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In late July, delegates to the Democratic National Convention will gather in Philadelphia, not only to nominate a president and vice president but to debate a reform agenda for the party itself. Bernie Sanders' call for a political revolution is centered on democratizing U.S. politics, including the Democratic Party, and his delegation will number at least 1,700. "Big money out and voters in" should be their rallying cry; spending on the 2016 election is on track to exceed the 2012 record of $7 billion.
In late July, delegates to the Democratic National Convention will gather in Philadelphia, not only to nominate a president and vice president but to debate a reform agenda for the party itself. Bernie Sanders' call for a political revolution is centered on democratizing U.S. politics, including the Democratic Party, and his delegation will number at least 1,700. "Big money out and voters in" should be their rallying cry; spending on the 2016 election is on track to exceed the 2012 record of $7 billion.
As Jesse Jackson's delegates did in 1988, Sanders' delegates are likely to demand a significant reduction or elimination of the role of superdelegates in the nominating process. If the Democratic Party wants to broaden its base, it must move toward populism and away from control by the financial establishment. That starts with elected delegates controlling the party and the nominating process. The Democratic Party should, ironically enough, follow the lead of the Republican Party, in which superdelegates can't vote as they please--like elected delegates, they must abide by their state's popular vote.
The Democrats need to lead by example. While most Democratic voters would decry Citizens United or McCutcheon v FEC, most Democratic candidates are using wealthy donors as the mainstay of their fundraising--even in nominating contests, where there can be no excuse of matching Republican opponents' spending. If nominees are to gain the trust of working- and middle-class voters, step one is to pledge, as Bernie Sanders has done, to reject the loopholes that allow the wealthy to control the nominating process and the outcome of the general election. Candidates should pledge to oppose the formation of super PACs during the nominating process.
Much of the Democratic caucus and primary system is also rigged and obscure. For example, in Iowa, the state Democratic Party does not reveal the number of people caucusing in each precinct for each candidate. There were clearly irregularities and much evidence that at least in some precincts, numbers were reversed, or worse. In New York, the size of the primary electorate was diminished by rules that required a voter to be registered as a Democrat more than six months before the primary. It's time for a new look at the entire process, much like the 1981 Hunt Commission but with the focus on transparency, democracy and inclusion.
Structural reform inside the Democratic Party needs to be coupled with a much broader democracy movement outside the party. More than 1,300 leaders and activists were arrested in April in Washington, D.C., demanding action on voting rights and getting big money out of politics.
The political revolution has begun.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
In late July, delegates to the Democratic National Convention will gather in Philadelphia, not only to nominate a president and vice president but to debate a reform agenda for the party itself. Bernie Sanders' call for a political revolution is centered on democratizing U.S. politics, including the Democratic Party, and his delegation will number at least 1,700. "Big money out and voters in" should be their rallying cry; spending on the 2016 election is on track to exceed the 2012 record of $7 billion.
As Jesse Jackson's delegates did in 1988, Sanders' delegates are likely to demand a significant reduction or elimination of the role of superdelegates in the nominating process. If the Democratic Party wants to broaden its base, it must move toward populism and away from control by the financial establishment. That starts with elected delegates controlling the party and the nominating process. The Democratic Party should, ironically enough, follow the lead of the Republican Party, in which superdelegates can't vote as they please--like elected delegates, they must abide by their state's popular vote.
The Democrats need to lead by example. While most Democratic voters would decry Citizens United or McCutcheon v FEC, most Democratic candidates are using wealthy donors as the mainstay of their fundraising--even in nominating contests, where there can be no excuse of matching Republican opponents' spending. If nominees are to gain the trust of working- and middle-class voters, step one is to pledge, as Bernie Sanders has done, to reject the loopholes that allow the wealthy to control the nominating process and the outcome of the general election. Candidates should pledge to oppose the formation of super PACs during the nominating process.
Much of the Democratic caucus and primary system is also rigged and obscure. For example, in Iowa, the state Democratic Party does not reveal the number of people caucusing in each precinct for each candidate. There were clearly irregularities and much evidence that at least in some precincts, numbers were reversed, or worse. In New York, the size of the primary electorate was diminished by rules that required a voter to be registered as a Democrat more than six months before the primary. It's time for a new look at the entire process, much like the 1981 Hunt Commission but with the focus on transparency, democracy and inclusion.
Structural reform inside the Democratic Party needs to be coupled with a much broader democracy movement outside the party. More than 1,300 leaders and activists were arrested in April in Washington, D.C., demanding action on voting rights and getting big money out of politics.
The political revolution has begun.
In late July, delegates to the Democratic National Convention will gather in Philadelphia, not only to nominate a president and vice president but to debate a reform agenda for the party itself. Bernie Sanders' call for a political revolution is centered on democratizing U.S. politics, including the Democratic Party, and his delegation will number at least 1,700. "Big money out and voters in" should be their rallying cry; spending on the 2016 election is on track to exceed the 2012 record of $7 billion.
As Jesse Jackson's delegates did in 1988, Sanders' delegates are likely to demand a significant reduction or elimination of the role of superdelegates in the nominating process. If the Democratic Party wants to broaden its base, it must move toward populism and away from control by the financial establishment. That starts with elected delegates controlling the party and the nominating process. The Democratic Party should, ironically enough, follow the lead of the Republican Party, in which superdelegates can't vote as they please--like elected delegates, they must abide by their state's popular vote.
The Democrats need to lead by example. While most Democratic voters would decry Citizens United or McCutcheon v FEC, most Democratic candidates are using wealthy donors as the mainstay of their fundraising--even in nominating contests, where there can be no excuse of matching Republican opponents' spending. If nominees are to gain the trust of working- and middle-class voters, step one is to pledge, as Bernie Sanders has done, to reject the loopholes that allow the wealthy to control the nominating process and the outcome of the general election. Candidates should pledge to oppose the formation of super PACs during the nominating process.
Much of the Democratic caucus and primary system is also rigged and obscure. For example, in Iowa, the state Democratic Party does not reveal the number of people caucusing in each precinct for each candidate. There were clearly irregularities and much evidence that at least in some precincts, numbers were reversed, or worse. In New York, the size of the primary electorate was diminished by rules that required a voter to be registered as a Democrat more than six months before the primary. It's time for a new look at the entire process, much like the 1981 Hunt Commission but with the focus on transparency, democracy and inclusion.
Structural reform inside the Democratic Party needs to be coupled with a much broader democracy movement outside the party. More than 1,300 leaders and activists were arrested in April in Washington, D.C., demanding action on voting rights and getting big money out of politics.
The political revolution has begun.