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From the salmon-spawning waters of Alaska to the cloud forests of Ecuador, communities are standing up to mining projects that threaten their health, environment, and livelihoods.
But mining corporations are fighting back with a powerful tool buried in trade and investment agreements: the ability to go to private, unaccountable tribunals and sue governments that act to protect communities from mining.
In these private tribunals, which sit outside of any domestic legal system, corporate lawyers - not judges - decide whether governments must pay corporations for halting destructive mining projects. To date, mining corporations have used these private tribunals to sue over 40 governments more than 100 times.
In two-thirds of the concluded cases, governments either have been ordered to pay the mining corporations or have settled with them, which can require handing over payment and/or weakening mining restrictions. In the 44 publicly available mining cases still pending, mining corporations are demanding over $53 billion from governments.
And it's getting worse. In the first five months of this year, mining corporations used private trade and investment tribunals every 2.5 weeks on average to launch, advance, or win cases against mining restrictions in Latin America alone.
Just a few months later, U.S. corporation Tobie Mining and Energy launched a similar case against Colombia for protecting Amazon rainforest land where the corporation planned to mine for gold. Tobie claims that the government's decision to create a nature reserve and prohibit mining within its borders violates the corporation's broad rights under the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement.
Tobie is asking a private tribunal to order Colombia either to allow mining in the Amazon, or to pay $16.5 billion - over 25 percent of Colombia's national budget - to the corporation. Despite admitting having spent only $11 million in mining-related preparations, Tobie justifies the $16.5 billion demand by claiming it's what the corporation hypothetically could have earned if allowed to extract all the gold and iron believed to lie beneath the rainforest land.
This barrage of corporate attacks on mining safeguards offers a clear lesson: we cannot afford to empower more mining corporations to use private tribunals to undermine communities' efforts to shut down dangerous mines. But the TPP - and TTIP, as proposed - would do just that. To respect communities' rights to protect their air, water, and livelihoods, we need to replace these polluter-friendly deals with a new model of trade.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
From the salmon-spawning waters of Alaska to the cloud forests of Ecuador, communities are standing up to mining projects that threaten their health, environment, and livelihoods.
But mining corporations are fighting back with a powerful tool buried in trade and investment agreements: the ability to go to private, unaccountable tribunals and sue governments that act to protect communities from mining.
In these private tribunals, which sit outside of any domestic legal system, corporate lawyers - not judges - decide whether governments must pay corporations for halting destructive mining projects. To date, mining corporations have used these private tribunals to sue over 40 governments more than 100 times.
In two-thirds of the concluded cases, governments either have been ordered to pay the mining corporations or have settled with them, which can require handing over payment and/or weakening mining restrictions. In the 44 publicly available mining cases still pending, mining corporations are demanding over $53 billion from governments.
And it's getting worse. In the first five months of this year, mining corporations used private trade and investment tribunals every 2.5 weeks on average to launch, advance, or win cases against mining restrictions in Latin America alone.
Just a few months later, U.S. corporation Tobie Mining and Energy launched a similar case against Colombia for protecting Amazon rainforest land where the corporation planned to mine for gold. Tobie claims that the government's decision to create a nature reserve and prohibit mining within its borders violates the corporation's broad rights under the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement.
Tobie is asking a private tribunal to order Colombia either to allow mining in the Amazon, or to pay $16.5 billion - over 25 percent of Colombia's national budget - to the corporation. Despite admitting having spent only $11 million in mining-related preparations, Tobie justifies the $16.5 billion demand by claiming it's what the corporation hypothetically could have earned if allowed to extract all the gold and iron believed to lie beneath the rainforest land.
This barrage of corporate attacks on mining safeguards offers a clear lesson: we cannot afford to empower more mining corporations to use private tribunals to undermine communities' efforts to shut down dangerous mines. But the TPP - and TTIP, as proposed - would do just that. To respect communities' rights to protect their air, water, and livelihoods, we need to replace these polluter-friendly deals with a new model of trade.
From the salmon-spawning waters of Alaska to the cloud forests of Ecuador, communities are standing up to mining projects that threaten their health, environment, and livelihoods.
But mining corporations are fighting back with a powerful tool buried in trade and investment agreements: the ability to go to private, unaccountable tribunals and sue governments that act to protect communities from mining.
In these private tribunals, which sit outside of any domestic legal system, corporate lawyers - not judges - decide whether governments must pay corporations for halting destructive mining projects. To date, mining corporations have used these private tribunals to sue over 40 governments more than 100 times.
In two-thirds of the concluded cases, governments either have been ordered to pay the mining corporations or have settled with them, which can require handing over payment and/or weakening mining restrictions. In the 44 publicly available mining cases still pending, mining corporations are demanding over $53 billion from governments.
And it's getting worse. In the first five months of this year, mining corporations used private trade and investment tribunals every 2.5 weeks on average to launch, advance, or win cases against mining restrictions in Latin America alone.
Just a few months later, U.S. corporation Tobie Mining and Energy launched a similar case against Colombia for protecting Amazon rainforest land where the corporation planned to mine for gold. Tobie claims that the government's decision to create a nature reserve and prohibit mining within its borders violates the corporation's broad rights under the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement.
Tobie is asking a private tribunal to order Colombia either to allow mining in the Amazon, or to pay $16.5 billion - over 25 percent of Colombia's national budget - to the corporation. Despite admitting having spent only $11 million in mining-related preparations, Tobie justifies the $16.5 billion demand by claiming it's what the corporation hypothetically could have earned if allowed to extract all the gold and iron believed to lie beneath the rainforest land.
This barrage of corporate attacks on mining safeguards offers a clear lesson: we cannot afford to empower more mining corporations to use private tribunals to undermine communities' efforts to shut down dangerous mines. But the TPP - and TTIP, as proposed - would do just that. To respect communities' rights to protect their air, water, and livelihoods, we need to replace these polluter-friendly deals with a new model of trade.