March, 08 2022, 10:56am EDT
140 Organizations Urge DOE to Withdraw Radioactive Waste Federal Consolidated Interim Storage Facility Push
Groups Warn about Environmental Injustice, Multiplication of Irradiated Nuclear Fuel Transport Risks
WASHINGTON
On March 4, 140 environmental, environmental justice, public interest, peace, faith, women's, and safe energy non-governmental organizations (NGOs) across the U.S. and Canada have submitted comments to the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE), expressing strong opposition to federal consolidated interim storage facilities (CISFs) for highly radioactive irradiated nuclear fuel. The 47 pages of comments came in response to DOE's Request for Information, published in the Federal Register on December 1, 2021, regarding "consent-based siting" of federal CISFs.
The coalition began with an introduction, making clear the comments were submitted under protest. On February 15, 2022, 50+ groups in the coalition wrote DOE, demanding its fatally flawed RFI, and associated process, be withdrawn. DOE did not even acknowledge receipt of the letter, let alone respond to it, nor withdraw the RFI.
From Page 2 to 21 of its March 4 comments, the coalition then responded directly to a series of questions asked by DOE in its RFI. From Page 22 to 33, the coalition provided additional comments, which have been summarized and posted online here. Pages 34 to 47 then list the 140 signatory organizations, as well as additional individuals. The full list of endorsers is also posted online here.
The coalition's organizations range from national groups to regional, state-wide, and local grassroots ones. They included Native American and Indigenous-led NGOs from across the continent, including Alaska's Big Village Network, Michigan's Citizens' Resistance at Fermi Two, Minnesota-based Indigenous Environmental Network and North American Water Organization, Nevada-based Native Community Action Council, and New Mexico-based Indigenous Lifeways and Multicultural Alliance for a Safe Environment, itself a five-group coalition, including Navajo Dine and Pueblo organizations.
Indeed, an overarching frame for the comments was environmental justice (EJ). The coalition decried DOE's infamous past attempts to dump high-level radioactive waste on Native American reservations and treaty lands.
The late Keith Lewis, environmental director for the Serpent River (Ojibwe) First Nation near Elliot Lake, Ontario, Canada was quoted by the coalition in its comments: "There is nothing moral about bribing a starving man with money." DOE has explicitly named Native American tribal governments and reservations as lead targets again this time, with offers of jobs, infrastructure development, and potential funding.
Grace Thorpe (1921-2008), Sauk and Fox and Pokagon Potawatomi founder and leader of the National Environmental Coalition of Native Americans, was celebrated by the coalition in its comments, for her 2009 presidential proclamation by Barack Obama, who praised her "successful campaign to organize Native Americans to oppose storage of nuclear waste on their reservations, which she said contradicted Native American principles of stewardship of the earth."
Latinx organizations also signed onto the comments, including Alliance for Environmental Strategies, based in southeastern New Mexico, very near the Texas border. The area is already targeted for not one but two large CISFs, owned by private companies. The Interim Storage Partners (ISP)/Waste Control Specialists CISF in Andrews County, Texas already received its construction and operating license from the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) last September. The Holtec International/Eddy-Lea [Counties] Energy Alliance in New Mexico will likely get its NRC license approval yet this year. The two CISFs are but 40-some miles apart, across the Texas-New Mexico border. The storage capacity of the two private CISFs is more than twice the amount of commercial irradiated nuclear fuel currently in the U.S., begging the question if military or even foreign wastes will also be imported.
The region is majority Latinx, and disproportionately polluted by the fossil fuel industries of the Permian Basin, as well as the multifaceted hazardous nuclear industries across majority minority (Latinx, Indigenous) New Mexico, and extending into Texas. Adding highly radioactive waste to the mix would be yet another environmental injustice. The private CISFs are seeking DOE's business, blurring the lines between "private" and "federal," in violation of the Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982, as Amended. Federal appeals against both private CISFs have been launched in the D.C., 5th (New Orleans), and 10th (Denver) Circuit Courts, by a coalition of opponents, ranging from environmentalists, to a fossil fuel and ranching company and association, to the States of Texas and New Mexico themselves.
Yet another aspect of the coalition comments focused on the multiplication of transport risks inevitably associated with CISFs. Texas groups like the Nuclear-Free World Committee of the Dallas Peace and Justice Center, Public Citizen's Texas Office, Sustainable Energy and Economic Development Coalition, and Tarrant Coalition for Environmental Awareness have pointed out that many thousands of high-level radioactive waste rail shipments from the eastern U.S., bound for the private CISFs in Texas and New Mexico, would pass through a place like Fort Worth, only to then pass back through, when the CISF one day exports its wastes to a permanent geologic repository. (Both ISP and Holtec's CISF license applications included a nearly identical map showing Forth Worth getting hit coming and going, very clearly.)
This doubling of transport risks from "Mobile Chernobyls," "Dirty Bombs on Wheels," "Floating Fukushimas" (barges on waterways), and "Mobile X-ray Machines That Can't Be Turned Off" (hazardous gamma and neutron radiation emissions even from "incident-free" shipments, made significantly even worse when shipping containers are externally contaminated, something Orano of ISP has been infamous for in its home country of France) reveals the dangerous absurdity of CISFs. The coalition called for a single shipment, from the reactors where the wastes are currently stored, to a scientifically/technically suitable, socially acceptable/environmentally just, consent-based permanent geologic repository.
Groups already living in the shadows of high-level radioactive waste risks, such as those near nuclear power plants and/or DOE facilities (like the African American-led Georgia Women's Action for New Directions (WAND), watchdogs on both the four-reactor Vogtle nuclear power plant, the largest in the U.S., as well as DOE's severely radioactively contaminated Savannah River Site nuclear weapons complex, not to mention to leaking national "low-level" radioactive waste dump in Barnwell, South Carolina, upwind and upstream of low-income, rural African American majority communities such as Shell Bluff in Burke County), called for Hardened On-Site Storage, or Hardened Near-Site Storage, as a much preferred alternative to willy nilly, high-risk irradiated nuclear fuel shipments back and forth across the country.
Groups like Citizens Action Coalition of Indiana, Coalition for a Nuclear-Free Great Lakes, Don't Waste Michigan, Milwaukee Riverkeeper, Nuclear Energy Information Center of Chicago, Nukewatch of Wisconsin, and Physicians for Social Responsibility Wisconsin, have warned about the high risks of barging high-level radioactive wastes on Lake Michigan, such as bound for CISFs. Lake Michigan is a major headwaters for the Great Lakes downstream, the drinking water supply for 40 million people in eight U.S. states, two Canadian provinces, and a very large number of Native American First Nations. The Great Lakes comprise 21% of the world's surface fresh water, and 84% of North America's. The Great Lakes are the lifeblood of one of the most productive bioregional economies in the world. A single high-level radioactive waste barge catastrophe could put all this in peril.
Beyond Nuclear aims to educate and activate the public about the connections between nuclear power and nuclear weapons and the need to abandon both to safeguard our future. Beyond Nuclear advocates for an energy future that is sustainable, benign and democratic.
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Right-Wingers Plot to Give Trump Control Over Federal Reserve If Reelected
"Under such an approach, the chair would regularly seek Trump's views on interest-rate policy and then negotiate with the committee to steer policy on the president's behalf," The Wall Street Journal reported.
Apr 26, 2024
Right-wing allies of former U.S. President Donald Trump are reportedly crafting a plan to give the executive branch control over Federal Reserve policy decisions, an effort that comes as the presumptive GOP nominee continues to signal his authoritarian intentions for a potential second term.
The Wall Street Journalreported Thursday that former Trump administration officials and other supporters of the ex-president "have in recent months discussed a range of proposals, from incremental policy changes to a long-shot assertion that the president himself should play a role in setting interest rates."
"A small group of the president's allies—whose work is so secretive that even some prominent former Trump economic aides weren't aware of it—has produced a roughly 10-page document outlining a policy vision for the central bank," the Journal reported. "The group of Trump allies argues that he should be consulted on interest-rate decisions, and the draft document recommends subjecting Fed regulations to White House review and more forcefully using the Treasury Department as a check on the central bank. The group also contends that Trump, if he returns to the White House, would have the authority to oust Jerome Powell as Fed chair before his four-year term ends in 2026."
During his first four years in the White House, Trump repeatedly criticized Powell—whom the former president appointed in 2017—over the central bank's interest rate policy and insisted he had the authority to oust the Fed chair before the end of his term. The Fed is an independent body subject to limited congressional oversight.
"I have the right to do that," Trump said in 2019 of ousting Powell. "I'm not happy with his actions, I don't think he's done a good job."
The Fed, still under Powell's leadership, has since jacked up interest rates to their highest level in decades in an attempt to combat inflation—an approach that progressive lawmakers and economists have criticized as misguided, arguing that prices were elevated primarily by pandemic-related supply chain disruptions and corporate profiteering and that hiking rates would harm workers.
Late last year, Trump said interest rates were "too high" but did not say he would pressure the central bank to lower them, saying: "Depends where inflation is. But I would get inflation down."
More recently, Trump suggested the Fed's indication that rate cuts are coming in the near future as inflation cools is a political ploy to "help the Democrats."
"It looks to me like he's trying to lower interest rates for the sake of maybe getting people elected, I don't know," Trump said in a Fox Business appearance in February.
Economist Paul Krugman predicted in his New York Timescolumn earlier this year that "Trumpist attacks on the Fed for cutting interest rates are coming."
"What we don't know is how the Fed will react," Krugman wrote. "In a recent dialogue with me about the economy, my colleague Peter Coy suggested that the Fed may be inhibited from cutting rates because it'll fear accusations from Trump that it's trying to help Biden. I hope Fed officials understand that they'll be betraying their responsibilities if they let themselves be intimidated in this way."
"And I hope that forewarned is forearmed," he added. "MAGA attacks on the Fed are coming; they should be treated as the bad-faith bullying they are."
The Journal reported Thursday that "several people who have spoken with Trump about the Fed said he appears to want someone in charge of the institution who will, in effect, treat the president as an ex officio member of the central bank's rate-setting committee."
"Under such an approach, the chair would regularly seek Trump's views on interest-rate policy and then negotiate with the committee to steer policy on the president's behalf," the newspaper continued. "Some of the former president's advisers have discussed requiring that candidates for Fed chair privately agree to consult informally with Trump on the central bank's decisions... Others have made the case that Trump himself could sit on the Fed's board of governors on an acting basis, an option that several people close to the former president described as far-fetched."
According to earlier Journal reporting, Trump's team has discussed several possible replacements for Powell, including former White House economic adviser Kevin Hassett and Arthur Laffer, a former Reagan adviser and notorious tax-cut enthusiast.
Trump allies' plot to help the former president exert control over Fed policy if he's reelected in November is further evidence of the presumptive GOP nominee's increasingly authoritarian ambitions.
During his campaign for a second term, Trump—who is facing 88 charges across four criminal cases—has vowed to be a dictator on "day one," wield federal authority to go after his political opponents, launch the "largest domestic deportation operation in American history," and use the U.S. military to crack down on protests.
"If a president is truly determined to make himself a dictator, the question at the end of the day is whether the military and other force-deploying agencies of the federal government are willing to go along," Josh Chafetz, a constitutional law professor at Georgetown University, toldThe Washington Post in a recent interview. "If they are, there's not much Congress or the courts could do about it."
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"It'd be a travesty for justices to delay matters further," said one legal expert.
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After about three hours of oral arguments Thursday on former President Donald Trump's immunity claims, legal experts and democracy defenders urged the U.S. Supreme Court to rule swiftly, with just over six months until the November election.
Trump—the presumptive Republican candidate to challenge Democratic President Joe Biden, despite his 88 felony charges in four ongoing criminal cases—is arguing that presidential immunity should protect him from federal charges for trying to overturn his 2020 loss to Biden, which culminated in the January 6, 2021 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol.
Justices across the ideological spectrum didn't seem inclined to support Trump's broad immunity claims—which critics have said "reflect a misreading of constitutional text and history as well as this court's precedent." However, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW) shared examples of what it would mean if they did.
"Trump could sell pardons, ambassadorships, and other official benefits to his wealthy donors, members of his clubs, or cronies who helped him commit other crimes," CREW warned. "Trump could sell nuclear codes and government secrets to help pay back crippling debts."
"But this isn't just about what Donald Trump could do. It's really about how total immunity for the president would threaten our democratic system of checks and balances," the group continued. "The president could order the military to assassinate activists, political opponents, members of Congress, or even Supreme Court justices, so long as he claimed it related to some official act."
After warning that a president could also order the occupation or closure of the Capitol or high court to prevent actions against him, CREW concluded that "the Supreme Court never should have taken this appeal up in the first place. They should rule quickly and shut these ludicrous claims down for good."
The organization was far from alone in demanding a quick decision from the nation's highest court.
"In the name of accountability, the court must not delay its decision," the Brennan Center for Justice said Thursday evening. "The Supreme Court's time is up. It needs to let the prosecution move forward. The court decided Bush v. Gore in three days—it should act with similar alacrity in deciding Trump v. U.S."
In Bush v. Gore, the case that decided the 2000 election, the high court issued a related stay on December 9, heard oral arguments on December 11, and issued a final decision on December 12.
On Thursday, the arguments "got away from the central question: Is a former president immune from criminal prosecution if he tried to overthrow a presidential election, using private means and the power of his office to do so?" the Brennan Center noted. "The answer is simple: No."
"It is not an 'official act' to try to overthrow the peaceful transfer of power or the Constitution, even if you conspire with other government officials to do it or use the Oval Office phone," the center said. "Trump's attorney was pushing the court to come up with a sea change in the law. That's unnecessary and a delay tactic that will hurt the pursuit of justice in this case."
In a departure from previous claims, Trump's attorney, D. John Sauer, "appeared to agree with Special Counsel Jack Smith, who is leading the prosecution, that there are some allegations in the indictment that do not involve 'official acts' of the president," NBC Newsreported, noting questions from liberal Justice Elena Kagan and conservative Justice Amy Coney Barrett, a Trump appointee.
Barrett summarized various allegations from the indictment and in three cases—involving dishonest election claims, false allegations of fraud, and fake electors—Sauer conceded that Trump's alleged conduct sounded private, suggesting that a more narrow case against the ex-president that excluded any potential official acts could proceed.
Due to Trump attorney's concessions in Supreme Court oral argument, there's now a very clear path for DOJ's case to go forward.\n\nIt'd be a travesty for Justices to delay matters further.\n\nJustice Amy Coney Barrett got Trump attorney to concede core allegations are private acts.\u2b07\ufe0f— (@)
According to NBC:
Matthew Seligman, a lawyer and a fellow at the Constitutional Law Center at Stanford Law School who filed a brief backing prosecutors, said Sauer's concessions highlight that Trump is "not immune for the vast majority of the conduct alleged in the indictment."
Ultimately, he said, the case will go to trial "absent some external intervention—like Trump ordering [the Justice Department] to drop the charges" after having won the election.
At the same time, Sauer's backtracking might have little consequence from an electoral perspective. Further delay in a trial, which Sauer is close to achieving, is a form of victory in itself.
Slate's Mark Joseph Stern pointed out that when Barrett similarly questioned Michael Dreeben, the U.S. Department of Justice lawyer arguing the case for Smith, it seemed like they "were trying to work out some compromise wherein the trial court could distinguish between official and unofficial acts, then instruct the jury not to impose criminal liability on the former."
"It was fascinating to watch Barrett nodding along as Dreeben pitched a compromise that would largely preserve Smith's January 6 prosecution but limit what the jury could hear, or at least consider," Stern added. "That, though, would take months to suss out in the trial court. More delays!"
Stern and other experts signaled that the decision likely comes down to Barrett and Chief Justice John Roberts, with the three liberals seemingly supporting the prosecution of Trump and the other four conservatives suggesting it is unconstitutional.
People for the American Way president Svante Myrick said in a statement that "today's argument brought both good and bad news. It was chilling to hear Donald Trump's lawyer say that staging a military coup could be considered part of a president's official duties."
"Thankfully, the majority of the court, including conservative justices, did not seem to buy that very broad Trump argument that a former president is absolutely immune from prosecution under any circumstances," Myrick added. "On the other hand, it's not clear that there is a majority on this court that will quickly reject the immunity arguments and let the case go forward in time for a trial before the election. That's a huge concern."
Trump was not at the Supreme Court on Thursday; he was at his trial in New York, where he faces 34 counts for allegedly falsifying business records related to hush money payments to cover up sex scandals during the 2016 election cycle. The are two other cases: a federal one for mishandling classified material and another in Georgia for interfering with the last presidential contest.
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"Through people-powered resistance, we can give money a conscience and stop Citi's destruction of our planet," said one Indigenous campaigner.
Apr 25, 2024
Twenty more demonstrators were arrested Thursday, the second day of Earth Week protests targeting Citigroup's Manhattan headquarters in what organizers called "the beginning of a wave of direct actions to take place over the summer targeting big banks for creating climate chaos that is killing our communities and our planet."
Protest organizers—who include Climate Defenders, New York Communities for Change, Planet over Profit, and Stop the Money Pipeline—said 53 activists were arrested over two days of demonstrations, which included blocking the entrance to Citigroup's headquarters, to "demand that the bank stop funding fossil fuels."
Organizers said this week's demonstrations "were just the beginning" of what they're calling a "Summer of Heat" targeting big banks for their role in the climate emergency and for "polluting our land, air, and water, and threatening the health of children, families, and our planet." Citigroup is the world's second-largest fossil fuel financier.
"We're holding Citi accountable for financing dirty fossil fuels from Canada to Latin America and beyond," said Chief Na'moks of the Wet'suwet'en Nation, one of several Indigenous leaders who took part in the action. "Through people-powered resistance, we can give money a conscience and stop Citi's destruction of our planet."
Jonathan Westin, executive director of Climate Defenders, asserted that "Citigroup's racist funding of oil, coal, and gas is creating climate chaos that's devastating communities of color across the country."
"We're taking action to tell Citi that we won't put up with their environmental racism for one more day," Westin continued. "Our communities have reached the boiling point. Our children have asthma, our city's sky was orange, and our air polluted because of the climate crisis caused by Citi and Wall Street."
"We're going to keep organizing and taking direct action until Citi listens to us," he vowed.
Stop the Money Pipeline co-director Alec Connon said: "To have any chance of reigning in the climate crisis, we must stop investing in fossil fuel expansion. Yet, Citibank is pumping billions of dollars into new coal, oil, and gas projects."
"We're here to make it clear: If they're going to fund the companies disrupting our climate and our lives, we're going to disrupt their business," Connon added.
Activists have repeatedly targeted Citigroup in recent years as the megabank has pumped more than $300 billion into fossil fuel investments around the world since the Paris climate agreement.
According to the protest organizers:
Citi has provided $668 million in funding to Formosa Plastics between 2001-2021, which is trying to build a $9.4 billion plastics facility in a majority Black community in the heart of Cancer Alley in Louisiana.
Citigroup is also one of the biggest funders of state-run oil and gas companies in the Amazon basin, pumping in over $40 billion between 2016-2020, and a major backer of Petroperú, which has been involved in oil spills and Indigenous rights violations.
"From wildfires, heatwaves, and floods to deadly air pollution and mass drought, Citi's fossil fuel financing is killing us," said Alice Hu of New York Communities for Change. "We've sent polite petitions and had pleading meetings with bank representatives, but Citi refuses to stop pouring billions each year into coal, oil, and gas."
"That's why we're fighting for our lives now with the best tool we have left: mass, nonviolent disruptive civil disobedience," Hu added.
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