

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
Corporate CEO paychecks continuing to go gangbusters while the corporations these execs run are—at best—just treading water.
Every day’s headlines now seem to bombard us with ever more outrageous Trumpian antics. Who could have possibly imagined, for instance, that a president of the United States would turn the White House lawn into a Tesla auto showroom?
But these antics actually do serve a useful social and political purpose—for President Donald Trump’s fellow deep pockets and the corporations they run. Trump’s kleptocratic arrogance and audacity have shoved the institutionalized thievery of Corporate America’s ever-grasping top execs off into the shadows.
Those shadows could hardly be more welcome. American corporate executive compensation, as the business journal Fortune has just detailed, is now “surging amid a roaring bonus rebound.”
Heads CEOs win, in other words, tails they never lose.
One example: Tyson Foods CEO Donnie King has seen his annual executive rewards leap from $13 million in 2023 to $22.7 million in 2024. To keep King smiling, Tyson’s board of directors has also extended his CEO contract into 2027 and guaranteed him “a post-employment perk that includes 75 hours of personal use of the company jet as long as he sticks around on the board.”
And what in the way of wonders has Tyson’s King been working to earn all this? Not much, concludes a new Compensation Advisory Partners analysis. Anyone who had $100 invested in Tyson shares at the end of fiscal 2019 today holds a nest egg worth just $80.54. Tyson’s most typical workers aren’t doing particularly well either. They took home $43,417 in 2024, 525 times less than the annual compensation that CEO Donnie King pocketed.
Over at Moderna, Big Pharma’s newest big kid on the corporate block, chief exec Stéphane Bancel saw his 2024 annual pay jump 16.4% over his 2023 compensation despite a 53% drop in Moderna’s annual revenue.
Back in 2022, at Covid-19’s height, Bancel personally collected over $392 million exercising stacks of the stock options he had been sitting upon. Between that year’s start and 2024’s close, Moderna shares plummeted from just under $254 each to under $42.
Moderna’s transition to our post-Covid world, the Moderna board acknowledges, has been “more complex than anticipated.” That complexity, the board apparently believes, in no way justifies denying Bancel his rightful place among Big Pharma’s top-earning CEOs. Bancel’s near $20-million 2024 payday is keeping him well within hailing distance of all his Big Pharma peers.
How can corporate CEO paychecks be continuing to go gangbusters while the corporations these execs run are—at best—just treading water? Lauren Peek, a partner at Compensation Advisory Partners and a co-author of the firm’s latest CEO pay analysis, has an explanation.
Corporate board compensation committees, Peek observes, want to keep their top execs adequately incentivized. These board panels simply cannot bear the sight of their CEOs getting down in the dumps. So what do these panels do? They exclude from their final CEO pay decisions any negative economic factors that CEOs can’t directly determine. But these same corporate panels never take into account unexpected positive economic factors that their CEOs had no hand in creating.
Heads CEOs win, in other words, tails they never lose.
Among those winners: Disney chief exec Robert Iger. His 2024 total pay jumped to $41 million, up nearly $10 million from his 2023 compensation. Disney’s total shareholder return, over that same year, didn’t even reach halfway up the total return that Disney’s peer companies recorded.
Disney hardly rates as an outlier among the 50 major publicly traded corporations that the recently released Compensation Advisory Partners report puts under the microscope. The median revenue growth of these 50 firms dropped to 1.6% in 2024, less than half their 2023 rate. Their earnings remained virtually flat as well. But their CEO compensation climbed an average 9%.
“With financial performance largely flat across these early Fortune 500 filers,” notes an HR Grapevine analysis of the Compensation Advisory Partners findings, “board-level decisions to maintain or raise executive bonuses may prompt further scrutiny from investors and stakeholders alike.”
“For ‘shop-floor’ employees,” adds the HR Grapevine, “news of CEO wage hikes despite average financial performances will undoubtedly prompt a good deal of rumination about their own levels of compensation.”
Equilar, an information services firm specializing in corporate pay, has also been busy analyzing the latest trends in CEO remuneration. Equilar’s latest look at corner-office compensation has found that median CEO pay within the corporations that make up the Equilar 500 jumped up from $12 million in 2020 to $16.5 million last year.
CEO-worker pay gaps have increased even more significantly. At the median Equilar 500 corporation, CEOs pocketed 186.5 times the pay of their most typical workers in 2020 and 306 times that pay in 2024. At America’s larger corporations—those companies sitting at the 75th percentile of the Equilar 500—CEOs made 307.5 times their typical worker pay in 2020 and last year collected 527 times more.
A key driver of this ever-widening CEO-worker pay gap? The sinking compensation going to typical corporate workers, as Equilar’s Joyce Chen concluded last week in an analysis for the Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance. These median workers took home $66,321 in 2020, but just $57,299 last year.
But top execs aren’t just shortchanging workers at pay-time. They’re also pressuring those workers to squeeze and defraud clients and customers at every opportunity, as former Wells Fargo bank manager and investigator Kieran Cuadras has just vividly detailed.
Nearly a decade ago, Cuadras relates, a mammoth phony accounts scandal at Wells Fargo led to fines totaling $20 million against the bank’s then-CEO John Stumpf. But those fines, she points out, hardly made a dent in the estimated $130 million that Stumpf “walked away with in compensation when he resigned.”
Wells Fargo’s current CEO, Charles Scharf, appears to be doing his best to follow in Stumpf’s footsteps. Scharf’s gutted risk and complaint departments are cutting corners “to create the illusion of fewer complaints.” The reality: Those departments are closing complaint cases prematurely. In 2024, these and other sneaky moves helped Scharf pocket a sweet $31.2 million .
Our nation’s political leaders, says Wells Fargo employee and customer advocate Kieran Cuadras, need “to step up and do something about a CEO pay system that rewards executives with obscenely large paychecks for practices that harm workers and the broader economy.”
Where to start that stepping up? Lawmakers ought to be levying new taxes on corporations “with huge gaps between their CEO and worker pay,” Cuadras posits, and increasing an already existing tax on stock buybacks.
Moves like these, she astutely sums up, “would encourage companies to focus on long-term prosperity and stability rather than simply making wealthy executives and shareholders even richer.”
One promising possible consequence that U.S. lawmakers could pursue is a tax hike on corporations that pay their CEOs at 50 times or more than what they pay their most typical employees.
Some 87% of Americans, polling tells us, consider today’s growing gap between U.S. CEO and worker pay a serious cause for national concern.
That gap has become a cause for global concern as well. CEO-worker pay gaps in the United States, as data in a new Altrata report make clear, are essentially cementing in place our world’s current “colossal” maldistribution of income and wealth.
In the decade ahead, the Altrata report forecasts, more than a quarter of the world’s wealthy worth at least $5 million will be passing on “almost $31 trillion” to their nearest and dearest. Some 64% of that $31 trillion will be coming from the world’s richest of the rich, those “ultra wealthy” deep pockets individually worth over $30 million.
We need more than disclosure, posit advocates for fairer corporate compensation. We need consequences.
Corporate executives, Altrata calculates, will make up over 71% of those global “ultra wealthy.” Another 21% of these ultras will be entrepreneurs who either founded or co-founded their own business empires. And nearly half of all these corporate execs and entrepreneurs, add Altrata’s researchers, will be deep-pocketed souls who call the United States home, “a testament” to America’s continuing status as the nation with by far the “world’s largest” population of ultra wealthy.
In other words, the world will see over the next 10 years “the transfer of a staggering level of wealth,” and American top corporate execs will be sitting right in the center of that transfer. The billions these execs have amassed since the early 1980s—the years when CEO pay started soaring—will be vastly expanding the ranks of those who hold massive amounts of inherited wealth.
None of this, of course, should come as much of a surprise. CEO pay levels in the United States have now been making headlines for well over four decades. And this year those executive pay stats are showing what The New York Times has dubbed a “new wrinkle.”
Over the past half-dozen years, under the authority of the 2010 Dodd-Frank Act, the federal Securities and Exchange Commission has been requiring publicly traded corporations to annually disclose the ratio of their CEO pay to their median employee pay. The value of the stock rewards in that CEO pay has up until now reflected the share value of those stock rewards when the CEOs received them.
Share values can, of course, increase substantially over time. The original SEC pay-ratio regulations didn’t require corporations to figure those increased stock values into their CEO-worker pay ratios. The new SEC rules do require companies to “disclose how much CEO stock holdings increase when the market rises.”
The difference between the original and “new wrinkle” approaches can be substantial.
Under the original approach, America’s 10 most highly paid CEOs last year collected between 510 and 3,769 times what their company’s most typical employee earned, with the year’s top-paid chief exec collecting $199 million.
Under the SEC’s “new wrinkle” accounting approach, all the 10 highest-paid U.S. chief execs in 2023 saw their compensation run over $199 million, with 4 of the top 10, analysts at Equilar calculate, making over $600 million and two more making over $300 million.
By either calculation, of course, contemporary U.S. CEOs are making fantastically more than their CEO counterparts back in the middle of the 20th century. In the 1960s, the Economic Policy Institute has pointed out, chief execs at major U.S. corporations seldom pocketed much more than 20 times the pay that went to their workers. Since then, the CEO-worker pay gap has quadrupled—and then quadrupled again.
The “new wrinkle” approach the SEC has added into the annual pay disclosure mix aims to give the American public a more accurate sense of just how outrageously wide the CEO-worker pay gap now stretches. The new numbers, disclosure advocates seem to believe, will do a better job of shaming corporate boards into more compensation common sense.
The original SEC approach to disclosure certainly didn’t do much shaming. Corporations that have disclosed their CEO-worker pay ratios under that original approach have not seen “any significant change in the level of CEO pay,” notes the University of Colorado business school’s Bryce Schonberger, a co-author of a recent chief executive pay study.
But the “new wrinkle” approach, unfortunately, doesn’t seem at all likely to produce much “significant change” either. We need more than disclosure, posit advocates for fairer corporate compensation. We need consequences. What might those consequences be? Some of the nation’s top CEO pay experts explored that question earlier this week at the U.S. Senate Budget Committee’s first-ever hearing on executive pay overreach.
Among the witnesses: Sarah Anderson, the Institute For Policy Studies Global Economy Program director. One national poll last month, Anderson told the Senate panel, asked likely voters about a promising possible consequence that lawmakers could pursue: a tax hike on corporations that pay their CEOs at 50 times or more than what they pay their most typical employees.
Some 80% of those polled, noted Anderson, supported that idea, “including large majorities in every political group.”
Taxes on corporations with outrageously wide CEO-worker pay differentials, Anderson added, give corporations with huge internal pay disparities two basic choices: either narrow their pay gaps or face a bigger IRS bill at tax time.
“A company where half of employees earn less than $60,000, for instance, would have to limit CEO compensation to no more than $3 million or raise worker pay to avoid higher taxes,” Anderson explained in her testimony. “In 2022, average S&P 500 CEO pay hit $16.7 million.”
Could moves like taxing corporations that pay their top execs far more than their workers gain any traction in Congress? Maybe. Some lawmakers already back that notion. Count the chair of the Senate Budget Committee, Rhode Island’s Sheldon Whitehouse, as one of those lawmakers.
“Our tax code is corrupted and rotten, turned upside down for special interests,” the senator charged at his panel’s June 12 hearing.
What can we do about that corruption? Whitehouse advanced a number of fixes. Among them: Raise taxes on “companies that pay their CEOs more than 50 times what they pay their average worker.”
"It's an order of magnitude more egregious than the most egregious ever dared to ask for," an expert said of the pay package. The vote comes after Tesla fired thousands of workers.
Tesla shareholders on Thursday approved a pay package for CEO Elon Musk worth more than $45 billion while rejecting a pro-union measure that sought to prevent the company from interfering with worker organizing.
The shareholder vote on Musk's pay package, the exact value of which fluctuates with the company's share price, was a response to a January court ruling that voided the package because the Tesla board that had issued it had too many personal and financial ties to Musk. The CEO's supporters expect the vote to strengthen his legal case for the money.
The unsuccessful pro-union proposal, which would have required the company to respect workers' right to assemble, had been brought by Scandinavian investors acting in solidarity with Tesla mechanics in Sweden who've been on strike since October. Tesla pays less than other carmakers and Musk has been openly anti-union, even saying that he disagrees with the idea of unions.
The shareholder votes came after the company fired 14,000 workers—more than 10% of its global staff—in April and then made further cuts shortly thereafter. More Perfect Union, a nonprofit newsroom, drew attention to the layoffs in reacting to news of the shareholder votes.
Calling the pay package "outrageous," the newsroom wrote on social media that "the vote allows Musk to further enrich himself, even as Tesla falters as a company and fires thousands of workers."
BREAKING: Tesla shareholders just voted to give Elon Musk $56 billion.
This outrageous pay package is over $55 billion more than the CEO of Google gets.
The vote allows Musk to further enrich himself, even as Tesla falters as a company and fires thousands of workers.
— More Perfect Union (@MorePerfectUS) June 13, 2024
Other organizations also voiced their disapproval at the size of Musk's pay package.
"It's an order of magnitude more egregious than the most egregious ever dared to ask for," Andrew Behar, CEO of As You Sow, a shareholder advocacy nonprofit, said of the pay package, The Christian Science Monitor reported on Thursday.
The $45 billion pay package would come in the form of Tesla stock, taking Musk's ownership stake in the company from about 13% to roughly 20.5%, The New York Times reported.
"Working class people with pensions invested in Tesla could pay for the richest man on Earth to get even richer," More Perfect Union wrote on social media last week.
Musk's contempt for unions is not just rhetorical: He is making a push in the courts to defang the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), an effort that would "gut" fundamental New Deal workers' rights legislation, according to The Nation.
At a plant in Buffalo, Tesla management fired dozens of workers last year after one of them informed Musk of plans to organize a union. Last month, the NLRB filed a complaint against Tesla for interfering with union organizing at the Buffalo plant.
There's a strong union tradition in Scandinavia, where many workers from other sectors have acted in solidarity with the striking mechanics. "Postal workers refused to deliver license plates for Tesla cars, dockers to unload Teslas from ships, and cleaners to scrub the firm’s showrooms," The Economist reported.
Union leaders see the strike as a way of preserving the "Swedish Model" that has undergirded the country's relative high quality of life and shared prosperity for decades. But organized labor is not yet as strong in emerging green industries, leading to concerns about low wages and meager benefits, the Times reported.
Thursday's shareholder votes for the pay package and against the pro-union proposal were both lopsided, a U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission filing showed, indicating strong support for Musk's agenda.
In another Musk-influenced vote, shareholders agreed to move the Tesla's corporate registration to from Delaware to Texas—an effort to avoid the Delaware court system, which Musk believes has treated the company unfairly. The pay package case will remain in Delaware courts.
Why not press for legislation that denies nonprofit status—and the tax breaks that come with it—to nonprofits that pay their top execs at any rate over 20-to-1?
How rich have America’s super rich become? The annual compensation of Steve Schwarzman, the chief exec of the private-equity colossus Blackstone Inc., offers up one telling yardstick.
In 2023, we learned earlier this year, Schwarzman’s take-home actually fell some 30% off what he collected the year before. But Schwarzman’s overall payday for that year, even after that tanking, still amounted to a jaw-dropping $896.7 million.
The current personal net worth of Blackstone’s CEO? The Bloomberg Billionaires Index puts that figure at a sweet $42.3 billion.
Schwarzman’s current political net worth? That remains to be seen. In the 2020 presidential election cycle, this Wall Street titan spent over $27 million on donations to his favorite office-seekers, over five times what he spent in the 2016 election cycle. Since 2020, Schwarzman’s personal fortune—what he has available to shower down on his election-day favorites—has more than doubled.
Many of our nonprofit sector’s chiefs—the top execs at major hospitals, universities, and foundations, for instance—are today taking home handsome rewards that dwarf the paychecks of their employees.
The total wealth of billionaires worldwide, over that same span, has more than tripled, from $76 to $233 billion, according to just-published Forbes data. Four years ago, Forbes counted more billionaires in the United States—614—than in any other nation. Today, the latest Forbes tally tells us, some 813 billionaires call the USA home.
These billionaires—and the mere centi-millionaires so yearning for billionaire status—aren’t just prospering. They’re exerting an unmatched influence on our politics and our future.
Americans of modest means, back in the early 1900s, confronted an eerily similar political situation. They would come to understood, as the great U.S. Supreme Justice Louis Brandeis once put it, that “we can have democracy in this country or we can have great wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can’t have both.” They did their best to de-concentrate the nation’s wealth—and made some serious progress.
By the middle of the 20th century, thanks to that progress, America’s richest were facing a 91% federal tax on their income over $400,000, the equivalent of about $4.6 million today. Until 1980, those same rich also faced tax rates as high as 70% on the fortunes they willed at their deaths to their dearly beloveds.
Tax rates that stiff have all evaporated over the past half-century. America’s 400 richest today, analysts at the Biden White House have calculated, have of late been paying a minuscule 8.2% of their annual actual incomes in federal taxes.
How can we turn that 8.2% into something more like 82%? How can we start taxing the kingpins of the profiteering private sector at the same sort of high rates that helped the mid-20th-century United States give birth to history’s first mass middle class?
Maybe we need to start by focusing on the kingpins of the nonprofit sector.
No one in this nonprofit sector is, to be sure, currently pulling down anything close to the annual tens of millions now filling the pockets of our nation’s top corporate and financial execs. But many of our nonprofit sector’s chiefs—the top execs at major hospitals, universities, and foundations, for instance—are today taking home handsome rewards that dwarf the paychecks of their employees.
This past March, The Chronicle of Philanthropy took a look at annual chief executive compensation at 16 of America’s largest foundations. CEOs at these 16 nonprofit giants averaged $1.1 million.
On U.S. campuses, The Chronicle of Higher Education added earlier this year, top executive pay can run considerably higher than the compensation we see in foundation land. In 2021, the most recent year with data, some 21 presidents of private colleges and universities pocketed over $2 million.
That same year, the U.S. Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions reports, the top executives at 16 of America’s largest healthcare nonprofits “averaged more than $8 million in compensation” and took home over a combined $140 million.
The nonprofits that are shelling out all these hefty rewards, let’s keep in mind, are simultaneously enjoying assorted exemptions from federal, state, and local taxes. In other words, average American taxpayers are subsidizing the hefty compensation of America’s top nonprofit execs.
And that doesn’t sit too well with growing numbers of Americans working both inside and outside of our nation’s nonprofits. In Los Angeles, trade union activists in the hospital industry have been pushing for a local ordinance that would cap hospital executive pay at $450,000, the current take-home with expenses of the president of the United States.
“The primary concern of our major health providers,” the SEIU-United Healthcare Workers West union notes, “should be serving the community, not enriching individuals.”
But plenty of that enriching is going on, and not just in big cities like Los Angeles. In 2022, the CEO of Indiana’s largest nonprofit hospital-chain collected just over $4 million in compensation. That same nonprofit’s chief operating officer came up less than $1,000 shy of $2 million, and its chief financial officer made just over $1.5 million.
Nationally, observes the Lown Institute healthcare think tank, nonprofit hospital CEOs are regularly making “as much as 60 times” more than workers at the nonprofits they manage.
How wide should that gap run? The world-renowned founder of modern management science, Peter Drucker, once told the federal Securities and Exchange Commission that no top execs should be making more than 20 times what they pay their workers.
“I have often advised managers that a 20-to-1 salary ratio,” Drucker noted, “is the limit beyond which they cannot go if they don’t want resentment and falling morale to hit their companies.”
Earlier this year, U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders from Vermont joined a group of other lawmakers that included Maryland’s Chris Van Hollen and California’s Barbara Lee to introduce the latest federal legislative effort to translate Drucker’s wisdom into public policy. Their proposed “Tax Excessive CEO Pay Act” would raise tax rates on corporations with CEO-to-median worker pay ratios above 50 to 1.
“The American people are sick and tired of CEOs making nearly 350 times more than their average employees,” Senator Sanders opined at the bill’s unveiling, “while over 60% of Americans live paycheck to paycheck.”
This Sanders legislation has no chance of passage, of course, at our current historical moment. Our corporate big guns simply wield too much power on our contemporary political stage.
Our nonprofit world’s big guns, meanwhile, do have political clout as well, but not nearly as much as their corporate counterparts. So why not start focusing much more of our CEO-worker pay ratio fire on the nonprofit sector? Why not press for legislation that denies nonprofit status—and the tax breaks that come with it—to nonprofits that pay their top execs at any rate over Peter Drucker’s 20-times ratio?
Successful moves in that direction would send a powerful message: that our tax system should in no way reward enterprises that pay their execs unconscionably more than what they pay their workers.
That message, in turn, could lead to legislation that denies government contracts and subsidies to profit-making enterprises that lavish rewards on their chiefs at the expense of decent compensation for their mere employees.
Where could all this lead? Maybe to a tax code that subjects all income over a modest multiple of the minimum wage to at least the 91% tax on top-bracket income dollars in effect throughout the Eisenhower years. Taxing away income above that multiple would, in turn, help lock into place a much more equal America.
Could winning limits on nonprofit executive compensation actually set us on a path to reach that much more equal future? Any journey of a thousand miles, let’s never forget, always begins with a single simple step.
Corporate tax dodging deprives the nation of billions of dollars in revenue while exorbitant executive pay siphons money from worker wages, R&D, and other productive investments to support a strong economy.
Want to know just how bad the problems of corporate tax dodging and excessive executive pay have gotten?
In a new report, the Institute for Policy Studies and Americans for Tax Fairness analyze executive pay data for some of the country’s most notorious corporate tax dodgers over the period 2018-22. What did we find? Thirty-five of these firms actually paid less in federal income taxes than they paid their top five executives—despite reporting strong profits.
This chart looks at the 10 firms in that group of 35 that shelled out the most in executive compensation. As you can see, they include many household names, such as Tesla, T-Mobile, Netflix, and Ford.
Big corporations have used their enormous economic and political power to push Congress to slash rates and blow huge loopholes in our tax code. They get to fleece Uncle Sam, and the rest of us get stuck with the bill.
According to Americans for Tax Fairness analysis of Bureau of Economic Analysis data, the effective corporate tax rate—what firms actually pay as a percentage of their earnings—in the middle of the last century was around 50% to 54% when including state and local taxes as well. As of 2022, the corporate rate was just 17%.
Another damning indicator of our broken corporate tax system: the disconnect between profits and tax revenue. For decades, corporate profits as a share of the economy have been generally rising. Higher profits should lead to higher tax revenue, but they have not. Instead, according to Bureau of Economic Analysis data, the gap between U.S. corporate profits and corporate taxes as a share of GDP doubled between 1980 and 2022.
CEOs have a personal incentive for hiring armies of lobbyists to push for corporate tax cuts. Why? Because the windfalls from those cuts often wind up in their own pockets. It’s hardly surprising that as corporate contributions to federal tax revenue have plummeted, CEO pay has skyrocketed, leaving typical worker pay far behind.
According to Institute for Policy Studies analysis of Office of Management and Budget and Economic Policy Institute data, when corporate taxes made up 21.8% of all federal revenue in 1965, the average CEO-to-median worker pay ratio was 21 to 1. By 2022, corporate tax receipts had fallen to just 8.7% of federal revenue and the average pay ratio had risen to 344 to 1.
In the immediate aftermath of the 2017 tax law, America’s largest corporations used windfalls from this legislation to boost executive paychecks through a record-breaking stock buyback spree. Stock buybacks artificially inflate the value of a company’s shares–and the value of the stock-based pay that makes up the bulk of executive compensation packages.
In 2018, the first year of the Trump-GOP tax cuts, S&P 500 firms plowed $806 billion into stock buybacks, a massive jump from $519 billion in 2017. And buyback spending has stayed sky-high every year except the first year of the pandemic.
Ordinary Americans are getting cheated twice. Corporate tax dodging deprives the nation of billions of dollars in revenue that could be used to improve public infrastructure and services. At the same time, exorbitant executive pay siphons money from worker wages, R&D, and other productive investments to support a strong economy.
See our full report for ideas on how to make corporations pay their fair share of taxes. The Institute for Policy Studies has also co-published with the Congressional Progressive Caucus Center a summary of practical proposals for reining in CEO pay, from tax and contracting reforms to stronger regulations on stock buybacks and Wall Street bonuses.
Until we fix our tax and executive pay systems, we’ll never have an economy that works for all of us.
Between January 1, 2020, and May of this year, the 100 S&P 500 corporations with the lowest median worker pay reported a combined $341 billion in stock buyback spending.
In response to strikes and union organizing drives, corporate leaders routinely insist that they simply lack the wherewithal to raise employee pay. And yet top executives seem to have little trouble finding resources for enriching themselves and wealthy shareholders.
In 2021 and 2022, S&P 500 corporations spent record sums on stock buybacks, a maneuver that pumps up stock prices by reducing the supply on the open market. Since stock-based pay makes up the bulk of executive compensation, CEOs reap huge—and completely undeserved—windfalls.
CEOs could watch cat videos all day and still reap huge windfalls through stock buybacks.

A new Institute for Policy Studies report, Executive Excess 2023, reveals how these financial shenanigans have widened disparities at the 100 S&P 500 corporations with the lowest median worker pay, a group we’ve dubbed the “Low-Wage 100.”
Between January 1, 2020, and May of this year, these companies reported a combined $341 billion in stock buyback spending.
Lowe’s led the buybacks list, plowing nearly $35 billion into share repurchases over the past three and a half years. In 2022 alone, Lowe’s spent more than $14 billion on buybacks—enough to give every one of its 301,000 U.S. employees a $46,923 bonus.
The idea that the person in the corner office is hundreds of times more valuable than other employees is a myth—even if that person is not just watching cat videos.
I’m guessing rank-and-file Lowe’s employees, half of whom make less than $30,000 per year, could find more productive uses for that money.
During their stock buyback spree, Low-Wage 100 CEOs’ personal stock holdings increased more than three times as fast as their firms’ median worker pay. At the 65 buyback companies where the same person held the top job between 2019 and 2022, the Low-Wage 100 CEOs’ personal stock holdings soared 33% to an average of $184.7 million. Median pay at these firms rose only 10% to an average of $31,972.
FedEx founder and CEO Frederick Smith has the largest stockpile in the Low-Wage 100. With $3.6 billion in stock buybacks since January 2020, Smith’s personal stock holdings have grown 65% to more than $5 billion. By contrast, median pay for workers at the notoriously anti-union company fell by 20% to $39,177 during this period.
What makes all this even more upsetting? Taxpayers are actually supporting, through federal contracts, the buyback-fueled disparities at FedEx and 50 other Low-Wage 100 firms.
FedEx pocketed $6.2 billion in fiscal years 2020-2023 for mail services for the Veterans Administration and other agencies. The largest federal contractor in the Low-Wage 100 is another company known for union-busting—Amazon. Over the past few years, Amazon has pocketed more than $10 billion in web services deals from Uncle Sam while spending nearly $6 billion repurchasing their shares.
Fortunately, support is growing for solutions to our CEO pay problem.
Before 1982, stock buybacks were viewed as market manipulation and largely banned. President Joe Biden hasn’t yet called for reinstating that ban, but he did rail against buybacks in his State of the Union address this year and called for quadrupling a new 1% excise tax on share repurchases.
The Biden administration is also starting to use federal money going to corporations as a lever for change. In an important first step, the administration is giving preferential treatment in the awarding of new semiconductor manufacturing subsidies to companies that agree to give up buybacks. Now they should extend that policy to all corporations receiving taxpayer money.
Buybacks are not the only trick CEOs can use to inflate their own paychecks. Over my decades of research, I’ve documented how corporate leaders have used myriad shady means to hit personal jackpots, from cooking the books and moving executive bonus goalposts to creating housing bubbles and other reckless financial schemes.
To tackle this systemic problem, policymakers need to go bolder. Executive Excess 2023 offers an extensive menu of CEO pay reforms. One of the most innovative: tax penalties for companies with huge CEO-worker pay gaps. Two major cities—San Francisco and Portland, Oregon—are already generating significant revenue through such taxes. Seattle is now considering a similar approach.
The idea that the person in the corner office is hundreds of times more valuable than other employees is a myth—even if that person is not just watching cat videos. All employees contribute to the profits of a corporation, and our economy would be far healthier if the fruits of our labor were more equitably shared.
Analysts across the political spectrum challenge massive paychecks of corporate chiefs—and whether companies can survive without them.
Do our corporate CEOs deserve all those millions they annually pocket? Can a modern economy somehow survive without the “incentive” these megamillions provide? Do we, in effect, need our top corporate bosses pocketing more in a day than their workers can take home in a year?
We’ve been asking—as a society—questions like these ever since CEO paychecks started soaring in the late 1970s. Back in the 1960s, America’s CEOs averaged about 20 times what their workers were taking home. Today’s CEOs, analysts at the Economic Policy Institute detailed last October, routinely pocket 400 times and more what their workers are making.
In 2022, adds a recently released AFL-CIO Executive Paywatch report, CEOs at S&P 500 companies averaged $16.7 million in total compensation, their second-highest pay level ever, at the same time U.S. worker real hourly wages were falling for the second year in a row.
Jumbo executive take-homes, as an Inequality.org guide to academic research on CEO pay helps us see, continue to breed organizational dysfunction. “Pay for performance” jackpots essentially give top execs a never-ending incentive to pump up profits by any means necessary. Instead of making investments that can help workforces become more productive, execs are simply doing whatever they can to inflate their share prices—and enrich themselves in the process.
Between 1947 and 1999, nonfinancial U.S. companies shelled out an average 19.6% of their operating cashflow to shareholders, notes economist Andrew Smithers. The second half of that half-century saw stock options become an ever more dominant source of corporate CEO compensation. The 21st-century result? Between 2000 and 2017, the Smithers research finds, the average corporate cashflow to shareholders more than doubled to 40.7%.
Other analyses focus on the psychological consequences of huge pay gaps between workers and top execs. At corporations with these wide gaps, S&P 500 analyst Scott Chan’s research suggests, “the big boss regards employees as tools, not as valued team members.” Wide pay gaps create work environments, Chan adds, where employees “don’t feel valued and so don’t do their best.”
“We think in particular,” as the chief of Norway’s $1.3 trillion sovereign wealth investment fund told Bloomberg TV earlier this year, that “in the U.S. the corporate greed has just gone too far.”
But that executive greed—despite the spotlight on it—seems as entrenched as ever. And that reality has some analysts going beyond attacking how much our corporate chiefs execs make. These critics are increasingly wondering whether we need these chiefs at all.
This “bossless narrative,” the University of Manchester Business School’s Matthew McCaffrey writes in a forthcoming issue of the Journal of Entrepreneurship and Public Policy, has actually been around for generations and, in the 19th century, helped nurture the cooperative movement. This narrative has become “especially popular over the last thirty years,” with a “growing literature seeking to understand the unique strengths and weaknesses of bossless organization.”
“Bosslessness” can come in a variety of shapes and sizes. At the more modest end, enterprises can move in a bossless direction by eliminating management levels and “delayering” their operations. More ambitious “flattening” efforts, McCaffrey relates, can replace “traditional managerial authority” with “self-organizing teams” that “choose their own projects” and decide—democratically—the tasks their firm will pursue.
Flatter companies, McCaffery believes, “can and do succeed in the right circumstances,” and he sees his own new scholarly work as an exploratory attempt to identify those circumstances that can “encourage experimentation with bossless models.” These circumstances, he notes, can vary. In stagnating industries, for instance, “reducing management hierarchy may be the only viable strategy” for firms with “increasingly slim” profit margins.
Moves that governments make, McCaffery points out, can also “make bossless firms more feasible than they would be under conditions of no intervention.” The world’s most famous cooperative network, Spain’s Mondragon, rests on a credit union operation that made funds available to emerging new co-ops. Spanish law allowed this Mondragon credit union to pay “slightly higher interest” rates than banks, a policy that encouraged savers to use it.
Another example comes from the Netherlands where the Dutch company Buurtzorg Nederland revolves around “teams of self-organizing nurses to provide home health care across the country.” This 17-year-old company has taken advantage of “the bureaucratization and inefficiency of many Dutch healthcare companies” that McCaffery, a fellow at the libertarian Mises Institute, chalks up to the Dutch government’s regulation of the healthcare industry.
McCaffery, as this example illustrates, comes at the study of organizational “flatness” from a distinctly non-left, “free market” perspective. But his interest in “low- or no-hierarchy organizations” bodes well for attempts to create alternatives to corporations that essentially exist to “manufacture” mega-rich CEOs.
The emerging “debate about the bossless company,” McCaffery concludes, reflects a growing public skepticism “about the value of managers and hierarchies as such.” This skepticism, he adds, “involves questioning essential principles of economics and management that can justly be said to underpin much of what goes on in the global economy.”
Analyzing—and changing—that “what goes on” may well bring together some strange political bedfellows.
"Corporate greed is out of control," said consumer watchdog Public Citizen.
As workers in a range of industries across the United States demanded fair pay and benefits last year—and in several cases, were forced to strike as companies refused to meet those demands—median compensation for the top chief executives rose to a record-breaking $22.3 million.
The executive compensation research firm Equilar released its annual findings on CEO pay in 2022 Wednesday, showing the 100 highest-paid CEOs of companies with a revenue of $1 billion or more made 7.7% more than in 2021, driven largely by huge stock awards.
Corporations have blamed inflation for higher prices on goods and services, but the supposed financial burden caused by the rising consumer price index has not forced executives to take pay cuts, the study shows—bolstering earlier analysis that has shown companies have used inflation as an excuse to unnecessarily raise prices and have pocketed the increased profits.
With the average U.S. private sector employee earning $1,132 per week last year—up only 3.6% from 2021—the median CEO-to-worker pay ratio rose to 288-to-1. The ratio was 254-to-1 the previous year, an astronomical rise from its level in 1965, when CEOs earned 20 times more than their employees on average.
The Federal Reserve, which on Wednesday raised interest rates for the 10th time to fight the current trend of rising inflation—a tactic that can lead to job losses—has in recent months pushed companies to "get wages down" for workers, even as average pay for workers has remained relatively stagnant and CEO compensation has skyrocketed.
"Just to catch up with what their CEO made in 2018 alone, it would take the typical worker 158 years," said economist and former Labor Secretary Robert Reich in a video he released about CEO pay on Monday.
Median stock awards for executives went up 20% to $13.8 million last year, allowing CEOs who make headlines by taking low salaries to rake in record-breaking compensation nonetheless.
Hamid Moghadam, chief executive of logistics real estate company Prologis, is among the U.S. CEOs who officially take home a salary of just $1 per year, but his stock awards drove his total compensation up to $48.2 million last year—an increase of 94% over 2021.
Richard Handler, CEO of the investment back Jefferies Group, nearly doubled his 2021 compensation thanks to a one-time "leadership continuity grant" of stock awards that was approved by only 59% of his company's shareholders. The grant amounted to $25 million and his total compensation was $56.9 million.
On Tuesday, as television writers represented by the Writers Guild of America went on strike due to their inflation-adjusted pay declining by 23% over the past decade, consumer rights watchdog Public Citizen noted that studio executives made hundreds of millions annually in recent years.
" Corporate greed is out of control," said the group.
"Public outrage over these extreme pay gaps is now so high that a majority of Americans across the political spectrum favor a cap on CEO pay relative to worker pay."
The typical CEO of a major U.S. corporation has to work fewer than seven hours to make the amount of money that the average worker earns in an entire year, according to a new analysis by Sarah Anderson of the Institute for Policy Studies.
Anderson, an expert on executive compensation, wrote Friday that "if the typical CEO of a large U.S. corporation clocks in at 9:00 am on January 2, by 3:37 pm that afternoon he'll have earned $58,260—the average annual salary for all U.S. occupations."
The new analysis spotlights the growing chasm between typical worker pay and CEO compensation, which has soared by nearly 1,500% since 1978. Workers' wages, meanwhile, have lagged significantly over the past four decades, rising just 29% between 1979 to 2021.
Anderson based her analysis on the average pay of a CEO of an S&P 500 company, which was $18.3 million—or $8,798 an hour—in 2021, the most recent data available.
"I started by looking at the fast food workers who often toil straight through the holidays," Anderson wrote. "Most McDonald's restaurants are open even on Christmas Day. Average pay for this labor force is just $26,060 for the whole year. A typical CEO would bank that by noon on his first day back in the corner office suite."
"Then I thought of the home care aides who may be the only people around to cheer up their homebound elderly and disabled clients over the holidays," she continued. "They earned an average of just $29,260 in 2021. The typical CEO of a big U.S. corporation would pocket that much by lunchtime on his first workday of the year. He'd have to work less than an hour more to make $36,460, the average annual pay for a pre-K teacher."
Anderson called the figures "disturbing" but said she is encouraged by the fact that "Americans increasingly reject the old myth that CEOs make so much money because they're just that much smarter and harder-working than the rest of us."
"Public outrage over these extreme pay gaps is now so high that a majority of Americans across the political spectrum favor a cap on CEO pay relative to worker pay, regardless of company performance," Anderson noted.
Last year, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and several Senate Democrats proposed legislation that would raise taxes on large companies that pay their CEOs over 50 times more than the median worker. The bill, formally known as the Tax Excessive CEO Pay Act, never received a vote.
A recent analysis by the Economic Policy Institute found that, on average, top CEOs in the U.S. were paid 399 times more than typical workers last year.
Separate research by the AFL-CIO showed that Amazon had the highest CEO-to-worker-pay ratio of all S&P 500 companies last year: 6,474 to 1.
The Securities and Exchange Commission just ruled that large publicly held corporations must disclose the ratios of the pay of their top CEOs to the pay of their median workers.
About time.
For the last thirty years almost all incentives operating on American corporations have resulted in lower pay for average workers and higher pay for CEOs and other top executives.
Consider that in 1965, CEOs of America's largest corporations were paid, on average, 20 times the pay of average workers.
Now, the ratio is over 300 to 1.
Not only has CEO pay exploded, so has the pay of top executives just below them.
The share of corporate income devoted to compensating the five highest-paid executives of large corporations ballooned from an average of 5 percent in 1993 to more than 15 percent by 2005 (the latest data available).
Corporations might otherwise have devoted this sizable sum to research and development, additional jobs, higher wages for average workers, or dividends to shareholders - who, not incidentally, are supposed to be the owners of the firm.
Corporate apologists say CEOs and other top executives are worth these amounts because their corporations have performed so well over the last three decades that CEOs are like star baseball players or movie stars.
Baloney. Most CEOs haven't done anything special. The entire stock market surged over this time.
Even if a company's CEO simply played online solitaire for thirty years, the company's stock would have ridden the wave.
Besides, that stock market surge has had less to do with widespread economic gains that with changes in market rules favoring big companies and major banks over average employees, consumers, and taxpayers.
Consider, for example, the stronger and more extensive intellectual property rights now enjoyed by major corporations and the far weaker antitrust enforcement against them.
Add in the rash of taxpayer-funded bailouts, taxpayer-funded subsidies, and bankruptcies favoring big banks and corporations over employees and small borrowers.
Not to mention trade agreements making it easier to outsource American jobs, and state legislation (ironically called "right-to-work" laws) dramatically reducing the power of unions to bargain for higher wages.
The result has been higher stock prices but not higher living standards for most Americans.
Which doesn't justify sky-high CEO pay unless you think some CEOs deserve it for their political prowess in wangling these legal changes through Congress and state legislatures.
It turns out the higher the CEO pay, the worse the firm does.
Professors Michael J. Cooper of the University of Utah, Huseyin Gulen of Purdue University, and P. Raghavendra Rau of the University of Cambridge, recently found that companies with the highest-paid CEOs returned about 10 percent less to their shareholders than do their industry peers.
So why aren't shareholders hollering about CEO pay? Because corporate law in the United States gives shareholders at most an advisory role.
They can holler all they want, but CEOs don't have to listen.
Larry Ellison, the CEO of Oracle, received a pay package in 2013 valued at $78.4 million, a sum so stunning that Oracle shareholders rejected it. That made no difference because Ellison controlled the board.
In Australia, by contrast, shareholders have the right to force an entire corporate board to stand for re-election if 25 percent or more of a company's shareholders vote against a CEO pay plan two years in a row.
Which is why Australian CEOs are paid an average of only 70 times the pay of the typical Australian worker.
The new SEC rule requiring disclosure of pay ratios could help strengthen the hand of American shareholders.
The rule might generate other reforms as well - such as pegging corporate tax rates to those ratios.
Under a bill introduced in the California legislature last year, a company whose CEO earns only 25 times the pay of its typical worker would pay a corporate tax rate of only 7 percent rather than the 8.8 percent rate now applied to all California firms.
On the other hand, a company whose CEO earns 200 times the pay of its typical employee would face a 9.5 percent rate. If the CEO earned 400 times, the rate would be 13 percent.
The bill hasn't made it through the legislature because business groups call it a "job killer."
The reality is the opposite. CEOs don't create jobs. Their customers create jobs by buying more of what their companies have to sell.
So, pushing companies to put less money into the hands of their CEOs and more into the hands of their average employees will create more jobs.
The SEC's disclosure rule isn't perfect. Some corporations could try to game it by contracting out their low-wage jobs. Some industries pay their typical workers higher wages than other industries.
But the rule marks an important start.