that “government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the Earth”; what Eugene Debs did when he called forth Paine and other radicals and progressives to champion the causes of labor and socialism; what Franklin Roosevelt did in proclaiming the Four Freedoms and envisioning the creation of an Economic Bill of Rights for all Americans; and what Martin Luther King, Jr. did when demanding a fulfillment of America’s revolutionary promise on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in 1963.
Moreover, we must lay claim to or, better, reclaim America’s past and—without discounting the terrible tragedies and ironies that have marked the lives of so many Americans—articulate the truly radical story of America, the truly radical story that is America. The story of how, in the face of fierce opposition, and despite all of our terrible faults and failings, generations of Americans native-born and newly-arrived, men and women in all their extraordinary diversity, have struggled both to realize the nation’s fundamental promise of equality and life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness and to enlarge not only the We in We the People, but also the powers of the people. Indeed, the story of how our greatest generations confronted and transcended mortal threats to American democratic life in the 1770s, 1860s, and 1930s-40s (not to mention the 1960s) by making the United States radically freer, more equal, and more democratic. And we must tell that story in a way that enables us to not only appreciate why we feel the democratic impulses and yearnings we do, but also to recognize and embrace our many and diverse struggles to make real the nation’s promise past and present as ours not respectively “theirs” alone.
Finally, even as we draw inspiration and encouragement from America’s progressive and radical story, we should never forget what our forebears never forgot, that the America we seek lies not in the past, but in the future that we are struggling to make. And in that spirit, we should recall, if not publicly recite, lines such as these from Langston Hughes’ 1936 poem “Let America Be America Again”:
O, let America be America again—
The land that never has been yet—
And yet must be—the land where every man is free.
The land that’s mine—the poor man’s, Indian’s, Negro’s, ME—
Who made America,
Whose sweat and blood, whose faith and pain,
Whose hand at the foundry, whose plow in the rain,
Must bring back our mighty dream again.
Sure, call me any ugly name you choose—
The steel of freedom does not stain.
From those who live like leeches on the people’s lives,
We must take back our land again,
America!
O, yes,
I say it plain,
America never was America to me,
And yet I swear this oath—
America will be!
The time has come to take hold of our history and make America radical again. The time has come not merely to take back America, but all the more to make America America.
Note: This article is based on the Afterword to my 2020 book Take Hold of Our History: Make America Radical Again.