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John Brennan tried to elude his questioners at his confirmation hearing as CIA director.
On one question after another, he excreted octopus ink to dodge or obfuscate.
Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon said, "Every American has the right to know when their government believes it's allowed to kill them."
John Brennan tried to elude his questioners at his confirmation hearing as CIA director.
On one question after another, he excreted octopus ink to dodge or obfuscate.
Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon said, "Every American has the right to know when their government believes it's allowed to kill them."
Brennan tried to reassure Wyden that the government is "very disciplined and very judicious" in the way it makes these selections. He also said that the Obama Administration has not stretched to the "outer limits" of its justifications, which was not exactly reassuring.
After a welcome disruption by members of CodePink who denounced him and got ejected from the hearing, Brennan said that there is a "misimpression" and a "misunderstanding" about "the care we take" and--he added obscenely--"the agony we go through" in deciding who to kill. (Compare his "agony" to the agony of the families of the innocent people he's killed with his drones.)
"We only take such actions as a last resort to save lives when there's no other alternative," he said.
Well, then, what about his drone killing of 16-year-old Abdulrahman Al-Awlaki, the son of Anwar Al-Awlaki? Was that really a last resort to save lives? Unfortunatley, I didn't hear a Senator ask that question.
Nor was Brennan reassuring on full disclosure, responding with classic doublespeak: "We need to optimize transparency and at the same time optimize secrecy."
Brennan also spewed out misinformation about the CIA's history of torture and paramilitary operations, saying that after 9/11, the agency got involved in activities that were "an aberration from its traditional role."
Actually, those activities were not an aberration at all but fully in keeping with what the CIA did in Vietnam and Laos in the 1960s and early 1970s, and what it did in El Salvador and Guatemala in the late 1970s and 1980s, just to name a few examples.
While he denounced and renounced waterboarding, he refused to call it torture.
And he confirmed that "foreign partners" were holding most of the people the U.S. has under interrogation today, and that the CIA is involved in those interrogations, sometimes directly. "The CIA should be able to lend its full expertise," he said.
That "full expertise" includes all sorts of techniques that are banned by the Geneva Conventions and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
John Brennan tried to elude his questioners at his confirmation hearing as CIA director.
On one question after another, he excreted octopus ink to dodge or obfuscate.
Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon said, "Every American has the right to know when their government believes it's allowed to kill them."
Brennan tried to reassure Wyden that the government is "very disciplined and very judicious" in the way it makes these selections. He also said that the Obama Administration has not stretched to the "outer limits" of its justifications, which was not exactly reassuring.
After a welcome disruption by members of CodePink who denounced him and got ejected from the hearing, Brennan said that there is a "misimpression" and a "misunderstanding" about "the care we take" and--he added obscenely--"the agony we go through" in deciding who to kill. (Compare his "agony" to the agony of the families of the innocent people he's killed with his drones.)
"We only take such actions as a last resort to save lives when there's no other alternative," he said.
Well, then, what about his drone killing of 16-year-old Abdulrahman Al-Awlaki, the son of Anwar Al-Awlaki? Was that really a last resort to save lives? Unfortunatley, I didn't hear a Senator ask that question.
Nor was Brennan reassuring on full disclosure, responding with classic doublespeak: "We need to optimize transparency and at the same time optimize secrecy."
Brennan also spewed out misinformation about the CIA's history of torture and paramilitary operations, saying that after 9/11, the agency got involved in activities that were "an aberration from its traditional role."
Actually, those activities were not an aberration at all but fully in keeping with what the CIA did in Vietnam and Laos in the 1960s and early 1970s, and what it did in El Salvador and Guatemala in the late 1970s and 1980s, just to name a few examples.
While he denounced and renounced waterboarding, he refused to call it torture.
And he confirmed that "foreign partners" were holding most of the people the U.S. has under interrogation today, and that the CIA is involved in those interrogations, sometimes directly. "The CIA should be able to lend its full expertise," he said.
That "full expertise" includes all sorts of techniques that are banned by the Geneva Conventions and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
John Brennan tried to elude his questioners at his confirmation hearing as CIA director.
On one question after another, he excreted octopus ink to dodge or obfuscate.
Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon said, "Every American has the right to know when their government believes it's allowed to kill them."
Brennan tried to reassure Wyden that the government is "very disciplined and very judicious" in the way it makes these selections. He also said that the Obama Administration has not stretched to the "outer limits" of its justifications, which was not exactly reassuring.
After a welcome disruption by members of CodePink who denounced him and got ejected from the hearing, Brennan said that there is a "misimpression" and a "misunderstanding" about "the care we take" and--he added obscenely--"the agony we go through" in deciding who to kill. (Compare his "agony" to the agony of the families of the innocent people he's killed with his drones.)
"We only take such actions as a last resort to save lives when there's no other alternative," he said.
Well, then, what about his drone killing of 16-year-old Abdulrahman Al-Awlaki, the son of Anwar Al-Awlaki? Was that really a last resort to save lives? Unfortunatley, I didn't hear a Senator ask that question.
Nor was Brennan reassuring on full disclosure, responding with classic doublespeak: "We need to optimize transparency and at the same time optimize secrecy."
Brennan also spewed out misinformation about the CIA's history of torture and paramilitary operations, saying that after 9/11, the agency got involved in activities that were "an aberration from its traditional role."
Actually, those activities were not an aberration at all but fully in keeping with what the CIA did in Vietnam and Laos in the 1960s and early 1970s, and what it did in El Salvador and Guatemala in the late 1970s and 1980s, just to name a few examples.
While he denounced and renounced waterboarding, he refused to call it torture.
And he confirmed that "foreign partners" were holding most of the people the U.S. has under interrogation today, and that the CIA is involved in those interrogations, sometimes directly. "The CIA should be able to lend its full expertise," he said.
That "full expertise" includes all sorts of techniques that are banned by the Geneva Conventions and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment