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populism
Economic Populism Is the Key to Rust Belt Votes
A new study found that progressive economic populism can win back Rust Belt voters—inside the Democratic Party where necessary, outside it where possible.
Oct 08, 2025
Democrats know they have a problem with working-class voters but don’t agree on the cause. Commentators chalk Kamala Harris’ 2024 loss to high prices, an unusually short campaign cycle, or voter resentment against the possibility of having an African American woman as president. But the Democratic Party’s working-class woes have much deeper roots.
Many voters in key battleground states feel burned by decades of Democrats’ unrealized promises to improve the lives of working people, failure to reign in obscene economic inequality, and support for economically disastrous policies—from NAFTA to the entrance of China to the World Trade Organization—that led to the loss of countless jobs and futures in their states.
A new study from the Center for Working-Class Politics (CWCP), with the Labor Institute and Rutgers University, uses a 3,000-person YouGov survey in Michigan, Wisconsin, Ohio, and Pennsylvania to test whether economic populism—tapping into resentment and insecurity from decades of corporate excess and bipartisan neglect—can win back voters who’ve turned away from the Democratic Party.
Let’s start with the good news. Economic populism is popular among Rust Belt voters—particularly when it explicitly calls out corporate greed and mass layoffs. Strong economic populism—as opposed to “populist-lite” messaging that acknowledges there are few bad apples in the otherwise healthy barrel of large corporations—was particularly popular among many of the groups Democrats have struggled to reach: working-class voters, voters without a four-year college degree, voters whose incomes are less than $50k per year, and Latino voters.
If Democrats want to win, they’ll need to put delivering good jobs and holding corporations accountable at the center of everything they do and say.
But if economic populism is so popular, why did even the most stalwart Rust Belt economic populists—like former Ohio Sen. Sherrod Brown—struggle in 2024? The survey reveals that the Democratic Party label often drags the message underwater. When the very same populist message was delivered by a candidate labeled “Democrat” rather than “Independent,” support dropped by an average of 8.4 points—a gap that balloons into double digits in Michigan, Ohio, and Wisconsin. In Pennsylvania, by contrast, there’s no meaningful penalty. In races decided by a few points, that brand discount can prove decisive.
To identify the best path forward for economic populists, the survey next assessed Rust Belt voters’ top economic policy priorities. Across ideological lines, respondents prioritized policies framed around fairness, anti-corruption, and economic security. Proposals like capping prescription drug prices, stopping corporate price gouging, and reigning in political corruption were among the top priorities regardless of partisanship or class. Policies to raise taxes on the wealthy and expand access to good jobs also performed well.
A new proposal barring companies that take taxpayer money from laying off workers also polled surprisingly well—and held up under Republican attacks. The policy was popular even though respondents had never heard of it and it challenges corporations’ right to chase short-term profit at communities’ expense, putting it well outside the acceptable range of mainstream Democratic economic proposals. The policy directly channels Rust Belt communities’ resentment over decades of mass layoffs into a commonsense rule—“if you take from the public, you can’t harm the public”—while signaling a tougher, jobs-first stance than Democrats typically embrace.
Costly or abstract proposals—such as $1,000 monthly payments to all Americans or a trillion-dollar industrial policy for clean energy—as well as traditional conservative ideas like corporate tax cuts and deregulation ranked poorly overall, drawing only pockets of partisan support.
The survey results suggest two simultaneous paths to success for economic populists. In competitive districts where running as an Independent would do little beyond ensure Republican victory, a party hoping to win back the working class should rebuild the Democratic brand by running disciplined and bold economic populist campaigns around policies to reduce costs, create good jobs, and hold elites accountable. Candidates who show independence from donor-class priorities and build a track record as champions of working-class priorities can still make the “D” stand for something again.
In other contexts, however, economic populists should test independent campaigns—following the model of Nebraska’s 2024 Independent Senate candidate Dan Osborne. This should be strategic, targeting deep-red districts and states where running outside the Democratic Party won’t simply hand the race to Republicans, but there are many places where it could be viable. The study also finds majority support for creating an Independent Workers Political Association to back such efforts, with enthusiasm highest among non-college voters, young people, voters of color, and the economically insecure, and with meaningful support from Independents and Republicans as well.
In short, progressive economic populism can win back Rust Belt voters—inside the Democratic Party where necessary, outside it where possible. The most effective strategy is not mysterious: Speak plainly about who profits from layoffs and price gouging and focus obsessively on policies that put workers first. If Democrats want to win, they’ll need to put delivering good jobs and holding corporations accountable at the center of everything they do and say. The path to victory in 2026 and beyond lies in giving voters a reason to believe that Democrats (and independent economic populists) have their backs while Republicans continue to cut workers’ benefits and do nothing to bring back jobs and dignity to long-suffering Rust Belt communities.
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Voters Again Shown to Prefer Populism Over Neoliberal 'Abundance' Agenda in New Research
"Majorities of Democrats and independents and two in five Republicans believe the outsized power of billionaires and corporations in our government is a bigger problem than red tape and bureaucracy."
Sep 04, 2025
A new strategy memo written by a progressive think tank and a pair of high-profile Democratic Party operatives makes the latest case that a populist economic message will help the party more than a message centered around the so-called "abundance" agenda, Politico reported on Thursday.
The memo—which was written by Democratic pollster Geoff Garin and Democratic strategist Brian Fallon, in collaboration with Groundwork Collaborative—uses polling and focus group data to argue that a sharp populist message is more effective at winning back working-class voters than a message focused on cutting regulations in order to build more housing and infrastructure.
"While there are elements of the Abundance agenda that have appeal, and the choice on which messages to deliver is not zero-sum, a populist economic approach better solves for Democrats' challenges with working-class voters," the memo states. "If candidates are asking which focus deserves topmost billing in Democrats' campaign messaging, the answer is clear: Though some voters believe excessive bureaucracy can be a problem, it ranks far behind other concerns and tackling it does not strike voters as a direct response to the problem of affordability."
The memo went on to argue that "majorities of Democrats and independents and two in five Republicans believe the outsized power of billionaires and corporations in our government is a bigger problem than red tape and bureaucracy."
In a head-to-head messaging test, voters told researchers that government giving preference to large corporations and billionaires was a bigger problem than government bureaucracy causing inefficiencies by a nearly two-to-one ratio. By roughly the same ratio, the researchers found, voters preferred cracking down on price-gouging corporations to cutting bureaucratic red tape.
The researchers did credit abundance-centric messaging with generating "some fresh ideas that challenge the status quo," but warned that "there are significant questions about whether a focus on it in political messaging adequately meets the moment Democrats face today.
The memo is set to be presented to Democrats on Capitol Hill next week, and Politico noted that it has the support of Rep. Chris Deluzio (D-Pa.), who represents a competitive congressional district and who in the past has embraced populist messaging.
The "abundance" movement got its name after a book released earlier this year by journalists Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson, who both argued that Democratic-led state governments have put up too many bureaucratic roadblocks to achieve ambitious goals such as affordable housing and high-speed rail.
Some critics of the book, however, argue that it fails to address issues such as corporate power and wealth inequality as the real roadblocks to progressive change.
As Common Dreams reported last week, a recent analysis by Revolving Door Project and Open Markets Institute detailed how the abundance movement "erroneously" claims that environmental reviews hinder clean energy progress while having little to say about "the real causes of delay," including interference by fossil fuel-backed politicians and profit-driven privately-owned utilities.
The memo's release comes just as an "Abundance" conference is set to kick off in Washington, DC on Thursday that will include Klein and Thompson as featured speakers, as well as Republican Utah Gov. Spencer Cox.
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As Trump Recession Looms, New WSJ Poll Backs Call for Democrats to Embrace Economic Populism
"It feels like it's on the brink, it's on the precipice of this recession," one economist said this week.
Sep 02, 2025
A new poll from The Wall Street Journal released Tuesday is sparking calls on more Democrats to embrace economic populism, as it shows that Americans are still feeling gloomy about their financial prospects.
According to the poll, a record-low 25% of Americans now say they have a good chance at improving their standard of living, while almost 70% said they no longer believe that merely working hard is enough to get ahead.
On top of all this, more than 75% lack confidence that future generations will be better off than they are today.
The poll shows that US President Donald Trump is facing problems similar to the ones that former President Joe Biden faced over his last year in office, in that economic pessimism appears high even as the unemployment rate and the rate of inflation appear low by historical standards.
One major issue that appears to be weighing down economic sentiment is the cost of housing, as The Wall Street Journal writes that "fewer than one-quarter of respondents said they were very confident they could buy a home if they wanted to," while "some 56% said they had little or no confidence they could do so."
Democratic pollster John Anzalone took stock of the poll in a post on X and said that it "shows how important it is for Dems to get a strong economic message" given that "70% of people said they believe the American dream no longer holds true."
Democratic media operative Dan Ancona zeroed in on a question in the poll showing that a majority of Americans agreed with the statement that Trump and the GOP "are trying to scare and divide Americans so they can cut their own taxes and keep wealth flowing to the very rich."
In fact, roughly 27% of respondents who voted for Trump in the 2024 presidential election either somewhat or strongly agreed with that statement. Given this, Ancona called the populist economic framing "a pretty good starting point."
Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.) also jumped at the findings of the WSJ poll and said that stamping out economic inequality in the US needed to be Democrats' priority.
"We must tackle the economic divides tearing our nation apart and make the economic independence of every family and community our highest mission," he declared. "I call it a new economic patriotism."
The WSJ poll showing Americans' sour economic mood comes as more economic forecasters have been raising the odds of a recession hitting the US economy.
Fortune reported on Tuesday that investment bank UBS believes the probability of a recession occurring in the near future has grown significantly in recent months, although it notes there is still a great deal of uncertainty over what the economy will look like in six months.
"The key message is the US economy, by these hard data measures, is locked in a prolonged phase of stagnation or slow contraction, warranting caution even as outright collapse has not yet materialized," wrote Fortune. "This aligns with other analysts' warnings that, even if a recession doesn't materialize, the economy is headed for a bout of 1970s-style 'stagflation,' a combination of a stagnating economy and rising inflation."
Moody's Analytics chief economist Mark Zandi has also been sounding the alarm about the state of the American economy, and he believes state-level data are already showing the US "on the edge of recession," according to Newsweek.
As Zandi explained this week, both California and New York, which together account for over 20% of American gross domestic product, are essentially flat at the moment, while southern states that have been the strongest in terms of economic growth in recent years have been slowing down.
"I don't think the economy is in a recession, at least not at this point," Zandi said in an interview with Newsweek. "But it feels like it's on the brink, it's on the precipice of this recession."
Along with a potential impending recession, former Labor Secretary Robert Reich pointed out that Americans are well aware of structural inequalities.
"CEO pay is up 1,085% since 1978, while worker pay is up just 24%. Millions live paycheck to paycheck as they struggle to afford basic goods," said Reich. "Is it any wonder why 70% of people said they believe the American dream no longer holds true or never did?"
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