
SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.

Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
Are we as Chicago residents at ease with the unprecedented horrors of quantum and AI warfare coming out of our own backyards?
Pete Hegseth’s Department of War is building America’s largest quantum computing project right here on the Southside of Chicago, to the detriment of not only our city but the world at large. Gov. JB Pritzker has lauded the venture capital project as an unprecedented opportunity to make Illinois the “Silicon Valley of quantum development.” With whose consent? On whose land? And on whose dime?
When examining the backers of the Illinois Quantum and Microelectronics Park (IQMP), it is difficult to rationalize this $9 billion project as anything but an accelerative altar to militarism. Alongside federal backing from DARPA, investors such as BlackRock, IBM, and Israeli startup Quantum Machines have all cited quantum technology as the next frontier in modern warfare. The military-industrial complex has emphatically doubled down on quantum computing technology and advanced computing in AI alike as the next crucial edges in 21st-century militarism. Indeed, AI technology in warfare is already being used extensively by the US and Israel to terrorize the SWANA region.
Even with the considerable private capital financing already allotted to this project's troubling Big Tech-war machine alliance, Illinois taxpayers are the top funders of IQMP by far. To the sum of more than 700 million state dollars, the land and water beneath our feet have been sold out to private equity military contracts. As families across our cities starve, as rent costs go up and our unhoused neighbors are continually displaced, we must stop the flow of state and city resources from being directed to a global surveillance state hellbent on mass destruction.
On a local level, the Chicago City Council has unanimously approved the Quantum Park's construction on three separate occasions, with Mayor Brandon Johnson contributing $5 million from the city’s already strained budget. The contrast between the typical glacial speed of approval from City Council and the suspiciously rapid approval process of this project is jarring to say the least, particularly when one considers the largely uncharted nature of the technology itself.
Southside Together's campaign against Quantum is an unequivocal stand for people power against the cynical backdrop of Big Tech fatalism.
Southside Together, an organization focused on building people power with working-class Southside residents, collected signatures proposing a non-binding referendum concerning IQMP. The petition asked one question: "Should our local elected officials stop the construction of the IQMP and instead invest directly in community resources?" Non-binding ballot referendums are rarely challenged on the basis of their language, yet this expression of community consensus was struck from the ballot summarily. Southside residents, in particular, breaking the silence on this project have been clearly delineated as a high-priority threat by backing city officials.
Widespread awareness and community dissent could in fact function as IQMP’s death knell. If organizing on the Southside alone has already scared these Big Tech military syndicates into such frantic repression, imagine what genuine citywide resistance to quantum computing development could accomplish in turn.
As Gov. Pritzker and Mayor Johnson push this project through, they are continuing to make the people of Chicago complicit in war crimes across the globe. Do Illinois politicians want this escalation in Big Tech militarism to be their legacy? More importantly, are we as Chicago residents at ease with the unprecedented horrors of quantum and AI warfare coming out of our own backyards?
Southside Together's campaign against Quantum is an unequivocal stand for people power against the cynical backdrop of Big Tech fatalism. Join the fight today against what quantum tech threatens to do tomorrow.
Many commentators have drawn parallels between Trump’s life and that of the fictional billionaire in Orson Welles’ classic film, Citizen Kane, but things have changed and those parallels no longer seem to apply. Or do they?
In a 2002 video, Donald Trump was interviewed about his favorite movie, Orson Welles’ 1941 classic, Citizen Kane. In the discussion, he likened himself to the film’s principal character, Charles Foster Kane—a man portrayed as rising to become the richest and most powerful man in the world. But, as Trump noted, there was a price to pay. Kane ends his life in solitude, divorced and bereft of friends: “I think you learned in Kane,” he concluded, “that maybe wealth isn’t everything because he had the wealth but he didn’t have the happiness... In real life I do believe that wealth does in fact isolate you from other people.”
Trump isn’t the only one who has seen a resemblance between him and his fictional counterpart. Over the years, many commentators have pointed out the similarities:
That was then; this is now—and things have changed. A fresh look at the comparison shows that the arc of Trump’s life has departed significantly from that of Charles Foster Kane:
The question now is, what happens after Trump leaves office on January 20, 2029—assuming that he does leave office. It seems improbable that he will, like Kane, willingly recede from public view and become isolated, personally and politically. But, in his declining years, will he find himself powerless to keep his friends and loyal entourage from slipping away? Will the GOP seek to distance itself more and more from him? Will his efforts to grab headlines fade as the news media loses interest in him? Will legal fees, criminal penalties, a collapse of his cryptocurrency and a downturn in the real estate market combine to decimate his financial empire? Will Melania seek a multimillion dollar divorce settlement? In other words, will the arc of Trump’s life begin to realign with that of Charles Foster Kane?
On Kane’s deathbed, he utters the single word, “Rosebud,” which we later learn was the name emblazoned on his childhood sled. In his 2002 video, Trump explains that, “I think the significance is bringing a lonely, rather sad figure back into his childhood.” Did he foresee that nostalgia for a simpler, happier time in his life—perhaps before his political career—might be his own destiny? Probably not. But time will tell where the parallels between Charles Foster Kane and Donald J. Trump ultimately end.
The risks, immorality, and illegality of reliance on nuclear arms.
Suppose for a moment that reliance on nuclear arms by the United States and other nuclear powers will produce “strategic stability” for the rest of this century. That is, that there will be no nuclear war or war on a major scale between the nuclear powers.
Is that a world we should want to live in, a world where security depends on the potential for the devastation of entire societies, a world where we are supposed to live moral lives in the context of an immoral system of global security? My answer is no.
The question, however, is based on a false premise. It is a fantasy that reliance on nuclear arms can be counted upon to produce stability indefinitely. That can be demonstrated just by looking at today’s conflicts. The Russian invasion of Ukraine in violation of the United Nations Charter was preceded by Russian President Vladimir Putin’s threat to resort to nuclear weapons should Western states intervene in support of Ukraine. Then in the fall of 2022, it was credibly reported that that the Biden administration believed that the Russian government was operationally moving toward the use of nuclear weapons.
The US attack on Iran, another violation of the UN Charter, has been accompanied by President Donald Trump’s bluster about wreaking society-ending devastation on Iran, evoking the possibility of use of nuclear weapons. Whether or not his nuclear bluster is specific and credible enough to be considered a “threat” as a matter of international law, it certainly runs counter to the notion that use of nuclear weapons is out of the question.
A broader view of the Nuremberg principle of individual responsibility is that citizens are acting in accordance with that principle when they take responsibility for preventing nuclear war.
Nuclear deterrence involves the readiness to inflict massive devastation on other societies, even if targets are said to be military. It is planning and preparation for the commission of war crimes and crimes against humanity and in some cases crimes against peace. Crimes against peace concern aggressive war. The use of nuclear weapons to initiate an aggressive war would certainly be a crime against peace. But there is a good case that the first use of nuclear weapons by a state defending itself would be so escalatory and disproportionate as to be a crime against peace.
Nazi officials were convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity. They were also convicted of the crime against peace of waging aggressive war, including planning for the war that was carried out.
This was done in accordance with the Nuremberg principle of individual responsibility. Individuals, not only states, can be held accountable for the commission of international crimes.
A broader view of the Nuremberg principle of individual responsibility is that citizens are acting in accordance with that principle when they take responsibility for preventing nuclear war. That can be done in many ways. One is non-violent protest, as took place August 6 outside the Livermore nuclear weapons laboratory in California.
Reliance on nuclear arms by the United States and other states means that the world is in a state of risk, immorality, and illegality. The imperative is to end that state of affairs.
30 years ago, on July 8, 1996, the International Court of Justice released its advisory opinion on the legality of threat or use of nuclear weapons. The court found nuclear threat or use to be generally illegal, especially because such use cannot be reconciled with core principles of international humanitarian law forbidding the infliction of indiscriminate harm and unnecessary suffering. The court was clear that if a use of weapons is illegal, the threat of such use is illegal.
However, the court did not address all circumstances of nuclear use, and did not assess nuclear deterrence. But the court unquestionably recognized the state of at least potential illegality involved in reliance on nuclear arms.
So the court concluded its opinion with an analysis of something it was not asked, the nature of the nuclear disarmament obligation rooted in Article VI of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and in UN General Assembly resolutions going back to the 1950s. And the court gave a very strong interpretation of the obligation, finding that the obligation is to pursue in good faith and conclude negotiations on nuclear disarmament.
There have been other important efforts to move the world out of the state of risk, immorality, and illegality. In NPT review conferences beginning in 1995, non-nuclear weapon states extracted commitments from the nuclear weapon states such as reducing the role of nuclear weapons and engaging in verified reductions leading to elimination. If they had been implemented, by now the commitments would have brought the world much closer to the elimination of nuclear weapons, if not all the way there.
In 2017, non-nuclear weapon states negotiated the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW). One hundred states are now signatories, not including, however, any nuclear-armed states. Whether the TPNW will serve as a vehicle for the nuclear-armed states to accomplish the elimination of nuclear weapons is open to doubt; they probably would create their own vehicle. Without question, though, the TPNW is a marvelous statement of the principles that should motivate and guide the achievement of a world free of nuclear weapons. The first review conference of the TPNW will be held late this year.
We are currently living in a world of conflict, and especially under Trump, the United States has turned away from the multilateralism that reached its peak in the 1990s with the Chemical Weapons Convention, the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. But the reality is that nuclear abolition, probably in conjunction with other arms control and with changes in global governance, is by far the best way to address the risks, immorality, and illegality of reliance on nuclear arms.
The suppression of Black votes and of women's votes are not separate struggles—they are the same assault, mounted by the same forces, to concentrate power permanently in the hands of those who hold it.
This month marks 61 years since Lyndon Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act into law. Fifty-four years ago, Congress sent the Equal Rights Amendment to the states—now ratified by the three-quarters of the states the Constitution requires. On August 26, the 19th Amendment granting women’s universal suffrage turns 106. Three anniversaries, one question: Why, in 2026, are we still fighting for rights already won—the right to vote, equal pay, the Equal Rights Amendment Congress refuses to recognize as ratified?
In April, the Supreme Court answered part of that question. In Louisiana v. Callais, a 6-3 majority ruled that challengers to a discriminatory voting map must prove intent to discriminate, not merely effect—the same sleight of hand the court used in Shelby County v. Holder (2013) to gut the Voting Rights Act's preclearance formula. The John R. Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, which would fix what Shelby County broke, still sits in Congress 13 years later. That is not neglect. It is a choice—and it is shameful.
The consequences are not abstract: At least six Black Democratic members of Congress face elimination through Republican redistricting this year, and one-third of the majority-minority districts under threat are held by women. The Congressional Black Caucus—grown from 13 members in 1971 to a historic high of 62 today—is being dismantled, district by district, ruling by ruling.
Then there's President Donald Trump's SAVE America Act, dressed up as election security: It requires documentary proof of citizenship to register. But an estimated 69 million American women hold a legal name that doesn't match their birth certificate—married, divorced, or changed. A woman may need a birth certificate, marriage license, divorce decree, passport, and driver's license just to prove she is herself: a paperwork tax that falls hardest on women with low incomes, survivors of domestic violence, and older women whose records are scattered across a lifetime.
You cannot protect the paycheck if you cannot protect the ballot. You cannot protect the ballot if you cannot protect the Constitution.
The suppression of Black votes and of women's votes are not separate struggles—they are the same assault, mounted by the same forces, to concentrate power permanently in the hands of those who hold it. Every woman in America who has changed her name is in the crosshairs. The attack on the Voting Rights Act, on women's economic security, and the fight for the Equal Rights Amendment are one battle.
What ties it together is economic justice: For the second consecutive year, the gender pay gap has widened. Women working full time now earn 81 cents for every dollar men earn—down from 83 cents, down from 84 the year before, the first back-to-back widening since the 1960s. For Black women, that figure drops to 65 cents, a gap of $28,340 a year. For Latinas, 58 cents—$33,620 a year. Over a lifetime, the gap costs a woman roughly half a million dollars—and for many women of color, more than $1 million.
That is not a gap. It’s a transfer of wealth—smaller Social Security checks, depleted retirement savings, less generational wealth. The root cause: Women lack the constitutional guarantee of equality that would force government, courts, and employers to treat these harms seriously.
That guarantee is the Equal Rights Amendment. The legal threshold for ratification has been met—all that remains is for Congress to pass a joint resolution affirming the ERA as the 28th Amendment. Every House Democrat has co-sponsored it. One Republican has joined them. Only one.
Our organizations are built on a truth that has not changed: Economic justice and political power are inseparable.
You cannot protect the paycheck if you cannot protect the ballot. You cannot protect the ballot if you cannot protect the Constitution.
Today we stand more than 100 years past the Suffrage Amendment, 61 past the Voting Rights Act, 54 past the day Congress sent the ERA to the states. A new Congress, elected in November, can choose which anniversary this country keeps: rights fought for and won, or rights quietly let go.
The forces of reaction aren't just trying to curtail our votes and reduce our paychecks. They’re trying to erase them. We will not stop until Congress acts.
This op-ed was distributed by American Forum.
After my wife's death, nothing seemed equal to the grief I was feeling. My life was a shattered pane of glass. I needed something to hold myself together. This is when the Blue Pearl came to me.
“The Blue Pearl is the vehicle of the individual soul. It is in the Blue Pearl that the soul leaves the body after death and travels to different worlds. It is extremely fine and subtle, and it moves like lightning... The Blue Pearl is the size of a sesame seed, but in reality it is so vast that it contains the entire universe.”—Swami Muktananda, Meditate
I read Meditate in the mid-’90s, a few years before my wife’s death. After her death, nothing seemed equal to the grief I was feeling. My life was a shattered pane of glass. I needed something to hold myself together. This is when the Blue Pearl came to me, or so it seemed—not as an external truth but simply as God-knows-what, floating in my tears. I held it to my heart. Perhaps now it’s time to share “The Blue Pearl,” a poem I wrote in the midst of my grief, which put the grief into context.
A silver moon blesses
the Osco parking lot
as my wife lies sleeping
with terminal cancer.
This is her homecoming.
My breast pocket bulges
with prescription morphine
and I have just been accused
of stealing milk.
What I mean to say
is that life is good.
This is the secret of cancer,
that as it eats away
at the skin of the future,
it reveals, slowly,
in cold, hard luster,
beneath the ticking of days and hours,
the blue pearl,
our irreducible spirit
and connecting point to the stars.
It is the steady wonder
that life goes on.
It had been a bad week,
with Barbara’s lower GI
laid bare on Monday
to the surgeon’s disquieted eye:
Fifty liver lesions discouraged
an adventurous scalpel
from cutting a swath to the pancreas.
They sewed up the belly,
the soft belly I’d
gotten used to growing old
resting my head on,
and told her what happens
next is that you die.
This is the cancer
the saints get,
the ones too selfless
to endure the pain
of others.
On Tuesday they fed her
bile and comfort, salving
the desolate corpse of hope
with med school pity
and averted eyes.
And on Friday, after she’d begun
farting again and it was time
to go home, the season premiere of
“Sabrina the Teenage Witch”
wrenched our loving
family into three small
angry pieces.
The soft bondage of love,
souls in a crucible,
so lost together, our lives
cluttered with one another’s needs,
we make peace, then suddenly
kick out in frenzied yearning
for freedom and muddy
the elixir that cushions us: This
is a family, now strained
by death. Our daughter,
eleven, a trooper, a brave angel,
commutes willingly from school
to hospital, diagrams sentences
in Mom’s wheelchair,
parts the IV tubes to
give her kisses and eats
lime Jell-O all week;
she asks one thing only
that isn’t brave and chin-up,
to watch “Sabrina” at 7.
But Barbara cannot bear
another confined hour here
and so we snap
off the overhead box
and go, gracelessly,
at our sudden worst,
bleeding insults and disappointment
in the privacy
of our car ride home
to a new life.
And I understand that we need
a miracle but
the best I can offer
is my silence;
silence humbles me;
slowly I stop knowing
what to do.
I wait for the morphine
in fluorescent loneliness.
When my name is called
I heft as much of the future
as I am sure of—a sweating
gallon of milk for tomorrow’s
breakfast—upon the counter
and pay, thinking, this much
is done. But life
undoes me like a dirty bandage.
I’m challenged at the door,
humiliated for 30 seconds—
this is a neighborhood
where milk is stolen regularly,
perhaps—and finally,
the transaction verified,
I am released
to the moon
and my own soul.
In the lifeless parking lot
my wild heart,
so big and wanting
happiness, a cure for
cancer or just five years
five years to perfectly
love my wife, stops,
lets go of itself,
bears for an instant
the silver-streaked now
of truth,
now now only now
and always now
she is alive
and I am alive
and that’s my miracle
and it’s enough.
Netanyahu’s arrogant message is unmistakable: Israel can defy Washington, and Washington will absorb the political cost.
President Donald Trump took to social media Thursday, July 30 to announce what he called a breakthrough: a phased agreement under the Board of Peace requiring the Palestinian Resistance to disarm and Israel to withdraw. The optics were of a president closing out a genocide he, and his predecessor, enabled for two years.
The Palestinian Resistance agreed to the plan. Israel rejected it.
Imagine if the Resistance had rejected the 15 points by reasonably conditioning disarmament on an end to Israeli occupation. We don't have to imagine Trump's reaction. He'd have condemned them by nightfall and held them responsible for killing the peace plan.
Israel gets a different standard. On Sunday, August 9, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told his cabinet, “I want to clarify this: Israel rejects the 15-point document.”
Trump's Gaza legacy does not differ from his predecessor former President Joe Biden's. Both stood impotent before Netanyahu's rejection.
Rather than call out Israel for sabotaging his own plan, Trump waved away Netanyahu's rejection as mere election posturing, as if that were acceptable. Trump’s dismissal didn't go unnoticed. Three days later, Israel's Defense Minister, Israel Katz, doubled down declaring that Israel will not withdraw, not from Gaza, not from Lebanon, and not from Syria
Last May, I wrote an article: “Stop blaming Netanyahu, stupid,” where I argued, it was never one man. It's the Zionist Project itself, and the Israeli public that keeps ratifying it. A poll released last summer found 76% of Israelis believe the 2005 withdrawal from Gaza was a mistake. Half of all Israelis now say they'd support renewing Jewish settlement inside Gaza itself—a figure that climbs to 83% among the ultra-Orthodox and 67% among religious Jews. And in a finding that goes to the heart of how Israelis have rewritten their own history, 56% now believe that if the 2005 disengagement had never happened, October 7 would have been far less likely.
Withdrawal, in other words, has been recast in the Israeli imagination as the original sin, not occupation, and not Israel’s pre-October 7 starvation siege.
In rejecting Trump’s plan, Netanyahu is pandering to his voting base. He is giving the Israeli Jewish majority exactly what they've told pollsters they want. He's competing against political challengers who reject any withdrawal from Gaza. Trump excuses this as political “posturing,” as if it's temporary, when in fact, it is creating a status quo to be normalized after the election.
As usual, Israel responded to Trump’s plan in two days of intensive strikes across Gaza, murdering 26 Palestinians and wounding 76. The single ugliest strike hit medicine warehouses attached to Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir el-Balah, one of the last facilities in central Gaza still able to treat large numbers of patients. Two of four storage buildings were destroyed and two more badly damaged. The target was a “dangerous storage” of intravenous fluid, dialysis supplies, intensive-care medication, in a place where half the dialysis machines didn't work and kidney patients were dying because treatment sessions keep getting cut.
These weren't abstractions. In Gaza City's al-Sousi Tower, a strike killed Abdullah Abu Taif, 33; his pregnant wife, Abeer Anan, 29; their 5-year-old son, Azzam; and where medics recovered the remains of an unborn child from the rubble. Near Khan Younis, a strike murdered Mahmoud al-Hams, 38; his wife, Fatima, 37; and their young daughter. An elderly couple, Kamal and Huda Abu Muailiq, were killed in their home near Deir el-Balah the same night.
This’s how Israel translates Trump’s “breakthrough” on the ground.
It is how Netanyahu sends a message to American presidents, as he did nearly a year ago when he openly defied Trump’s calls to stop bombing Gaza. Palestinian children’s blood becomes the currency of political pressure. With every refusal to heed Washington, Netanyahu demonstrates that he can ignore an American president’s demands without consequence, while the credibility and authority of the US president are diminished in the process. Netanyahu’s arrogant message is unmistakable: Israel can defy Washington, and Washington will absorb the political cost.
In October 2025, Israel secured the release of Israeli captives under a deal conditioned on ending the war. It got what it wanted immediately and did not deliver on its side. Since the ceasefire of October 10, 2025, Israel has violated it more than 4,000 times, murdering 1,300 Palestinians—more than all the Israelis, soldiers and civilians, killed on October 7. This is while food aid deliveries was two-thirds less than what the agreement promised. The territory Israel was supposed to withdraw from has instead expanded from 53% to 70%. Any withdrawal Israel may now negotiate, if any at all, will start from that expanded line of occupation, not the yellow line agreed at the ceasefire.
A president who announces a peace deal to the world has no agency of his own. He is too weak to bring himself to hold Netanyahu to account for rejecting his own plan; a political eunuch, unable to rein in a potentate whose country survives on US political and financial largesse.
Trump's Gaza legacy does not differ from his predecessor former President Joe Biden's. Both stood impotent before Netanyahu's rejection. Two subservient leaders who had shown over again that Israel does not answer to Washington, Washington answers to Israel. They leave behind a legacy of enabling an Israeli genocide and two consecutive Israel-first administrations.
Democratic leaders should make it very clear that the president is unfairly profiting from his position and hold shadow hearings detailing how he has done it.
To House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer—Your responses on July 1, 2026 on the reporting of the $2.2 billion profit personally reaped by President Donald Trump, while allegedly a public servant in 2025, was not specific enough.
Jeffries (NY) wrote on his social media account: “Donald Trump made more than $2 billion during his first year as President. Republicans are enriching themselves while making your life more expensive. We must crush the culture of corruption.”
Schumer (NY) wrote on his: “$2.2 BILLION for the Trump family. Higher costs for the American people.”
You should have described his huge loot as $1.1 million an hour. That’s right, $1.1 million an hour based on a 40-hour work week over one year. (And remember, Trump spends a lot of his time on his vengeance missions, his golf game, and napping—so a 40-hour work week is a generous estimate.)
You can ask for widespread feedback from the American people and make it part of his widely discernible profiteering persona of greed and lawless power.
You should have then compared that enormous sum per hour with the Trump-GOP supported federal minimum wage, frozen at $7.25 per hour. This would have given you the perfect occasion to highlight the case for a much higher federal minimum wage, helping tens of millions of American workers.
You also omitted his unlawful agreement with the Internal Revenue Service to give him a free ride on tax abuses.
Such profiteering from his public office at $1.1 million an hour is staggering, especially when you detail where it came from. This would have resonated with a huge portion of the voting public, including Republicans. Instead, Democrats lost the opportunity to make that stunningly understandable communication. But it is not too late to revive and make more concrete his boastful misuse of the office of the presidency. You can compare it with past presidents’ sense of self restraint. You can ask for widespread feedback from the American people and make it part of his widely discernible profiteering persona of greed and lawless power.
One further response to this mountain of greed by Donald Trump should be joint shadow hearings between the House and Senate Democrats during this August recess. This would bring this appalling engagement by Trump in his various investment arrangements to a wider audience and highlight recommendations of reforms to prevent such massive and dubious self-enrichment by a president of the United States. There will be many competent legal and other experts to testify at your hearings, which no doubt will reveal more information and reach a large audience during the August recess.
These hearings would provide the Capitol press corps with much needed information to fulfill their professional responsibility to provide the people with their right to know the fuller details of what has yet not been reported.
Another way to put it is, you don’t make $1.1 million an hour by pushing a button. There is a lot of personal hidden back-and-forths by many people and many conflicts of interest to make that rich haul a reality.
Contact your Democratic members of Congress and demand shadow hearings. Ask for their written response. Do your part to help make it happen. The Congressional Switchboard number is 202-224-3121.
Predictably, centrists are pushing the public option and “anything-but-single-payer” solutions before the midterms. Nothing short of taking control of the healthcare system and running it in the interest of the people instead of in the interest of profit will heal this nation.
On July 5, 1852, Frederick Douglass addressed the Rochester Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society with an oration called, “What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?” In 1852, the United States was a young country, only 76 years old, and given its youth, Douglass held out hope for the country that put him and 3 million Black men, women, and children in chains. He called Congress and judges “inhuman, disgraceful, and scandalous.” He accused the church of being the “bulwark of American slavery, and the shield of American slave-hunters.” Still, he held out hope. He admired the rebels of the American Colonies, respected their grit to side with the oppressed against the oppressor. He did not despair for America.
This year, as we celebrate the nation’s 250th anniversary, we find ourselves in dark times. We are heirs to a political system willing to promote wars, sanctions, occupation, slavery, and genocide around the globe, while accepting the mass suffering of a healthcare system that keeps many in chains in our own country. Violence abroad and austerity at home are part of the same ideological structure. Despair is understandable, but not inevitable.
On this 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, we declare it is time for the people to rise up, organize, take control of the healthcare system, and run it in the interest of the people instead of in the interest of profit. It is time we declare our independence from the medical-industrial complex keeping us in chains.
What is the medical-industrial complex? A sprawling alliance of insurance companies and middlemen stealing from the public coffers, pharmaceutical companies holding us hostage, private equity and venture capital owning the delivery of care, profit-generating “nonprofit” health and hospital systems, compromised academic centers and endowed non-governmental organizations, unprincipled medical organizations that choose expediency over patients, and all politicians who accept financial contributions to work for the industry instead of for the people. Their profits depend on keeping healthcare commodified and the rest of us in chains.
Historic public support for a national health program, free from insurance companies and financed through progressive taxes, presents us with a new opening for National Single Payer Improved Medicare for All, free from profit.
Our lives depend on declaring our independence from their profits.
Historic public support for a national health program, free from insurance companies and financed through progressive taxes, presents us with a new opening for National Single Payer Improved Medicare for All, free from profit, guaranteeing all necessary medical coverage for everyone through community-governed delivery, permanently resolving our healthcare crises, lowering costs, and ending medical debt.
But instead of bold proposals, corporate Democrats and their allies are working overtime to come up with “anything-but-single-payer” solutions. Derailment by such Democrats might be a larger challenge than barriers posed by the rest of the medical-industrial complex.
Senate Finance Committee ranking member Ron Wyden (D-Ore.), and 11 Senate Democrats, announced a new initiative to lower the cost of healthcare and improve health coverage for American families. What is this “bold, meaningful change the American people seek”? First, blame Republicans for cost increases (as if Democrats were not also guilty); make healthcare simpler for families by keeping health insurance corporations still in charge of our healthcare; and then take on corporate greed by creating flimsy new guardrails, because naturally, corporations will suddenly decide to play by the rules!
The Center for Health and Democracy, which usually provides credible analysis, went off the rails, putting their money behind “Medicare by Choice,” a warmed-over version of the public option, which allows everyone the option of purchasing traditional Medicare regardless of age, and even allowing employers to select Medicare by Choice as their employees’ workplace benefit. Sadly (and somewhat opportunely) we have a natural experiment that shows us just how well a public option (i.e., traditional Medicare) would fare in the marketplace (i.e., Medicare Advantage). Spoiler alert: not well at all.
Any version of the public option would fail to reap administrative savings or control costs necessary to provide comprehensive universal coverage. A public option would preserve the Machiavellian system of thousands of private insurance plans; Medicaid; CHIP; the federal exchanges; Medicare Part A, B, and Dl MediGap; and Medicare Advantage—a hodgepodge system that has failed to either provide necessary health coverage for all or control costs.
A public option would add even greater complexity to this overwhelmingly complex system. Importantly, a public option would not lead to single payer, as magical thinking would have you believe, but toward a jaded triaging of patients according to their profitability, with profitable individuals going to the private plans and the unprofitable, chronically ill patients shunted to the public plan.
A profit-driven system cannot be repaired with incremental fixes. We have the hard facts from a century of failed attempts to prove it. Derailments offer Democrats an off-ramp in 2028, away from National Single Payer Improved Medicare for All, free from profit. These and similar proposals are guaranteed to set the burgeoning healthcare movement back another 15 years, just like the Affordable Care Act. In 2009, even the Congressional Progressive Caucus favored the public option over single payer. It makes no sense to replay this failure again.
These are the four bold demands we make to declare our independence from the medical-industrial complex:
If you wish to declare your independence from the medical-industrial complex, sign the Declaration as an individual or as an organization. We will inform your member of Congress that a constituent has signed the Declaration. Then join us October 14, 2026, for a virtual National Town Hall to hear how we will achieve our demands.
Let us not squander this opportunity to put national single payer on the nation’s agenda. Frederick Douglass did not despair, "The doom of slavery is certain. I therefore, leave off where I began, with hope.” Let us likewise use this opportunity to build an uncompromising movement capable of confronting the medical-industrial complex directly and achieving what we deserve and already pay for: National Single Payer Improved Medicare for All, Free From Profit.
We should have an independent inquiry with subpoena power, insulated from the agencies whose own conduct is in question, and let the evidence fall where it falls.
On July 29, Anthony Fauci sat before a Senate committee under subpoena and declined to answer questions more than one hundred times. In some two hundred and fifty prior appearances before Congress he had never once invoked the Fifth Amendment. He invoked it on the question of where the worst pandemic in a century began, and on all other questions.
He was entitled to do so. The Fifth is a right, and anyone who treats silence as proof of guilt misunderstands the Constitution. But this misses the larger point. Fauci directed the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases for thirty-eight years, becoming the face of the US medical science establishment (once referring to himself as such: “I am The Science”) and it was his agency among others that funded coronavirus research in Wuhan and in North Carolina. When the question is: How did a million Americans die? then the man who played the role of “America’s Doctor” does not get to stay silent and retain the mantle of science.
Four years ago, in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, we called for an independent inquiry into the origins of SARS-CoV-2, the virus that caused the pandemic, with full access to American as well as relevant Chinese records. The public was told from the very start of the pandemic that the origin issue was settled, that the virus was natural. But the issue most certainly was not settled, and every FOIA release, every whistleblower account, every Congressional document produced since 2022 has cast more doubt on this narrative and pointed instead toward a laboratory origin of the virus.
What Fauci should have said on July 29: "Here are my records. Here are NIH records. Compel the rest, and I will help you get the answer."
In January 2025 the Central Intelligence Agency finally aligned with that judgment, assessing "with low confidence that a research-related origin of the COVID-19 pandemic is more likely than a natural origin." The FBI reached the same conclusion with moderate confidence. So did the Department of Energy, which runs the national laboratories. Three American agencies and the German BND now favor a research-related origin. Yet that judgement has still not been evaluated in the light of all of the relevant American records bearing on the issue.

We do, however, now know clearly how such a virus may have been made, because the recipe was written down. In 2018 Ralph Baric of the University of North Carolina, Peter Daszak of EcoHealth Alliance and Shi Zhengli of the Wuhan Institute of Virology submitted a proposal to DARPA called DEFUSE. It set out a specific plan: use Baric's reverse-genetics platform—the technology he built and patented for assembling coronaviruses from synthetic fragments—to construct bat sarbecovirus backbones, including consensus sequences assembled from field samples, and then insert a protease site at the S1/S2 junction of the Spike protein.
A protease site is essential in order for these bat viruses to jump the “species barrier” between bats and humans, and in this case is called a furin cleavage site (FCS). When it first appeared, SARS-CoV-2 was the only known virus of its family (the clade of Sarbecoviruses) to carry such a site. It remains unique in this respect. Despite much sampling of viruses from the bats that serve as the reservoir species for these viruses, no other virus in this clade or family has appeared that displays the FCS, just as no animal has been found in China that was infected with a progenitor of SARS-CoV-2. These findings continue to cause great concern.
This novel FCS was the feature that most alarmed the virologists who first read the genome as it represents an evolutionary leap with no evidence that this had taken place in nature. Unknown to most, American scientists had proposed to build exactly this feature into precisely that kind of coronavirus, only two years before the outbreak of a novel coronaviral disease in Wuhan. Given the availability of a suitable template virus, the insertion of twelve nucleotides to form the FCS would be trivial and similar work had already been performed.
Our charge is not that there was American involvement in the appearance of this virus. Our charge is that Fauci and other US officials and scientists have blocked the search for the truth.
Now consider what was said behind closed doors. On January 31, 2020, leading virologists told Fauci that the genome looked engineered. Jeremy Farrar of the Wellcome Trust convened them the next day, and the day after sent Fauci and Francis Collins a tally of where they stood. Michael Farzan, who discovered the receptor used by SARS -CoV 1 and 2 to enter human cells, put the odds at sixty-forty or seventy-thirty for a laboratory accident. Edward Holmes stood at sixty-forty on the laboratory side. Farrar wrote that on a scale where zero is nature and one hundred is release, he was honestly at fifty.
None of this was disclosed. Six weeks later, five of those scientists published "The Proximal Origin of SARS-CoV-2" in Nature Medicine, concluding that no laboratory scenario was plausible. Fauci promoted it from the White House podium as independent and definitive science. In a message released only this June, Collins told colleagues that the paper was work that he, Fauci, Farrar and Lawrence Tabak had "helped with but are appropriately not mentioned explicitly."
The arguments laid out in the paper were always scientifically weak, and have since collapsed, one by one. The authors said that building such a virus in a lab would be hard, yet a German team assembled one from synthetic fragments in under two weeks using a yeast-based system. The Proximal Origin experts said that a molecular feature adjacent to the furin cleavage site showed the virus had been shaped inside a living organism rather than in a laboratory. This feature (a group of sugars known as O-glycans) was predicted by the authors’ computer analyses—yet laboratory work showed that this feature did not actually exist. They also stated that a lab designer would have optimized the virus's grip on the human receptor via its Spike protein, yet Ralph Baric had already run an experiment showing that infection of human cells proceeds better if Spike protein binding to the receptor site is less than optimal. No correction to any of these errors in Proximal Origin has ever been published. The authors soon lost conviction in their own conclusions, as revealed in their own emails and Slack messages, yet they did not retract.

Baric himself was involved in the genesis of Proximal Origin, since he was on the February 1 call, in secret. His presence was disclosed to no one, he cannot explain how he got there, and at least two participants did not know he was there. Baric did not mention the DEFUSE proposal on the call, and has since claimed to have forgotten about it. The proposal sat in the files of the Pentagon and the intelligence community for eighteen months after the outbreak began, and no agency produced it; it surfaced through a whistleblower. When it did, the authors of Proximal Origin privately agreed they needed to “re-convince themselves that the resemblance was coincidence”—and one suggested they stay off email or carefully curate some emails for the freedom-of-information record. Baric has provided testimony, some of which has remained classified, presumably because of his links to the intelligence community.
A number of intelligence agencies (including the German BND and the CIA) favor a research-related origin and these agencies point toward a laboratory accident in Wuhan. If this were the case, it would not explain the need for such an elaborate coverup involving high level US government personnel and scientists from the UK, Australia and other countries. Scientists around the world are much more convinced of the existence of a coverup than they are by a natural origin of the virus, but relatively few have stated their views in public.
If the virus was indeed grown, engineered or reassembled in a lab, some of the technology used was American, the design was American, and some of the funding was American—and so are some of the records that would settle the matter: Baric's notebooks, freezer inventories, the sequences of viruses sampled by EcoHealth Alliance, records held at UC Davis for the PREDICT program under USAID, transfer agreements and shipping receipts between UNC and other US federal laboratories; as well as the NIH grant files showing whether the work proposed in DEFUSE but rejected by DARPA was funded in pieces by other US agencies. Every item could be produced by order of Congress this week. All have been withheld for six years.
Our charge is not that there was American involvement in the appearance of this virus. Our charge is that Fauci and other US officials and scientists have blocked the search for the truth. No inquiry can determine the truth based on the evidence at hand. So, open up the files. Convene an independent inquiry with subpoena power, insulated from the agencies whose own conduct is in question, and let the evidence fall where it falls. If it exonerates Ralph Baric and Anthony Fauci, as it may, they will have been cleared by evidence rather than by assertion—the only kind of exoneration worth having.
That is what Fauci should have said on July 29: "Here are my records. Here are NIH records. Compel the rest, and I will help you get the answer."
He instead invoked the Fifth, more than 100 times.
The US has become a deeply polarized nation. One idea to overcome this is to pay people to disagree.
America is a polarized nation. Recent polls find that nearly half of us consider members of the opposing party to be “downright evil.” Perhaps this helps explain why more and more of us are choosing to live in towns and cities that match our political leanings—a phenomenon known as “the Big Sort.” Adding to this split is a media landscape where we choose news outlets that confirm our views, and the feeds we scroll offer up more of the same. The result is an American public increasingly sealed off from opposing views. Think about it: When was the last time you had a political conversation where you disagreed with someone? And more importantly, how did it go? You most likely found it stressful rather than informative.
I believe this is because we have lost a core American skill: the ability to disagree well. Not the faceless, angry kind we do online, but the kind that happens when people who disagree come together with the intention to understand one another and compromise. Our country was built on this. A summer of argument produced our Constitution. Four more years of it produced the Bill of Rights. This tradition endured in the form of New England town meetings and union halls. We’ve let this tradition lapse, and it’s costing us.
So here’s a simple idea to point us back in the right direction: We should pay people to disagree.
This isn’t as strange as it sounds. Organizations like Braver Angels have already built a framework for this, borrowing techniques from family conflict resolution and applying them to a country in conflict. I (Natasha, 21) have seen it work firsthand. In high school, one of my classes partnered with a school in Louisiana to run a Red-Blue Workshop—several weeks of facilitated dialogue between my liberal classmates and our conservative counterparts. As is usual in this program, we became fast friends, comfortable talking through the very topics that were supposed to divide us.
America’s problem is not that Americans disagree. It's that we’ve stopped seeing people who disagree with us as fellow citizens with different ideas about what's best for the country and started seeing them as enemies to be vanquished.
We learned what successful dialogue looks like. We learned that the goal isn’t to change the other person’s mind or to completely humiliate them, as is often modeled online (open YouTube, click one political video, and you’ll be recommended hundreds more with titles like “liberal DESTROYS conservative” or vice versa). Instead, the goal is to explore each other’s lived experiences and backgrounds to form a deeper understanding of what our peers believe and why. We left the program with more empathy for one another. We were no longer competitors trying to “win” and prove our side was right, but fellow citizens united by the shared goal of bettering our country.
Now imagine this at scale: a national program teaching Americans how to have effective civil dialogue and demonstrating that the villainous way the other side is depicted online is largely untrue. Who’s to say what would come of this? Maybe we would realize that over 80% of us favor stock trading bans for members of Congress. Or that over 70% of us favor term limits for Supreme Court justices. Maybe we would realize that much of the anger we are taught online is convenient for people in power. Maybe we would conclude that our power lies in looking past the differences we are sold and uniting to fight for issues that matter to us.
Paying people to participate in such a program isn’t completely unheard of either. AmeriCorps has paid Americans for civic work for decades. New York recently paid its residents to shovel snow after this winter’s blizzards. No one regarded either policy as a handout. The work was viewed as an investment in what a functioning city or country needs. Structured dialogue between political opposites belongs on that list of vital infrastructure. This would likely begin as a pilot program in a few cities, but national experiments abroad prove that such dialogue is scalable.
And it would be a bargain! We are already paying a high price for polarization. The most obvious cost is to the health of our democracy. But there’s a literal price tag too. When our government can’t compromise, it shuts down: The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimated that in 2025, a single government shutdown cost the economy between $7 billion and $14 billion. Polarization affects the private sector, too. Research on private companies found that more polarized states see meaningfully less business investment overall. Investing in civic infrastructure would pay dividends. And the money is there. If $37 billion of our tax dollars can fund an aimless war in the Middle East, then surely a fraction of that can be used to repair our democracy at home.
America’s problem is not that Americans disagree. It's that we’ve stopped seeing people who disagree with us as fellow citizens with different ideas about what's best for the country and started seeing them as enemies to be vanquished. Of course, paying Americans to sit down together won’t fix this problem overnight. But it’s a start. With it, we can begin the slow work of democratic reconciliation. Doing so will remind us that disagreeing with one another never hurts our country. It is forgetting how to disagree well that does.
Polls of physicians consistently show majority support for universal programs like Medicare for All—support that is only growing among younger doctors and those working in corporate-style health systems.
It’s time.
It’s time for Americans to finally have healthcare that’s compassionate and effective.
When I became a doctor 44 years ago I volunteered at a free clinic for patients without health insurance. I remember our clientele: a substitute teacher, a self-employed plumber, and other working people who weren’t offered coverage by an employer and couldn’t afford it on their own.
These weren’t freeloaders. They were neighbors, family members, and friends who earned too much to qualify for Medicaid, but still didn’t have health coverage through their jobs.
During his run for the US Senate, Dr. El-Sayed has been an enthusiastic supporter of Medicare for All, which would provide better care for everybody.
I wondered then, “Why should our ability to have health insurance depend on where we work?” I never got an answer.
Decades later, when the Affordable Care Act (ACA) passed, our clinic’s clientele changed dramatically. Gone were the self-employed or under-employed patients; they had gained coverage through ACA plans. Until now. This year, ACA premiums are going up 50% or more, which means many people are disenrolling. I’ll be seeing these folks in the free clinic again.
Our healthcare system is broken. We have poorer health outcomes than in other “less fortunate” countries, meaning our people are dying earlier and suffering more. Meanwhile, trying to navigate our hundreds of health plans is a nightmare for doctors, as each plan has its own rules for preauthorizations, deductibles, and copays. Patients are also unhappy with these restrictions, no matter what kind of coverage they have.
Thankfully, there is one exception: Medicare. This longstanding program covers medical care for seniors and people with disabilities, and it works. Even those who favor smaller government agree, “Don’t touch my Medicare!”
I’ve seen the benefits. In my later years I worked as a nursing home doctor, caring for patients who were rehabilitating from a stroke or surgery before they could safely return home. Medicare covered 100% of the cost for up to 21 days and 80% for another three months, as long as the need and attempts at progress were shown.
What if everybody in our country had high-quality coverage through an even better version of traditional Medicare? What if we had improved Medicare for All?
This is the program proposed by Abdul El-Sayed, who trained as a physician, led the health departments in Detroit and Wayne County, and no doubt shares my experiences with our broken healthcare system. Polls of physicians consistently show majority support for universal programs like Medicare for All—support that is only growing among younger doctors and those working in corporate-style health systems.
During his run for the US Senate, Dr. El-Sayed has been an enthusiastic supporter of Medicare for All, which would provide better care for everybody.
Under our current system, millions of uninsured people hold off on getting care until they have an emergency, simply because they can’t afford it. By then, problems that could have been prevented or treated easily become very dangerous and expensive.
Under Medicare for All, a strong focus on primary care would encourage preventive measures and early diagnoses. This would give us an opportunity to reduce the extremely high cost of managing diseases that, too often, haven’t been addressed over a lifetime of inadequate care.
Medicare for All would also make improvements to the existing program such as eliminating out-of-pocket costs; negotiating lower drug prices across the board; and adding long overdue coverage such as vision, dental, hearing, and long-term care. All this while maintaining the best features of Medicare like guaranteed coverage and free choice of medical provider.
It’s time to make our healthcare system work effectively for everybody. It’s time—it’s past time—for Medicare for All.