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President Donald Trump and Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos attend a roundtable on reopening schools at the White House on August 12, 2020. (Photo: Shealah Craighead/Flickr)
Michael Barbour, a professor at Touro University California and an expert on K-12 online learning, believes that more than half of the nation's school superintendents "should be fired."
Improving remote learning would have meant creating spaces for teachers to collaborate and share models of effective online instruction and lesson planning.
His blistering criticism stems from the fact that, deep into the 2020-2021 school year, many schools are still struggling with virtual learning during the pandemic.
Stories of school districts' online learning systems crashing are widespread. Teachers complain about not being included in decisions about online curriculum and pedagogy. Alarming numbers of students are not engaged or not showing up, especially in low-income areas and among communities of color.
The chaos is especially concerning given that 76% of parents say their children are attending school remotely, either full time or part time, according to a recent nationwide survey. Moreover, a majority of parents, 54%, think that improving online learning is more important than figuring out how to reopen schools for in-person instruction.
"Any school leader who didn't reach out to teachers to ask what had worked well and what didn't, and then use that [to prepare for the fall reopening], committed a dereliction of duty," Barbour tells me, recalling the moment when schools closed suddenly in spring 2020. "After all, we knew this was a pandemic... not a one-time thing."
Barbour's ire might be justified. According to a survey of California school superintendents conducted by EdSource, less than 10% of school districts in that state offered more than 16 hours of training for teachers during the summer, when schools could have been preparing to reopen with online learning.
"School district leaders spent so much time over the summer trying to create reopening plans that would meet safety guidelines for classes inside school buildings that they had little time to focus on improving online academic offerings," Hannah Natanson and Valerie Strauss warned in The Washington Post in August.
Improving remote learning, many experts agree, would have meant creating spaces for teachers to collaborate and share models of effective online instruction and lesson planning. And more time and resources should have gone into providing teachers who were struggling with better coaching and support.
Validating the experts, a nationwide analysis of teachers's working conditions in the spring of 2020 conducted by Brown University and the City University of New York found that, because of the challenges of pivoting to remote learning, teachers experienced a "sudden and large drop" in their sense of professional success. However, teachers were "substantially less likely" to experience this decline when they could "depend on their district and school-based leadership for strong communication, targeted training, meaningful collaboration, fair expectations, and recognition of their efforts were least likely to experience declines in their sense of success."
But the report's authors found teachers experience a wide range of working conditions,with many falling in the "low" and "medium" situations, and they call for changes in "the organizational conditions that make teachers' work and students' learning possible."
"The disregard of teachers' shared professional expertise and practical knowledge is no accident," wrote Diana D'Amico Pawlewicz in commenting on the debacle of fall school reopenings.
D'Amico Pawlewicz, who is an education reform and policy historian at the University of North Dakota and author of the book Blaming Teachers, argued that policy leaders' lack of attention to teachers "reflects the way that, instead of treating teachers like other American professionals, society has long blamed them for the failings of schools."
During the pandemic, when support for teachers would seem to matter most, their wisdom has too often been overlooked.
This disregard for teachers is all the more galling given that 2018-2019 witnessed the #Red4Ed wave of teacher rebellions, where educators--mostly in politically red states--held sickouts, walkouts, and mass street demonstrations to protest a lack of funding, attacks on teacher professionalism, and continuing threats to close and privatize public schools.
The teachers' actions were ultimately beneficial for themselves and their students, resulting in increased teacher pay, promises of smaller class sizes, and more nurses and counselors in schools. Their protests also proved democracy was still alive and kicking in a country descending into authoritarianism.
But during the pandemic, when support for teachers would seem to matter most, their wisdom has too often been overlooked.
What might policy leaders have learned if they had listened?
"In the spring, we had to come up with creative ways to support our families," Milwaukee educator Glenn Carson told me. Carson, along with other Milwaukee educators I spoke to, described an intense effort to deliver devices and hotspots to homes, learn new technologies, and conduct family outreaches. They also said they stitched together a safety net of food delivery, health care, and social and emotional services for families hit hardest by the virus.
Needing to find creative ways to fill in the gaps left by school districts' lack of preparation seems to be a shared experience among teachers across the country.
"I built a website where students and families could get daily lessons and messages from me," Henry Jasso, a third-grade teacher at Dona Ana Elementary School, near Las Cruces, New Mexico, tells me. "We met daily online to touch base with one another and played learning games together."
"I video recorded my lessons and arranged one-on-one virtual meetings with students," says Kathy Dorman, a high school teacher in Providence, Rhode Island.
Teachers and school principals found "innovative ways to serve their students," the National Education Policy Center reported in the midst of the growing contagion and pointed to organizations, including the Learning Policy Institute, the Network for Public Education, and Local Progress, that documented how teachers responded to their communities' needs.
This is not to say that everything went swimmingly.
Online learning has never been as effective as in-person classes, according to numerous research studies. The fact teachers had to so quickly go virtual made that mode of instruction even more challenging, especially for low-income, Black, and Latinx students.
Additionally, special education advocates reported that at least seven million students with disabilities and learning impairments were being left behind due to school closures.
And a joint analysis by New Common Sense and Boston Consulting Group found fifteen to sixteen million students had no reliable internet connection.
Yet, despite the downsides to the spring experiment with online schooling, parent surveys conducted in the summer found that most "gave their children's schools high marks."
Similar to nurses and other frontline workers, teachers were lauded as "heroes" performing an essential role despite difficult circumstances. One would think, then, that the process for opening schools in the fall, regardless of the delivery format, would have put teachers and their needs at the center of the effort.
But in all fairness to school superintendents, policy leaders higher up the chain of command have also completely failed schools, teachers, and families.
In August, Dana Goldstein, an education journalist for The New York Times, highlighted how state and local governments were allowing bars and restaurants to reopen while leaving local school leaders to "figure out the details of running schools during a public health crisis largely on their own."
Other education reports and experts pointed out the same. "The chaos can be laid squarely at the feet of government leaders who have provided little direction or financial support for schools," wrote journalist Liz Willen and Sarah Garland, The Hechinger Report's executive editor.
Even Arne Duncan, the secretary of Education during most of the Obama administration, fretted about this in New York Magazine: "The fact that we've had such horrific leadership... It's like we saw this tsunami coming and we just stood there and let ourselves be drowned."
President Donald Trump and the Republican-led Senate spent months doing nothing. In fact, Trump threatened to cut the funding of schools that didn't open with full-time instruction, something he legally can't do.
When Congress passed a coronavirus relief package with $13.2 billion for schools, it was widely acknowledged that the one-time payment was insufficient to meet most schools' needs. It was not enough to, for example, pay for free broadband access and laptops for students, hire more teachers and school staff, and overcome school budget cuts enacted by or expected from state and local governments.
Yet President Donald Trump and the Republican-led Senate spent months doing nothing. In fact, Trump threatened to cut the funding of schools that didn't open with full-time, in-person instruction, something he legally can't do.
Education secretary Betsy DeVos, after trying unsuccessfully to direct more of the federal government's financial aid to private schools, abdicated her leadership responsibilities completely by declaring that she doubted her department has "a role" in collecting data on school-related infection rates.
Trump's careless tweet to "OPEN THE SCHOOLS!!!" also overlooked the concerns of most parents and teachers.
When New York City opened with in-person learning, the only district in the nation's ten largest to do so, only 26% of the system's 1.1 million students attended in-person classes. When the American Federation of Teachers surveyed teachers in June, 76% said they'd be comfortable going back to school if key safety precautions were put in place. In September, when teachers saw the lack of leadership to reopen schools safely, that figure plunged to 14%.
Certainly, the lack of funding and guidance from government leaders has put school leaders in a bind. But most of that discomfort trickles down to teachers who are hit the hardest. And now, in schools that have decided to reopen in-person (either full-time or partially), 88% of teachers have to purchase their own personal protection equipment, and 11% buy it for their students.
Of course, public education is not the only American institution where the pandemic has exposed leadership failures.
But an essential lesson of the pandemic is its tendency to strip down complicated social relationships to their essentials. People have had to start making decisions based on what is physically safe, how they can have access to staples like food and transportation, and whether or not they can still have a job.
What the pandemic revealed about public education is that schools have become the essential safety nets for families, that access to education services is grossly inequitable, and that the education process at its very core is about the relationships between teachers and their students.
If education policy leaders want to improve the way they run schools during a pandemic, maybe they should start with that.
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Michael Barbour, a professor at Touro University California and an expert on K-12 online learning, believes that more than half of the nation's school superintendents "should be fired."
Improving remote learning would have meant creating spaces for teachers to collaborate and share models of effective online instruction and lesson planning.
His blistering criticism stems from the fact that, deep into the 2020-2021 school year, many schools are still struggling with virtual learning during the pandemic.
Stories of school districts' online learning systems crashing are widespread. Teachers complain about not being included in decisions about online curriculum and pedagogy. Alarming numbers of students are not engaged or not showing up, especially in low-income areas and among communities of color.
The chaos is especially concerning given that 76% of parents say their children are attending school remotely, either full time or part time, according to a recent nationwide survey. Moreover, a majority of parents, 54%, think that improving online learning is more important than figuring out how to reopen schools for in-person instruction.
"Any school leader who didn't reach out to teachers to ask what had worked well and what didn't, and then use that [to prepare for the fall reopening], committed a dereliction of duty," Barbour tells me, recalling the moment when schools closed suddenly in spring 2020. "After all, we knew this was a pandemic... not a one-time thing."
Barbour's ire might be justified. According to a survey of California school superintendents conducted by EdSource, less than 10% of school districts in that state offered more than 16 hours of training for teachers during the summer, when schools could have been preparing to reopen with online learning.
"School district leaders spent so much time over the summer trying to create reopening plans that would meet safety guidelines for classes inside school buildings that they had little time to focus on improving online academic offerings," Hannah Natanson and Valerie Strauss warned in The Washington Post in August.
Improving remote learning, many experts agree, would have meant creating spaces for teachers to collaborate and share models of effective online instruction and lesson planning. And more time and resources should have gone into providing teachers who were struggling with better coaching and support.
Validating the experts, a nationwide analysis of teachers's working conditions in the spring of 2020 conducted by Brown University and the City University of New York found that, because of the challenges of pivoting to remote learning, teachers experienced a "sudden and large drop" in their sense of professional success. However, teachers were "substantially less likely" to experience this decline when they could "depend on their district and school-based leadership for strong communication, targeted training, meaningful collaboration, fair expectations, and recognition of their efforts were least likely to experience declines in their sense of success."
But the report's authors found teachers experience a wide range of working conditions,with many falling in the "low" and "medium" situations, and they call for changes in "the organizational conditions that make teachers' work and students' learning possible."
"The disregard of teachers' shared professional expertise and practical knowledge is no accident," wrote Diana D'Amico Pawlewicz in commenting on the debacle of fall school reopenings.
D'Amico Pawlewicz, who is an education reform and policy historian at the University of North Dakota and author of the book Blaming Teachers, argued that policy leaders' lack of attention to teachers "reflects the way that, instead of treating teachers like other American professionals, society has long blamed them for the failings of schools."
During the pandemic, when support for teachers would seem to matter most, their wisdom has too often been overlooked.
This disregard for teachers is all the more galling given that 2018-2019 witnessed the #Red4Ed wave of teacher rebellions, where educators--mostly in politically red states--held sickouts, walkouts, and mass street demonstrations to protest a lack of funding, attacks on teacher professionalism, and continuing threats to close and privatize public schools.
The teachers' actions were ultimately beneficial for themselves and their students, resulting in increased teacher pay, promises of smaller class sizes, and more nurses and counselors in schools. Their protests also proved democracy was still alive and kicking in a country descending into authoritarianism.
But during the pandemic, when support for teachers would seem to matter most, their wisdom has too often been overlooked.
What might policy leaders have learned if they had listened?
"In the spring, we had to come up with creative ways to support our families," Milwaukee educator Glenn Carson told me. Carson, along with other Milwaukee educators I spoke to, described an intense effort to deliver devices and hotspots to homes, learn new technologies, and conduct family outreaches. They also said they stitched together a safety net of food delivery, health care, and social and emotional services for families hit hardest by the virus.
Needing to find creative ways to fill in the gaps left by school districts' lack of preparation seems to be a shared experience among teachers across the country.
"I built a website where students and families could get daily lessons and messages from me," Henry Jasso, a third-grade teacher at Dona Ana Elementary School, near Las Cruces, New Mexico, tells me. "We met daily online to touch base with one another and played learning games together."
"I video recorded my lessons and arranged one-on-one virtual meetings with students," says Kathy Dorman, a high school teacher in Providence, Rhode Island.
Teachers and school principals found "innovative ways to serve their students," the National Education Policy Center reported in the midst of the growing contagion and pointed to organizations, including the Learning Policy Institute, the Network for Public Education, and Local Progress, that documented how teachers responded to their communities' needs.
This is not to say that everything went swimmingly.
Online learning has never been as effective as in-person classes, according to numerous research studies. The fact teachers had to so quickly go virtual made that mode of instruction even more challenging, especially for low-income, Black, and Latinx students.
Additionally, special education advocates reported that at least seven million students with disabilities and learning impairments were being left behind due to school closures.
And a joint analysis by New Common Sense and Boston Consulting Group found fifteen to sixteen million students had no reliable internet connection.
Yet, despite the downsides to the spring experiment with online schooling, parent surveys conducted in the summer found that most "gave their children's schools high marks."
Similar to nurses and other frontline workers, teachers were lauded as "heroes" performing an essential role despite difficult circumstances. One would think, then, that the process for opening schools in the fall, regardless of the delivery format, would have put teachers and their needs at the center of the effort.
But in all fairness to school superintendents, policy leaders higher up the chain of command have also completely failed schools, teachers, and families.
In August, Dana Goldstein, an education journalist for The New York Times, highlighted how state and local governments were allowing bars and restaurants to reopen while leaving local school leaders to "figure out the details of running schools during a public health crisis largely on their own."
Other education reports and experts pointed out the same. "The chaos can be laid squarely at the feet of government leaders who have provided little direction or financial support for schools," wrote journalist Liz Willen and Sarah Garland, The Hechinger Report's executive editor.
Even Arne Duncan, the secretary of Education during most of the Obama administration, fretted about this in New York Magazine: "The fact that we've had such horrific leadership... It's like we saw this tsunami coming and we just stood there and let ourselves be drowned."
President Donald Trump and the Republican-led Senate spent months doing nothing. In fact, Trump threatened to cut the funding of schools that didn't open with full-time instruction, something he legally can't do.
When Congress passed a coronavirus relief package with $13.2 billion for schools, it was widely acknowledged that the one-time payment was insufficient to meet most schools' needs. It was not enough to, for example, pay for free broadband access and laptops for students, hire more teachers and school staff, and overcome school budget cuts enacted by or expected from state and local governments.
Yet President Donald Trump and the Republican-led Senate spent months doing nothing. In fact, Trump threatened to cut the funding of schools that didn't open with full-time, in-person instruction, something he legally can't do.
Education secretary Betsy DeVos, after trying unsuccessfully to direct more of the federal government's financial aid to private schools, abdicated her leadership responsibilities completely by declaring that she doubted her department has "a role" in collecting data on school-related infection rates.
Trump's careless tweet to "OPEN THE SCHOOLS!!!" also overlooked the concerns of most parents and teachers.
When New York City opened with in-person learning, the only district in the nation's ten largest to do so, only 26% of the system's 1.1 million students attended in-person classes. When the American Federation of Teachers surveyed teachers in June, 76% said they'd be comfortable going back to school if key safety precautions were put in place. In September, when teachers saw the lack of leadership to reopen schools safely, that figure plunged to 14%.
Certainly, the lack of funding and guidance from government leaders has put school leaders in a bind. But most of that discomfort trickles down to teachers who are hit the hardest. And now, in schools that have decided to reopen in-person (either full-time or partially), 88% of teachers have to purchase their own personal protection equipment, and 11% buy it for their students.
Of course, public education is not the only American institution where the pandemic has exposed leadership failures.
But an essential lesson of the pandemic is its tendency to strip down complicated social relationships to their essentials. People have had to start making decisions based on what is physically safe, how they can have access to staples like food and transportation, and whether or not they can still have a job.
What the pandemic revealed about public education is that schools have become the essential safety nets for families, that access to education services is grossly inequitable, and that the education process at its very core is about the relationships between teachers and their students.
If education policy leaders want to improve the way they run schools during a pandemic, maybe they should start with that.
Michael Barbour, a professor at Touro University California and an expert on K-12 online learning, believes that more than half of the nation's school superintendents "should be fired."
Improving remote learning would have meant creating spaces for teachers to collaborate and share models of effective online instruction and lesson planning.
His blistering criticism stems from the fact that, deep into the 2020-2021 school year, many schools are still struggling with virtual learning during the pandemic.
Stories of school districts' online learning systems crashing are widespread. Teachers complain about not being included in decisions about online curriculum and pedagogy. Alarming numbers of students are not engaged or not showing up, especially in low-income areas and among communities of color.
The chaos is especially concerning given that 76% of parents say their children are attending school remotely, either full time or part time, according to a recent nationwide survey. Moreover, a majority of parents, 54%, think that improving online learning is more important than figuring out how to reopen schools for in-person instruction.
"Any school leader who didn't reach out to teachers to ask what had worked well and what didn't, and then use that [to prepare for the fall reopening], committed a dereliction of duty," Barbour tells me, recalling the moment when schools closed suddenly in spring 2020. "After all, we knew this was a pandemic... not a one-time thing."
Barbour's ire might be justified. According to a survey of California school superintendents conducted by EdSource, less than 10% of school districts in that state offered more than 16 hours of training for teachers during the summer, when schools could have been preparing to reopen with online learning.
"School district leaders spent so much time over the summer trying to create reopening plans that would meet safety guidelines for classes inside school buildings that they had little time to focus on improving online academic offerings," Hannah Natanson and Valerie Strauss warned in The Washington Post in August.
Improving remote learning, many experts agree, would have meant creating spaces for teachers to collaborate and share models of effective online instruction and lesson planning. And more time and resources should have gone into providing teachers who were struggling with better coaching and support.
Validating the experts, a nationwide analysis of teachers's working conditions in the spring of 2020 conducted by Brown University and the City University of New York found that, because of the challenges of pivoting to remote learning, teachers experienced a "sudden and large drop" in their sense of professional success. However, teachers were "substantially less likely" to experience this decline when they could "depend on their district and school-based leadership for strong communication, targeted training, meaningful collaboration, fair expectations, and recognition of their efforts were least likely to experience declines in their sense of success."
But the report's authors found teachers experience a wide range of working conditions,with many falling in the "low" and "medium" situations, and they call for changes in "the organizational conditions that make teachers' work and students' learning possible."
"The disregard of teachers' shared professional expertise and practical knowledge is no accident," wrote Diana D'Amico Pawlewicz in commenting on the debacle of fall school reopenings.
D'Amico Pawlewicz, who is an education reform and policy historian at the University of North Dakota and author of the book Blaming Teachers, argued that policy leaders' lack of attention to teachers "reflects the way that, instead of treating teachers like other American professionals, society has long blamed them for the failings of schools."
During the pandemic, when support for teachers would seem to matter most, their wisdom has too often been overlooked.
This disregard for teachers is all the more galling given that 2018-2019 witnessed the #Red4Ed wave of teacher rebellions, where educators--mostly in politically red states--held sickouts, walkouts, and mass street demonstrations to protest a lack of funding, attacks on teacher professionalism, and continuing threats to close and privatize public schools.
The teachers' actions were ultimately beneficial for themselves and their students, resulting in increased teacher pay, promises of smaller class sizes, and more nurses and counselors in schools. Their protests also proved democracy was still alive and kicking in a country descending into authoritarianism.
But during the pandemic, when support for teachers would seem to matter most, their wisdom has too often been overlooked.
What might policy leaders have learned if they had listened?
"In the spring, we had to come up with creative ways to support our families," Milwaukee educator Glenn Carson told me. Carson, along with other Milwaukee educators I spoke to, described an intense effort to deliver devices and hotspots to homes, learn new technologies, and conduct family outreaches. They also said they stitched together a safety net of food delivery, health care, and social and emotional services for families hit hardest by the virus.
Needing to find creative ways to fill in the gaps left by school districts' lack of preparation seems to be a shared experience among teachers across the country.
"I built a website where students and families could get daily lessons and messages from me," Henry Jasso, a third-grade teacher at Dona Ana Elementary School, near Las Cruces, New Mexico, tells me. "We met daily online to touch base with one another and played learning games together."
"I video recorded my lessons and arranged one-on-one virtual meetings with students," says Kathy Dorman, a high school teacher in Providence, Rhode Island.
Teachers and school principals found "innovative ways to serve their students," the National Education Policy Center reported in the midst of the growing contagion and pointed to organizations, including the Learning Policy Institute, the Network for Public Education, and Local Progress, that documented how teachers responded to their communities' needs.
This is not to say that everything went swimmingly.
Online learning has never been as effective as in-person classes, according to numerous research studies. The fact teachers had to so quickly go virtual made that mode of instruction even more challenging, especially for low-income, Black, and Latinx students.
Additionally, special education advocates reported that at least seven million students with disabilities and learning impairments were being left behind due to school closures.
And a joint analysis by New Common Sense and Boston Consulting Group found fifteen to sixteen million students had no reliable internet connection.
Yet, despite the downsides to the spring experiment with online schooling, parent surveys conducted in the summer found that most "gave their children's schools high marks."
Similar to nurses and other frontline workers, teachers were lauded as "heroes" performing an essential role despite difficult circumstances. One would think, then, that the process for opening schools in the fall, regardless of the delivery format, would have put teachers and their needs at the center of the effort.
But in all fairness to school superintendents, policy leaders higher up the chain of command have also completely failed schools, teachers, and families.
In August, Dana Goldstein, an education journalist for The New York Times, highlighted how state and local governments were allowing bars and restaurants to reopen while leaving local school leaders to "figure out the details of running schools during a public health crisis largely on their own."
Other education reports and experts pointed out the same. "The chaos can be laid squarely at the feet of government leaders who have provided little direction or financial support for schools," wrote journalist Liz Willen and Sarah Garland, The Hechinger Report's executive editor.
Even Arne Duncan, the secretary of Education during most of the Obama administration, fretted about this in New York Magazine: "The fact that we've had such horrific leadership... It's like we saw this tsunami coming and we just stood there and let ourselves be drowned."
President Donald Trump and the Republican-led Senate spent months doing nothing. In fact, Trump threatened to cut the funding of schools that didn't open with full-time instruction, something he legally can't do.
When Congress passed a coronavirus relief package with $13.2 billion for schools, it was widely acknowledged that the one-time payment was insufficient to meet most schools' needs. It was not enough to, for example, pay for free broadband access and laptops for students, hire more teachers and school staff, and overcome school budget cuts enacted by or expected from state and local governments.
Yet President Donald Trump and the Republican-led Senate spent months doing nothing. In fact, Trump threatened to cut the funding of schools that didn't open with full-time, in-person instruction, something he legally can't do.
Education secretary Betsy DeVos, after trying unsuccessfully to direct more of the federal government's financial aid to private schools, abdicated her leadership responsibilities completely by declaring that she doubted her department has "a role" in collecting data on school-related infection rates.
Trump's careless tweet to "OPEN THE SCHOOLS!!!" also overlooked the concerns of most parents and teachers.
When New York City opened with in-person learning, the only district in the nation's ten largest to do so, only 26% of the system's 1.1 million students attended in-person classes. When the American Federation of Teachers surveyed teachers in June, 76% said they'd be comfortable going back to school if key safety precautions were put in place. In September, when teachers saw the lack of leadership to reopen schools safely, that figure plunged to 14%.
Certainly, the lack of funding and guidance from government leaders has put school leaders in a bind. But most of that discomfort trickles down to teachers who are hit the hardest. And now, in schools that have decided to reopen in-person (either full-time or partially), 88% of teachers have to purchase their own personal protection equipment, and 11% buy it for their students.
Of course, public education is not the only American institution where the pandemic has exposed leadership failures.
But an essential lesson of the pandemic is its tendency to strip down complicated social relationships to their essentials. People have had to start making decisions based on what is physically safe, how they can have access to staples like food and transportation, and whether or not they can still have a job.
What the pandemic revealed about public education is that schools have become the essential safety nets for families, that access to education services is grossly inequitable, and that the education process at its very core is about the relationships between teachers and their students.
If education policy leaders want to improve the way they run schools during a pandemic, maybe they should start with that.
One critic accused the president of "testing the limits of his power, hoping to intimidate other cities into submission to his every vengeful whim."
The Trump administration's military occupation of Washington, D.C. is expected to expand, a White House official said Wednesday, with President Donald Trump also saying he will ask Congress to approve a "long-term" extension of federal control over local police in the nation's capital.
The unnamed Trump official told CNN that a "significantly higher" number of National Guard troops are expected on the ground in Washington later Wednesday to support law enforcement patrols in the city.
"The National Guard is not arresting people," the official said, adding that troops are tasked with creating "a safe environment" for the hundreds of federal officers and agents from over a dozen agencies who are fanning out across the city over the strong objection of local officials.
Trump dubiously declared a public safety emergency Monday in order to take control of Washington police under Section 740 of the District of Columbia Self-Government and Governmental Reorganization Act. The president said Wednesday that he would ask the Republican-controlled Congress to authorize an extension of his federal takeover of local police beyond the 30 days allowed under Section 740.
"Already they're saying, 'He's a dictator,'" Trump said of his critics during remarks at the Kennedy Center in Washington. "The place is going to hell. We've got to stop it. So instead of saying, 'He's a dictator,' they should say, 'We're going to join him and make Washington safe.'"
According to official statistics, violent crime in Washington is down 26% from a year ago, when it was at its second-lowest level since 1966,
House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) and Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) have both expressed support for Trump's actions. However, any legislation authorizing an extension of federal control over local police would face an uphill battle in the Senate, where Democratic lawmakers can employ procedural rules to block the majority's effort.
Trump also said any congressional authorization could open the door to targeting other cities in his crosshairs, including Baltimore, Chicago, Los Angeles, New York, and Oakland. Official statistics show violent crime trending downward in all of those cities—with some registering historically low levels.
While some critics have called Trump's actions in Washington a distraction from his administration's mishandling of the Jeffrey Epstein scandal, others say his occupation of the nation's capital is a test case to see what he can get away with in other cities.
Kat Abughazaleh, a Democratic candidate for Congress in Illinois, said Monday that the president's D.C. takeover "is another telltale sign of his authoritarian ambitions."
Some opponents also said Trump's actions are intended to intimidate Democrat-controlled cities, pointing to his June order to deploy thousands of National Guard troops to Los Angeles in response to protests against his administration's mass deportation campaign.
Testifying Wednesday at a San Francisco trial to determine whether Trump violated the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878—which generally prohibits use of the military for domestic law enforcement—by sending troops to Los Angeles, California Deputy Attorney General Meghan Strong argued that the president wanted to "strike fear into the hearts of Californians."
Roosevelt University political science professor and Newsweek contributor David Faris wrote Wednesday that "deploying the National Guard to Washington, D.C. is an unconscionable abuse of federal power and another worrisome signpost on our road to autocracy."
"Using the military to bring big, blue cities to heel, exactly as 'alarmists' predicted during the 2024 campaign, isn't about a crisis in D.C.—violent crime is actually at a 30-year low," he added. "President Trump is, once again, testing the limits of his power, hoping to intimidate other cities into submission to his every vengeful whim by making the once unimaginable—an American tyrant ordering a military occupation of our own capital—a terrifying reality."
"Underneath shiny motherhood medals and promises of baby bonuses is a movement intent on elevating white supremacist ideology and forcing women out of the workplace," said one advocate.
The Trump administration's push for Americans to have more children has been well documented, from Vice President JD Vance's insults aimed at "childless cat ladies" to officials' meetings with "pronatalist" advocates who want to boost U.S. birth rates, which have been declining since 2007.
But a report released by the National Women's Law Center (NWLC) on Wednesday details how the methods the White House have reportedly considered to convince Americans to procreate moremay be described by the far right as "pro-family," but are actually being pushed by a eugenicist, misogynist movement that has little interest in making it any easier to raise a family in the United States.
The proposals include bestowing a "National Medal of Motherhood" on women who have more than six children, giving a $5,000 "baby bonus" to new parents, and prioritizing federal projects in areas with high birth rates.
"Underneath shiny motherhood medals and promises of baby bonuses is a movement intent on elevating white supremacist ideology and forcing women out of the workplace," said Emily Martin, chief program officer of the National Women's Law Center.
The report describes how "Silicon Valley tech elites" and traditional conservatives who oppose abortion rights and even a woman's right to work outside the home have converged to push for "preserving the traditional family structure while encouraging women to have a lot of children."
With pronatalists often referring to "declining genetic quality" in the U.S. and promoting the idea that Americans must produce "good quality children," in the words of evolutionary psychologist Diana Fleischman, the pronatalist movement "is built on racist, sexist, and anti-immigrant ideologies."
If conservatives are concerned about population loss in the U.S., the report points out, they would "make it easier for immigrants to come to the United States to live and work. More immigrants mean more workers, which would address some of the economic concerns raised by declining birth rates."
But pronatalists "only want to see certain populations increase (i.e., white people), and there are many immigrants who don't fit into that narrow qualification."
The report, titled "Baby Bonuses and Motherhood Medals: Why We Shouldn't Trust the Pronatalist Movement," describes how President Donald Trump has enlisted a "pronatalist army" that's been instrumental both in pushing a virulently anti-immigrant, mass deportation agenda and in demanding that more straight couples should marry and have children, as the right-wing policy playbook Project 2025 demands.
Trump's former adviser and benefactor, billionaire tech mogul Elon Musk, has spoken frequently about the need to prevent a collapse of U.S. society and civilization by raising birth rates, and has pushed misinformation fearmongering about birth control.
Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy proposed rewarding areas with high birth rates by prioritizing infrastructure projects, and like Vance has lobbed insults at single women while also deriding the use of contraception.
The report was released days after CNN detailed the close ties the Trump administration has with self-described Christian nationalist pastor Doug Wilson, who heads the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches, preaches that women should not vote, and suggested in an interview with correspondent Pamela Brown that women's primary function is birthing children, saying they are "the kind of people that people come out of."
Wilson has ties to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whose children attend schools founded by the pastor and who shared the video online with the tagline of Wilson's church, "All of Christ for All of Life."
But the NWLC noted, no amount of haranguing women over their relationship status, plans for childbearing, or insistence that they are primarily meant to stay at home with "four or five children," as Wilson said, can reverse the impact the Trump administration's policies have had on families.
"While the Trump administration claims to be pursuing a pro-baby agenda, their actions tell a different story," the report notes. "Rather than advancing policies that would actually support families—like lowering costs, expanding access to housing and food, or investing in child care—they've prioritized dismantling basic need supports, rolling back longstanding civil rights protections, and ripping away people's bodily autonomy."
The report was published weeks after Trump signed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act into law—making pregnancy more expensive and more dangerous for millions of low-income women by slashing Medicaid funding and "endangering the 42 million women and children" who rely on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program for their daily meals.
While demanding that women have more children, said the NWLC, Trump has pushed an "anti-women, anti-family agenda."
Martin said that unlike the pronatalist movement, "a real pro-family agenda would include protecting reproductive healthcare, investing in childcare as a public good, promoting workplace policies that enable parents to succeed, and ensuring that all children have the resources that they need to thrive not just at birth, but throughout their lives."
"The administration's deep hostility toward these pro-family policies," said Martin, "tells you all that you need to know about pronatalists' true motives.”
A Center for Constitutional Rights lawyer called on Kathy Jennings to "use her power to stop this dangerous entity that is masquerading as a charitable organization while furthering death and violence in Gaza."
A leading U.S. legal advocacy group on Wednesday urged Delaware Attorney General Kathy Jennings to pursue revoking the corporate charter of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, whose aid distribution points in the embattled Palestinian enclave have been the sites of near-daily massacres in which thousands of Palestinians have reportedly been killed or wounded.
Last week, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) urgently requested a meeting with Jennings, a Democrat, whom the group asserted has a legal obligation to file suit in the state's Chancery Court to seek revocation of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation's (GHF) charter because the purported charity "is complicit in war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide."
CCR said Wednesday that Jennings "has neither responded" to the group's request "nor publicly addressed the serious claims raised against the Delaware-registered entity."
"GHF woefully fails to adhere to fundamental humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence and has proven to be an opportunistic and obsequious entity masquerading as a humanitarian organization," CCR asserted. "Since the start of its operations in late May, at least 1,400 Palestinians have died seeking aid, with at least 859 killed at or near GHF sites, which it operates in close coordination with the Israeli government and U.S. private military contractors."
One of those contractors, former U.S. Army Green Beret Col. Anthony Aguilar, quit his job and blew the whistle on what he said he saw while working at GHF aid sites.
"What I saw on the sites, around the sites, to and from the sites, can be described as nothing but war crimes, crimes against humanity, violations of international law," Aguilar told Democracy Now! host Amy Goodman earlier this month. "This is not hyperbole. This is not platitudes or drama. This is the truth... The sites were designed to lure, bait aid, and kill."
Israel Defense Forces officers and soldiers have admitted to receiving orders to open fire on Palestinian aid-seekers with live bullets and artillery rounds, even when the civilians posed no security threat.
"It is against this backdrop that [President Donald] Trump's State Department approved a $30 million United States Agency for International Development grant for GHF," CCR noted. "In so doing, the State Department exempted it from the audit usually required for new USAID grantees."
"It also waived mandatory counterterrorism and anti-fraud safeguards and overrode vetting mechanisms, including 58 internal objections to GHF's application," the group added. "The Center for Constitutional Rights has submitted a [Freedom of Information Act] request seeking information on the administration's funding of GHF."
CCR continued:
The letter to Jennings opens a new front in the effort to hold GHF accountable. The Center for Constitutional Rights letter provides extensive evidence that, far from alleviating suffering in Gaza, GHF is contributing to the forced displacement, illegal killing, and genocide of Palestinians, while serving as a fig leaf for Israel's continued denial of access to food and water. Given this, Jennings has not only the authority, but the obligation to investigate GHF to determine if it abused its charter by engaging in unlawful activity. She may then file suit with the Court of Chancery, which has the authority to revoke GHF's charter.
CCR's August 5 letter notes that Jennings has previously exercised such authority. In 2019, she filed suit to dissolve shell companies affiliated with former Trump campaign officials Paul Manafort and Richard Gates after they pleaded guilty to money laundering and other crimes.
"Attorney General Jennings has the power to significantly change the course of history and save lives by taking action to dissolve GHF," said CCR attorney Adina Marx-Arpadi. "We call on her to use her power to stop this dangerous entity that is masquerading as a charitable organization while furthering death and violence in Gaza, and to do so without delay."
CCR's request follows a call earlier this month by a group of United Nations experts for the "immediate dismantling" of GHF, as well as "holding it and its executives accountable and allowing experienced and humanitarian actors from the U.N. and civil society alike to take back the reins of managing and distributing lifesaving aid."