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Something about 21st century warfare brings
out Washington's lust for historical comparison. The moment the combat
starts, lawmakers and the national press corps inevitably portray every
explosion, invasion, front-line dispatch, political machination and
wartime icon as momentous replicas of the past's big moments and Great
Men.
9/11 was Pearl Harbor. Colin Powell's Iraq
presentation at the United Nations was Adlai Stevenson's Cuban Missile
Crisis confrontation. Embedded journalists in Afghanistan strutted
around like the intrepid Walter Cronkite on a foreign battlefield.
George Bush was a Rooseveltian "war president." The Iraq invasion was
D-Day.
A byproduct of reporters' narcissism,
politicians' vanity and the Beltway's lockstep devotion to militarism,
this present-tense hagiography ascribes the positive attributes of
sanitized history to current events. And whether or not the analogies
are appropriate, they inevitably help sell contemporary actions-no
matter how ill-advised. As just one example: If 9/11 was Pearl Harbor,
as television so often suggested, then American couch potatoes were
bound to see "shock and awe" in Baghdad as a rational reprise of the
atomic bomb in Hiroshima.
Of course, after we were told seven years
ago that "major combat operations in Iraq have ended," and after an
historically unique conflict that has lasted longer than almost any
other, you might think the press would start questioning the
government's martial stagecraft. You might also think all the
comparisons to the past would stop. Instead, D.C. journalists and
lawmakers are now celebrating the supposed withdrawal from Iraq,
implicitly presenting the White House's August announcement as the
second coming of V-J Day.
The trouble is that the announcement is
anything but, because the war isn't even close to over. And we know that
because the military is quietly acknowledging as much.
Just beyond pundits' soaring paeans and President Obama's
history-referencing declaration of victory, the Pentagon admits "nothing
will change." That isn't a paraphrase-it's a direct quote from the
Army's chief spokesman in Iraq. It came just before a Colorado Springs
Gazette dispatch quoted another military official saying "our mission
has not changed." The article then went on to point out that "current
and scheduled deployments will resume as planned," as 50,000 soldiers
remain stationed in Iraq.
"American troops in Iraq will still go into
harm's way," notes the Brookings Institution's Kenneth Pollack.
"American pilots will still fly combat missions in support of Iraqi
ground forces, and American special forces will still face off against
Iraqi terrorist groups in high-intensity operations. ... (The United
States) will probably face casualties therein the years to come,
regardless of how we label our mission there."
The truth, in short, is clear: Despite
Washington portraying this month's Iraq announcement as another big
happy event created by Great Men, the only history that's truly germane
to this moment is the kind that may portend future misfortune.
Notice that the White House has taken to
saying that the remaining American troops are merely serving with the
Iraqi army in an "advise-and-assist" role. Notice, too, that these same
officials are now touting the Iraqification of that nation's security.
Considering this, if historical allegory
must infuse America's foreign policy discourse, shouldn't reporters be
pondering how our government deceptively employed the same "military
adviser" moniker in the disastrous Vietnam buildup? And shouldn't
elected officials remember that "Vietnamization" was the seemingly
pro-withdrawal panacea floated four blood-soaked years before U.S.
forces finally left Southeast Asia?
Sure they should-but they don't because
it's easier to pretend this is just another gauzy snippet in a
saccharine History Channel documentary. And it's not just easier-as with
most present-tense hagiography, pretending the Iraq conflict has
concluded serves a deliberate purpose: to make America forget the
altogether unglamorous consequences of permanent war.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Something about 21st century warfare brings
out Washington's lust for historical comparison. The moment the combat
starts, lawmakers and the national press corps inevitably portray every
explosion, invasion, front-line dispatch, political machination and
wartime icon as momentous replicas of the past's big moments and Great
Men.
9/11 was Pearl Harbor. Colin Powell's Iraq
presentation at the United Nations was Adlai Stevenson's Cuban Missile
Crisis confrontation. Embedded journalists in Afghanistan strutted
around like the intrepid Walter Cronkite on a foreign battlefield.
George Bush was a Rooseveltian "war president." The Iraq invasion was
D-Day.
A byproduct of reporters' narcissism,
politicians' vanity and the Beltway's lockstep devotion to militarism,
this present-tense hagiography ascribes the positive attributes of
sanitized history to current events. And whether or not the analogies
are appropriate, they inevitably help sell contemporary actions-no
matter how ill-advised. As just one example: If 9/11 was Pearl Harbor,
as television so often suggested, then American couch potatoes were
bound to see "shock and awe" in Baghdad as a rational reprise of the
atomic bomb in Hiroshima.
Of course, after we were told seven years
ago that "major combat operations in Iraq have ended," and after an
historically unique conflict that has lasted longer than almost any
other, you might think the press would start questioning the
government's martial stagecraft. You might also think all the
comparisons to the past would stop. Instead, D.C. journalists and
lawmakers are now celebrating the supposed withdrawal from Iraq,
implicitly presenting the White House's August announcement as the
second coming of V-J Day.
The trouble is that the announcement is
anything but, because the war isn't even close to over. And we know that
because the military is quietly acknowledging as much.
Just beyond pundits' soaring paeans and President Obama's
history-referencing declaration of victory, the Pentagon admits "nothing
will change." That isn't a paraphrase-it's a direct quote from the
Army's chief spokesman in Iraq. It came just before a Colorado Springs
Gazette dispatch quoted another military official saying "our mission
has not changed." The article then went on to point out that "current
and scheduled deployments will resume as planned," as 50,000 soldiers
remain stationed in Iraq.
"American troops in Iraq will still go into
harm's way," notes the Brookings Institution's Kenneth Pollack.
"American pilots will still fly combat missions in support of Iraqi
ground forces, and American special forces will still face off against
Iraqi terrorist groups in high-intensity operations. ... (The United
States) will probably face casualties therein the years to come,
regardless of how we label our mission there."
The truth, in short, is clear: Despite
Washington portraying this month's Iraq announcement as another big
happy event created by Great Men, the only history that's truly germane
to this moment is the kind that may portend future misfortune.
Notice that the White House has taken to
saying that the remaining American troops are merely serving with the
Iraqi army in an "advise-and-assist" role. Notice, too, that these same
officials are now touting the Iraqification of that nation's security.
Considering this, if historical allegory
must infuse America's foreign policy discourse, shouldn't reporters be
pondering how our government deceptively employed the same "military
adviser" moniker in the disastrous Vietnam buildup? And shouldn't
elected officials remember that "Vietnamization" was the seemingly
pro-withdrawal panacea floated four blood-soaked years before U.S.
forces finally left Southeast Asia?
Sure they should-but they don't because
it's easier to pretend this is just another gauzy snippet in a
saccharine History Channel documentary. And it's not just easier-as with
most present-tense hagiography, pretending the Iraq conflict has
concluded serves a deliberate purpose: to make America forget the
altogether unglamorous consequences of permanent war.
Something about 21st century warfare brings
out Washington's lust for historical comparison. The moment the combat
starts, lawmakers and the national press corps inevitably portray every
explosion, invasion, front-line dispatch, political machination and
wartime icon as momentous replicas of the past's big moments and Great
Men.
9/11 was Pearl Harbor. Colin Powell's Iraq
presentation at the United Nations was Adlai Stevenson's Cuban Missile
Crisis confrontation. Embedded journalists in Afghanistan strutted
around like the intrepid Walter Cronkite on a foreign battlefield.
George Bush was a Rooseveltian "war president." The Iraq invasion was
D-Day.
A byproduct of reporters' narcissism,
politicians' vanity and the Beltway's lockstep devotion to militarism,
this present-tense hagiography ascribes the positive attributes of
sanitized history to current events. And whether or not the analogies
are appropriate, they inevitably help sell contemporary actions-no
matter how ill-advised. As just one example: If 9/11 was Pearl Harbor,
as television so often suggested, then American couch potatoes were
bound to see "shock and awe" in Baghdad as a rational reprise of the
atomic bomb in Hiroshima.
Of course, after we were told seven years
ago that "major combat operations in Iraq have ended," and after an
historically unique conflict that has lasted longer than almost any
other, you might think the press would start questioning the
government's martial stagecraft. You might also think all the
comparisons to the past would stop. Instead, D.C. journalists and
lawmakers are now celebrating the supposed withdrawal from Iraq,
implicitly presenting the White House's August announcement as the
second coming of V-J Day.
The trouble is that the announcement is
anything but, because the war isn't even close to over. And we know that
because the military is quietly acknowledging as much.
Just beyond pundits' soaring paeans and President Obama's
history-referencing declaration of victory, the Pentagon admits "nothing
will change." That isn't a paraphrase-it's a direct quote from the
Army's chief spokesman in Iraq. It came just before a Colorado Springs
Gazette dispatch quoted another military official saying "our mission
has not changed." The article then went on to point out that "current
and scheduled deployments will resume as planned," as 50,000 soldiers
remain stationed in Iraq.
"American troops in Iraq will still go into
harm's way," notes the Brookings Institution's Kenneth Pollack.
"American pilots will still fly combat missions in support of Iraqi
ground forces, and American special forces will still face off against
Iraqi terrorist groups in high-intensity operations. ... (The United
States) will probably face casualties therein the years to come,
regardless of how we label our mission there."
The truth, in short, is clear: Despite
Washington portraying this month's Iraq announcement as another big
happy event created by Great Men, the only history that's truly germane
to this moment is the kind that may portend future misfortune.
Notice that the White House has taken to
saying that the remaining American troops are merely serving with the
Iraqi army in an "advise-and-assist" role. Notice, too, that these same
officials are now touting the Iraqification of that nation's security.
Considering this, if historical allegory
must infuse America's foreign policy discourse, shouldn't reporters be
pondering how our government deceptively employed the same "military
adviser" moniker in the disastrous Vietnam buildup? And shouldn't
elected officials remember that "Vietnamization" was the seemingly
pro-withdrawal panacea floated four blood-soaked years before U.S.
forces finally left Southeast Asia?
Sure they should-but they don't because
it's easier to pretend this is just another gauzy snippet in a
saccharine History Channel documentary. And it's not just easier-as with
most present-tense hagiography, pretending the Iraq conflict has
concluded serves a deliberate purpose: to make America forget the
altogether unglamorous consequences of permanent war.