

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
Last week's historic decision by the FCC to pass strong net neutrality protections is both closure to a 13-year-long struggle and an opening salvo for battles to come. In one of the most important public interest decisions in American media policy history, the FCC, in a 3-2 party-line vote, reclassified broadband as a common carrier telecommunications service under Title II of the Communications Act.
What this means is that the FCC now has the regulatory authority to prevent Internet service providers from discriminating against (blocking or slowing down) online content or creating fast and slow lanes based on whether content creators can afford to pay up. This is a big deal, and the excitement is warranted. But potential threats abound.
In the near term, we should expect continued court challenges and efforts from the Republican-led Congress to undercut the FCC's regulatory authority if not seek outright reversal. We have yet to see the final wording of the ruling, but potential litigants are reportedly lawyering up for judicial review, and AT&T has already announced its intent to sue. Beyond the decision being vacated by a court or Congress, a future reversal from a Republican-led FCC is also possible.
And even preserving net neutrality will not come close to solving our many Internet problems like slow speeds, high prices, digital red-lining (insufficient penetration of broadband outside metro/affluent areas), and lack of competition in local Internet service markets. In many ways, this decision only prevented things from becoming potentially much worse--an Internet without net neutrality could fast become a feudalized space.
Nonetheless, this decision gives the lie to the old saw that we cannot "re-regulate" once the genie is out of the bottle. And it shows that these issues are not too technical or wonky for the public to care about. Only six months ago this vote seemed entirely inconceivable. Four million public comments later (with some help from the John Oliver bump), the FCC came around to a surprisingly bold position in opposition to one of the most powerful lobbies in Washington.
While this turnaround certainly doesn't prove that our political system is suddenly working like it should in a democracy, the FCC's decision is not the expected behavior of a captured regulatory agency. How did this happen?
For starters, it helps when policymakers clarify what's at stake. President Obama's "FDR moment" saw him using his platform to inform the public via YouTube about net neutrality's importance and what should be done to preserve it. Commissioner Tom Wheeler brought similar ethical and pragmatic clarity to last week's FCC meeting. He dismissed as "Nonsense!" the scaremongering that net neutrality amounted to a government takeover of the Internet, declaring that it "is no more a plan to regulate the Internet than the First Amendment is a plan to regulate speech."
But these moves followed public engagement instead of creating it. The dramatic shift in this debate could not have happened without sustained public pressure. It also could not have been possible without the decade-long organizing by grassroots public interest groups like Free Press and legions of committed activists. This has been a long slog of a struggle.
The FCC's other major decision last week could set a precedent that in some ways may be as big of a deal as net neutrality. By preempting state laws that restrict community broadband in North Carolina and Tennessee, the FCC is opening the door for community broadband providers to expand their services. If fully enacted in some 20 states where such laws are hindering the rise of municipal broadband, this regulatory intervention has the potential to dramatically increase competition and enable new public models for Internet services.
The battle continues. The history of media reform tells us that if we ignore core systemic problems like the power of monopolies and the lack of structural diversity, important protections like net neutrality can be short-lived. Anti-net neutrality forces will no doubt try to chip away at it once public attention wanes. This calls for continued vigilance; we cannot declare victory and tune out. Structural alternatives to the Internet monopolies are still needed. The battle for Internet freedom has only just begun.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Last week's historic decision by the FCC to pass strong net neutrality protections is both closure to a 13-year-long struggle and an opening salvo for battles to come. In one of the most important public interest decisions in American media policy history, the FCC, in a 3-2 party-line vote, reclassified broadband as a common carrier telecommunications service under Title II of the Communications Act.
What this means is that the FCC now has the regulatory authority to prevent Internet service providers from discriminating against (blocking or slowing down) online content or creating fast and slow lanes based on whether content creators can afford to pay up. This is a big deal, and the excitement is warranted. But potential threats abound.
In the near term, we should expect continued court challenges and efforts from the Republican-led Congress to undercut the FCC's regulatory authority if not seek outright reversal. We have yet to see the final wording of the ruling, but potential litigants are reportedly lawyering up for judicial review, and AT&T has already announced its intent to sue. Beyond the decision being vacated by a court or Congress, a future reversal from a Republican-led FCC is also possible.
And even preserving net neutrality will not come close to solving our many Internet problems like slow speeds, high prices, digital red-lining (insufficient penetration of broadband outside metro/affluent areas), and lack of competition in local Internet service markets. In many ways, this decision only prevented things from becoming potentially much worse--an Internet without net neutrality could fast become a feudalized space.
Nonetheless, this decision gives the lie to the old saw that we cannot "re-regulate" once the genie is out of the bottle. And it shows that these issues are not too technical or wonky for the public to care about. Only six months ago this vote seemed entirely inconceivable. Four million public comments later (with some help from the John Oliver bump), the FCC came around to a surprisingly bold position in opposition to one of the most powerful lobbies in Washington.
While this turnaround certainly doesn't prove that our political system is suddenly working like it should in a democracy, the FCC's decision is not the expected behavior of a captured regulatory agency. How did this happen?
For starters, it helps when policymakers clarify what's at stake. President Obama's "FDR moment" saw him using his platform to inform the public via YouTube about net neutrality's importance and what should be done to preserve it. Commissioner Tom Wheeler brought similar ethical and pragmatic clarity to last week's FCC meeting. He dismissed as "Nonsense!" the scaremongering that net neutrality amounted to a government takeover of the Internet, declaring that it "is no more a plan to regulate the Internet than the First Amendment is a plan to regulate speech."
But these moves followed public engagement instead of creating it. The dramatic shift in this debate could not have happened without sustained public pressure. It also could not have been possible without the decade-long organizing by grassroots public interest groups like Free Press and legions of committed activists. This has been a long slog of a struggle.
The FCC's other major decision last week could set a precedent that in some ways may be as big of a deal as net neutrality. By preempting state laws that restrict community broadband in North Carolina and Tennessee, the FCC is opening the door for community broadband providers to expand their services. If fully enacted in some 20 states where such laws are hindering the rise of municipal broadband, this regulatory intervention has the potential to dramatically increase competition and enable new public models for Internet services.
The battle continues. The history of media reform tells us that if we ignore core systemic problems like the power of monopolies and the lack of structural diversity, important protections like net neutrality can be short-lived. Anti-net neutrality forces will no doubt try to chip away at it once public attention wanes. This calls for continued vigilance; we cannot declare victory and tune out. Structural alternatives to the Internet monopolies are still needed. The battle for Internet freedom has only just begun.
Last week's historic decision by the FCC to pass strong net neutrality protections is both closure to a 13-year-long struggle and an opening salvo for battles to come. In one of the most important public interest decisions in American media policy history, the FCC, in a 3-2 party-line vote, reclassified broadband as a common carrier telecommunications service under Title II of the Communications Act.
What this means is that the FCC now has the regulatory authority to prevent Internet service providers from discriminating against (blocking or slowing down) online content or creating fast and slow lanes based on whether content creators can afford to pay up. This is a big deal, and the excitement is warranted. But potential threats abound.
In the near term, we should expect continued court challenges and efforts from the Republican-led Congress to undercut the FCC's regulatory authority if not seek outright reversal. We have yet to see the final wording of the ruling, but potential litigants are reportedly lawyering up for judicial review, and AT&T has already announced its intent to sue. Beyond the decision being vacated by a court or Congress, a future reversal from a Republican-led FCC is also possible.
And even preserving net neutrality will not come close to solving our many Internet problems like slow speeds, high prices, digital red-lining (insufficient penetration of broadband outside metro/affluent areas), and lack of competition in local Internet service markets. In many ways, this decision only prevented things from becoming potentially much worse--an Internet without net neutrality could fast become a feudalized space.
Nonetheless, this decision gives the lie to the old saw that we cannot "re-regulate" once the genie is out of the bottle. And it shows that these issues are not too technical or wonky for the public to care about. Only six months ago this vote seemed entirely inconceivable. Four million public comments later (with some help from the John Oliver bump), the FCC came around to a surprisingly bold position in opposition to one of the most powerful lobbies in Washington.
While this turnaround certainly doesn't prove that our political system is suddenly working like it should in a democracy, the FCC's decision is not the expected behavior of a captured regulatory agency. How did this happen?
For starters, it helps when policymakers clarify what's at stake. President Obama's "FDR moment" saw him using his platform to inform the public via YouTube about net neutrality's importance and what should be done to preserve it. Commissioner Tom Wheeler brought similar ethical and pragmatic clarity to last week's FCC meeting. He dismissed as "Nonsense!" the scaremongering that net neutrality amounted to a government takeover of the Internet, declaring that it "is no more a plan to regulate the Internet than the First Amendment is a plan to regulate speech."
But these moves followed public engagement instead of creating it. The dramatic shift in this debate could not have happened without sustained public pressure. It also could not have been possible without the decade-long organizing by grassroots public interest groups like Free Press and legions of committed activists. This has been a long slog of a struggle.
The FCC's other major decision last week could set a precedent that in some ways may be as big of a deal as net neutrality. By preempting state laws that restrict community broadband in North Carolina and Tennessee, the FCC is opening the door for community broadband providers to expand their services. If fully enacted in some 20 states where such laws are hindering the rise of municipal broadband, this regulatory intervention has the potential to dramatically increase competition and enable new public models for Internet services.
The battle continues. The history of media reform tells us that if we ignore core systemic problems like the power of monopolies and the lack of structural diversity, important protections like net neutrality can be short-lived. Anti-net neutrality forces will no doubt try to chip away at it once public attention wanes. This calls for continued vigilance; we cannot declare victory and tune out. Structural alternatives to the Internet monopolies are still needed. The battle for Internet freedom has only just begun.