

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
Continuing to deliberate as this week gets underway, the jurors in the CIA leak trial might ponder a notable claim from the government: "This case is not about politics."
The prosecution made that claim a few days ago in closing arguments -- begun with a somber quotation from Condoleezza Rice about the crucial need to stop the spread of nuclear weapons. Of course prosecutor Eric Olshan was not foolish enough to quote Rice's most famous line: "We don't want the smoking gun to become a mushroom cloud."
Continuing to deliberate as this week gets underway, the jurors in the CIA leak trial might ponder a notable claim from the government: "This case is not about politics."
The prosecution made that claim a few days ago in closing arguments -- begun with a somber quotation from Condoleezza Rice about the crucial need to stop the spread of nuclear weapons. Of course prosecutor Eric Olshan was not foolish enough to quote Rice's most famous line: "We don't want the smoking gun to become a mushroom cloud."
During the seven days of the trial, which received scant media coverage, Rice attracted the most attention. But little of her testimony actually got out of the courtroom, and little of what did get out illuminated the political context of the government's case against former CIA officer Jeffrey Sterling.
A heavy shroud over this trial -- almost hidden by news media in plain sight -- has been context: the CIA's collusion with the Bush White House a dozen years ago, using WMD fear and fabrication to stampede the United States into making war on Iraq.
And part of the ongoing context of the Sterling case has been the Obama administration's unrelenting pursuit of Sterling for allegedly leaking classified information -- revealed in the last chapter of a book by James Risen -- about a now-15-year-old CIA operation that's far more suitable for Freedom of Information Act disclosures than criminal prosecution. The jury is weighing nine felony counts, including seven under the atrociously misapplied Espionage Act.
It was just six weeks after the invasion of Iraq when, at the end of April 2003, Rice hosted a meeting at the White House to tell representatives of the New York Times that the newspaper should not report on Operation Merlin, the CIA's ill-conceived and dangerous maneuver that had provided a flawed design for a nuclear weapon component to Iran three years earlier.
The Times management caved within a week. Only Risen's book State of War, published in January 2006, finally brought Operation Merlin to light.
Rice was in her usual smooth form at the Sterling trial. Emphatic that the CIA's Operation Merlin was hardly known to anyone, Rice testified: "This program was very closely held. It was one of the most closely held programs during my tenure." Yet the CIA manager in charge of Operation Merlin ("Bob S," who appeared at the trial behind a screen) testified that the operation was known to more than 90 people.
Helping to lay groundwork for the Iraq invasion, Rice was a key enabler for the CIA's slam-dunk mendacity about Saddam Hussein's purported weapons of mass destruction. More than a decade later, she has used the Sterling trial as an opportunity for more distortion of the historical record, as though her quash-the-Merlin-story meeting at the White House in 2003 was free of self-service.
The prosecution helped Rice settle into her stance:
Q: "Now, was the purpose of your convening this meeting out of any sort of embarrassment that it would get out that there had been a botched operation?"
RICE: "My concern in convening this meeting was that we had a very sensitive, extremely important program for the security of the country that was about to be compromised . . . That was my concern."
But one of the prosecution's main concerns, no doubt shared by Rice, had to do with insulating the trial from intrusive context -- a context that could explain why any whistleblower or journalist might want to expose and debunk Operation Merlin -- an operation targeting a supposed nuclear weapons program in Iran, a country that the Bush administration was eager to attack with the goal of regime change.
When the time came for Rice to face cross-examination, defense lawyer Barry Pollack tried to blow away some fog:
Q: "[P]reventing working nuclear weapons from falling into the hands of rogue states is one of the most important missions of your, the administration you worked for certainly -"
RICE: "Yes."
Q: "- and any other administration, correct?"
RICE: "That's correct."
Q: "And certainly counterproliferation was of great interest at this particular time, correct?"
RICE: "That's correct."
Q: "The United States had invaded Iraq the earlier month?"
PROSECUTOR OLSHAN: "Objection."
JUDGE LEONIE BRINKEMA: "Well, we've heard that before. Let's just move this along, Mr. Pollack. Sustained."
A week later, in the closing arguments, Pollack -- who noted that "the government has great lawyers" -- told the jury: "Make no mistake. This is a very important case for the government." He pointedly reminded jurors that the last chapter in Risen's book "made the CIA look bad."
Minutes later, wrapping up the prosecution's closing statement, Assistant U.S. Attorney James Trump declared: "This case is not about politics. It's not about salvaging the reputation of the CIA."
But, no matter how great the government's lawyers may be, the case of United States of America v. Jeffrey Alexander Sterling has everything to do with politics and the CIA's reputation.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction.org and executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. The paperback edition of his latest book, War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine, includes an afterword about the Gaza war.
Continuing to deliberate as this week gets underway, the jurors in the CIA leak trial might ponder a notable claim from the government: "This case is not about politics."
The prosecution made that claim a few days ago in closing arguments -- begun with a somber quotation from Condoleezza Rice about the crucial need to stop the spread of nuclear weapons. Of course prosecutor Eric Olshan was not foolish enough to quote Rice's most famous line: "We don't want the smoking gun to become a mushroom cloud."
During the seven days of the trial, which received scant media coverage, Rice attracted the most attention. But little of her testimony actually got out of the courtroom, and little of what did get out illuminated the political context of the government's case against former CIA officer Jeffrey Sterling.
A heavy shroud over this trial -- almost hidden by news media in plain sight -- has been context: the CIA's collusion with the Bush White House a dozen years ago, using WMD fear and fabrication to stampede the United States into making war on Iraq.
And part of the ongoing context of the Sterling case has been the Obama administration's unrelenting pursuit of Sterling for allegedly leaking classified information -- revealed in the last chapter of a book by James Risen -- about a now-15-year-old CIA operation that's far more suitable for Freedom of Information Act disclosures than criminal prosecution. The jury is weighing nine felony counts, including seven under the atrociously misapplied Espionage Act.
It was just six weeks after the invasion of Iraq when, at the end of April 2003, Rice hosted a meeting at the White House to tell representatives of the New York Times that the newspaper should not report on Operation Merlin, the CIA's ill-conceived and dangerous maneuver that had provided a flawed design for a nuclear weapon component to Iran three years earlier.
The Times management caved within a week. Only Risen's book State of War, published in January 2006, finally brought Operation Merlin to light.
Rice was in her usual smooth form at the Sterling trial. Emphatic that the CIA's Operation Merlin was hardly known to anyone, Rice testified: "This program was very closely held. It was one of the most closely held programs during my tenure." Yet the CIA manager in charge of Operation Merlin ("Bob S," who appeared at the trial behind a screen) testified that the operation was known to more than 90 people.
Helping to lay groundwork for the Iraq invasion, Rice was a key enabler for the CIA's slam-dunk mendacity about Saddam Hussein's purported weapons of mass destruction. More than a decade later, she has used the Sterling trial as an opportunity for more distortion of the historical record, as though her quash-the-Merlin-story meeting at the White House in 2003 was free of self-service.
The prosecution helped Rice settle into her stance:
Q: "Now, was the purpose of your convening this meeting out of any sort of embarrassment that it would get out that there had been a botched operation?"
RICE: "My concern in convening this meeting was that we had a very sensitive, extremely important program for the security of the country that was about to be compromised . . . That was my concern."
But one of the prosecution's main concerns, no doubt shared by Rice, had to do with insulating the trial from intrusive context -- a context that could explain why any whistleblower or journalist might want to expose and debunk Operation Merlin -- an operation targeting a supposed nuclear weapons program in Iran, a country that the Bush administration was eager to attack with the goal of regime change.
When the time came for Rice to face cross-examination, defense lawyer Barry Pollack tried to blow away some fog:
Q: "[P]reventing working nuclear weapons from falling into the hands of rogue states is one of the most important missions of your, the administration you worked for certainly -"
RICE: "Yes."
Q: "- and any other administration, correct?"
RICE: "That's correct."
Q: "And certainly counterproliferation was of great interest at this particular time, correct?"
RICE: "That's correct."
Q: "The United States had invaded Iraq the earlier month?"
PROSECUTOR OLSHAN: "Objection."
JUDGE LEONIE BRINKEMA: "Well, we've heard that before. Let's just move this along, Mr. Pollack. Sustained."
A week later, in the closing arguments, Pollack -- who noted that "the government has great lawyers" -- told the jury: "Make no mistake. This is a very important case for the government." He pointedly reminded jurors that the last chapter in Risen's book "made the CIA look bad."
Minutes later, wrapping up the prosecution's closing statement, Assistant U.S. Attorney James Trump declared: "This case is not about politics. It's not about salvaging the reputation of the CIA."
But, no matter how great the government's lawyers may be, the case of United States of America v. Jeffrey Alexander Sterling has everything to do with politics and the CIA's reputation.
Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction.org and executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. The paperback edition of his latest book, War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine, includes an afterword about the Gaza war.
Continuing to deliberate as this week gets underway, the jurors in the CIA leak trial might ponder a notable claim from the government: "This case is not about politics."
The prosecution made that claim a few days ago in closing arguments -- begun with a somber quotation from Condoleezza Rice about the crucial need to stop the spread of nuclear weapons. Of course prosecutor Eric Olshan was not foolish enough to quote Rice's most famous line: "We don't want the smoking gun to become a mushroom cloud."
During the seven days of the trial, which received scant media coverage, Rice attracted the most attention. But little of her testimony actually got out of the courtroom, and little of what did get out illuminated the political context of the government's case against former CIA officer Jeffrey Sterling.
A heavy shroud over this trial -- almost hidden by news media in plain sight -- has been context: the CIA's collusion with the Bush White House a dozen years ago, using WMD fear and fabrication to stampede the United States into making war on Iraq.
And part of the ongoing context of the Sterling case has been the Obama administration's unrelenting pursuit of Sterling for allegedly leaking classified information -- revealed in the last chapter of a book by James Risen -- about a now-15-year-old CIA operation that's far more suitable for Freedom of Information Act disclosures than criminal prosecution. The jury is weighing nine felony counts, including seven under the atrociously misapplied Espionage Act.
It was just six weeks after the invasion of Iraq when, at the end of April 2003, Rice hosted a meeting at the White House to tell representatives of the New York Times that the newspaper should not report on Operation Merlin, the CIA's ill-conceived and dangerous maneuver that had provided a flawed design for a nuclear weapon component to Iran three years earlier.
The Times management caved within a week. Only Risen's book State of War, published in January 2006, finally brought Operation Merlin to light.
Rice was in her usual smooth form at the Sterling trial. Emphatic that the CIA's Operation Merlin was hardly known to anyone, Rice testified: "This program was very closely held. It was one of the most closely held programs during my tenure." Yet the CIA manager in charge of Operation Merlin ("Bob S," who appeared at the trial behind a screen) testified that the operation was known to more than 90 people.
Helping to lay groundwork for the Iraq invasion, Rice was a key enabler for the CIA's slam-dunk mendacity about Saddam Hussein's purported weapons of mass destruction. More than a decade later, she has used the Sterling trial as an opportunity for more distortion of the historical record, as though her quash-the-Merlin-story meeting at the White House in 2003 was free of self-service.
The prosecution helped Rice settle into her stance:
Q: "Now, was the purpose of your convening this meeting out of any sort of embarrassment that it would get out that there had been a botched operation?"
RICE: "My concern in convening this meeting was that we had a very sensitive, extremely important program for the security of the country that was about to be compromised . . . That was my concern."
But one of the prosecution's main concerns, no doubt shared by Rice, had to do with insulating the trial from intrusive context -- a context that could explain why any whistleblower or journalist might want to expose and debunk Operation Merlin -- an operation targeting a supposed nuclear weapons program in Iran, a country that the Bush administration was eager to attack with the goal of regime change.
When the time came for Rice to face cross-examination, defense lawyer Barry Pollack tried to blow away some fog:
Q: "[P]reventing working nuclear weapons from falling into the hands of rogue states is one of the most important missions of your, the administration you worked for certainly -"
RICE: "Yes."
Q: "- and any other administration, correct?"
RICE: "That's correct."
Q: "And certainly counterproliferation was of great interest at this particular time, correct?"
RICE: "That's correct."
Q: "The United States had invaded Iraq the earlier month?"
PROSECUTOR OLSHAN: "Objection."
JUDGE LEONIE BRINKEMA: "Well, we've heard that before. Let's just move this along, Mr. Pollack. Sustained."
A week later, in the closing arguments, Pollack -- who noted that "the government has great lawyers" -- told the jury: "Make no mistake. This is a very important case for the government." He pointedly reminded jurors that the last chapter in Risen's book "made the CIA look bad."
Minutes later, wrapping up the prosecution's closing statement, Assistant U.S. Attorney James Trump declared: "This case is not about politics. It's not about salvaging the reputation of the CIA."
But, no matter how great the government's lawyers may be, the case of United States of America v. Jeffrey Alexander Sterling has everything to do with politics and the CIA's reputation.