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U.S. President Joe Biden gives remarks on his administration's response to Covid-19 on January 13, 2022 in Washington, D.C.
Politicians have a difficult job translating complicated policy issues to the public and it doesn’t help when fact-checkers confuse the issue by saying their statements are false when they are not.
A recent fact check by Politifact, authored by Louis Jacobson, itself fails a fact check. It wrongly labels as “false” a perfectly legitimate description of the amount of taxes paid by billionaires.
According to the article, President Biden had said that “[t]he ‘average tax’ for billionaires is ‘about 3 percent’ which is ‘a lower tax than a schoolteacher or a firefighter.’” The “3 percent” part of the quote seems to have been a simple misstatement by the president as he had said “8 percent” on previous occasions and it is the 8 percent number that the White House has defended—so Jacobson, to his credit, forgoes a “gotcha” on the 3 percent and focuses on the higher number. Jacobson’s assertion, however, that 8 percent understates the effective tax rate on the wealthy, is untrue. The approach taken to calculate the 8 percent was perfectly valid. Politicians have a difficult job translating complicated policy issues to the public and it doesn’t help when fact-checkers confuse the issue by saying their statements are false when they are not.
To explain what Jacobson got wrong requires a little step back into the challenges of describing how much people at different income levels pay in taxes. The typical approach analysts take is to present taxes as a percent of income. For example, one might say that an average middle-income household, with an average income of $60,000, pays 14 percent of its income in all federal taxes. The 14 percent in this example is called an “effective tax rate.” To calculate an effective tax rate, the analyst needs two numbers: the amount of taxes and the amount of income—the former gets divided by the latter. There are complications in finding both those numbers, but the issue here involves the calculation of income.
While the concept of “income” may seem simple enough, there are choices to be made about what to include. A good place to start is the type of income that most people think of in their personal accounting: the pay from their job, profits from a business, investment returns they receive, and public benefits such as Social Security. That measure of income has the virtue of being easily understandable to non-economists. It’s what we at ITEP, and others, use in our distributional analyses that show taxes for households at different income levels. It is not the only approach, however, and is not without flaws.
The biggest problem with this simple approach is that if what one is trying to do is give a sense of a group’s ability to pay taxes, the resources they can draw on, it isn’t getting at all their resources. For example, if we compare two people who earn wages of $50,000 in a year, but one has employer-provided health insurance and one doesn’t, the one receiving the insurance clearly has a greater capacity to pay taxes because the other person spends more of their wages for health care. If they both pay the same amount in taxes, the person who doesn’t have the insurance benefit is impacted by the taxes more greatly than the one who does. Including the value of health care paid for with employer-provided insurance in the income part of the effective rate calculation would make that evident, although it would also make the result harder to understand.
There are numerous other forms of non-cash income where the issue comes up. For high-income people one that makes a substantial difference is the appreciation of capital assets prior to selling the asset. Stock holdings are an example of this. Stock investments pay off in two ways: dividends and the amount by which stock gains in value. Until stock is sold, the increase in stock value is called “unrealized capital gains.” When analysts use the simple calculation of income described above, dividends are included in income, but the unrealized capital gains are not. This reflects what people see on their 1099s, since unrealized capital gains are not currently subject to tax. Whether they are taxed or not, however, someone sitting on a lot of unrealized gains certainly has more resources contributing to their ability to pay taxes than someone who doesn’t—other income being equal. This is why economists sometimes include unrealized gains in a measure of income used in calculating tax effective rates.
Whether to include unrealized gains in income when calculating effective tax rates is precisely the issue Jacobson has with President Biden’s statement of the effective tax rate on billionaires. The 8 percent number is the result of dividing the taxes paid by billionaires by their income, including unrealized capital gains. This makes perfect sense for the point the president is making. The only reason not to include unrealized capital gains is that in a distributional table where people are trying to figure out where they stand, most people wouldn’t know where to find themselves. The president isn’t presenting a top-to-bottom distributional table—he’s making a point about how much billionaires pay in taxes relative to their ability to pay. And their unrealized capital gains contribute to their ability to pay.
Jacobson’s logic for calling Biden’s claim false is that unrealized capital gains aren’t taxed. It’s an odd logic. That’s a completely different question. The point isn’t whether they are taxed, it’s whether they contribute to the ability to pay tax. They do.
Jacobson also looks at the taxes paid by “teachers and firefighters.” He gets this wrong as well. He cites only the effective tax rate of the federal personal income tax for middle-income households. For most Americans the federal personal income tax isn’t the biggest tax they pay—it isn’t even the biggest federal tax they pay. Most Americans pay more in Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes than they pay in federal personal income tax. So just looking at the personal income tax for comparison misses most of the taxes middle-income Americans pay. That is not true for billionaires because a much, much smaller proportion of their income is subject to the federal payroll taxes.
So, how do we rate Jacobson’s claim that Biden’s claim is false? We rate it false.
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A recent fact check by Politifact, authored by Louis Jacobson, itself fails a fact check. It wrongly labels as “false” a perfectly legitimate description of the amount of taxes paid by billionaires.
According to the article, President Biden had said that “[t]he ‘average tax’ for billionaires is ‘about 3 percent’ which is ‘a lower tax than a schoolteacher or a firefighter.’” The “3 percent” part of the quote seems to have been a simple misstatement by the president as he had said “8 percent” on previous occasions and it is the 8 percent number that the White House has defended—so Jacobson, to his credit, forgoes a “gotcha” on the 3 percent and focuses on the higher number. Jacobson’s assertion, however, that 8 percent understates the effective tax rate on the wealthy, is untrue. The approach taken to calculate the 8 percent was perfectly valid. Politicians have a difficult job translating complicated policy issues to the public and it doesn’t help when fact-checkers confuse the issue by saying their statements are false when they are not.
To explain what Jacobson got wrong requires a little step back into the challenges of describing how much people at different income levels pay in taxes. The typical approach analysts take is to present taxes as a percent of income. For example, one might say that an average middle-income household, with an average income of $60,000, pays 14 percent of its income in all federal taxes. The 14 percent in this example is called an “effective tax rate.” To calculate an effective tax rate, the analyst needs two numbers: the amount of taxes and the amount of income—the former gets divided by the latter. There are complications in finding both those numbers, but the issue here involves the calculation of income.
While the concept of “income” may seem simple enough, there are choices to be made about what to include. A good place to start is the type of income that most people think of in their personal accounting: the pay from their job, profits from a business, investment returns they receive, and public benefits such as Social Security. That measure of income has the virtue of being easily understandable to non-economists. It’s what we at ITEP, and others, use in our distributional analyses that show taxes for households at different income levels. It is not the only approach, however, and is not without flaws.
The biggest problem with this simple approach is that if what one is trying to do is give a sense of a group’s ability to pay taxes, the resources they can draw on, it isn’t getting at all their resources. For example, if we compare two people who earn wages of $50,000 in a year, but one has employer-provided health insurance and one doesn’t, the one receiving the insurance clearly has a greater capacity to pay taxes because the other person spends more of their wages for health care. If they both pay the same amount in taxes, the person who doesn’t have the insurance benefit is impacted by the taxes more greatly than the one who does. Including the value of health care paid for with employer-provided insurance in the income part of the effective rate calculation would make that evident, although it would also make the result harder to understand.
There are numerous other forms of non-cash income where the issue comes up. For high-income people one that makes a substantial difference is the appreciation of capital assets prior to selling the asset. Stock holdings are an example of this. Stock investments pay off in two ways: dividends and the amount by which stock gains in value. Until stock is sold, the increase in stock value is called “unrealized capital gains.” When analysts use the simple calculation of income described above, dividends are included in income, but the unrealized capital gains are not. This reflects what people see on their 1099s, since unrealized capital gains are not currently subject to tax. Whether they are taxed or not, however, someone sitting on a lot of unrealized gains certainly has more resources contributing to their ability to pay taxes than someone who doesn’t—other income being equal. This is why economists sometimes include unrealized gains in a measure of income used in calculating tax effective rates.
Whether to include unrealized gains in income when calculating effective tax rates is precisely the issue Jacobson has with President Biden’s statement of the effective tax rate on billionaires. The 8 percent number is the result of dividing the taxes paid by billionaires by their income, including unrealized capital gains. This makes perfect sense for the point the president is making. The only reason not to include unrealized capital gains is that in a distributional table where people are trying to figure out where they stand, most people wouldn’t know where to find themselves. The president isn’t presenting a top-to-bottom distributional table—he’s making a point about how much billionaires pay in taxes relative to their ability to pay. And their unrealized capital gains contribute to their ability to pay.
Jacobson’s logic for calling Biden’s claim false is that unrealized capital gains aren’t taxed. It’s an odd logic. That’s a completely different question. The point isn’t whether they are taxed, it’s whether they contribute to the ability to pay tax. They do.
Jacobson also looks at the taxes paid by “teachers and firefighters.” He gets this wrong as well. He cites only the effective tax rate of the federal personal income tax for middle-income households. For most Americans the federal personal income tax isn’t the biggest tax they pay—it isn’t even the biggest federal tax they pay. Most Americans pay more in Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes than they pay in federal personal income tax. So just looking at the personal income tax for comparison misses most of the taxes middle-income Americans pay. That is not true for billionaires because a much, much smaller proportion of their income is subject to the federal payroll taxes.
So, how do we rate Jacobson’s claim that Biden’s claim is false? We rate it false.
A recent fact check by Politifact, authored by Louis Jacobson, itself fails a fact check. It wrongly labels as “false” a perfectly legitimate description of the amount of taxes paid by billionaires.
According to the article, President Biden had said that “[t]he ‘average tax’ for billionaires is ‘about 3 percent’ which is ‘a lower tax than a schoolteacher or a firefighter.’” The “3 percent” part of the quote seems to have been a simple misstatement by the president as he had said “8 percent” on previous occasions and it is the 8 percent number that the White House has defended—so Jacobson, to his credit, forgoes a “gotcha” on the 3 percent and focuses on the higher number. Jacobson’s assertion, however, that 8 percent understates the effective tax rate on the wealthy, is untrue. The approach taken to calculate the 8 percent was perfectly valid. Politicians have a difficult job translating complicated policy issues to the public and it doesn’t help when fact-checkers confuse the issue by saying their statements are false when they are not.
To explain what Jacobson got wrong requires a little step back into the challenges of describing how much people at different income levels pay in taxes. The typical approach analysts take is to present taxes as a percent of income. For example, one might say that an average middle-income household, with an average income of $60,000, pays 14 percent of its income in all federal taxes. The 14 percent in this example is called an “effective tax rate.” To calculate an effective tax rate, the analyst needs two numbers: the amount of taxes and the amount of income—the former gets divided by the latter. There are complications in finding both those numbers, but the issue here involves the calculation of income.
While the concept of “income” may seem simple enough, there are choices to be made about what to include. A good place to start is the type of income that most people think of in their personal accounting: the pay from their job, profits from a business, investment returns they receive, and public benefits such as Social Security. That measure of income has the virtue of being easily understandable to non-economists. It’s what we at ITEP, and others, use in our distributional analyses that show taxes for households at different income levels. It is not the only approach, however, and is not without flaws.
The biggest problem with this simple approach is that if what one is trying to do is give a sense of a group’s ability to pay taxes, the resources they can draw on, it isn’t getting at all their resources. For example, if we compare two people who earn wages of $50,000 in a year, but one has employer-provided health insurance and one doesn’t, the one receiving the insurance clearly has a greater capacity to pay taxes because the other person spends more of their wages for health care. If they both pay the same amount in taxes, the person who doesn’t have the insurance benefit is impacted by the taxes more greatly than the one who does. Including the value of health care paid for with employer-provided insurance in the income part of the effective rate calculation would make that evident, although it would also make the result harder to understand.
There are numerous other forms of non-cash income where the issue comes up. For high-income people one that makes a substantial difference is the appreciation of capital assets prior to selling the asset. Stock holdings are an example of this. Stock investments pay off in two ways: dividends and the amount by which stock gains in value. Until stock is sold, the increase in stock value is called “unrealized capital gains.” When analysts use the simple calculation of income described above, dividends are included in income, but the unrealized capital gains are not. This reflects what people see on their 1099s, since unrealized capital gains are not currently subject to tax. Whether they are taxed or not, however, someone sitting on a lot of unrealized gains certainly has more resources contributing to their ability to pay taxes than someone who doesn’t—other income being equal. This is why economists sometimes include unrealized gains in a measure of income used in calculating tax effective rates.
Whether to include unrealized gains in income when calculating effective tax rates is precisely the issue Jacobson has with President Biden’s statement of the effective tax rate on billionaires. The 8 percent number is the result of dividing the taxes paid by billionaires by their income, including unrealized capital gains. This makes perfect sense for the point the president is making. The only reason not to include unrealized capital gains is that in a distributional table where people are trying to figure out where they stand, most people wouldn’t know where to find themselves. The president isn’t presenting a top-to-bottom distributional table—he’s making a point about how much billionaires pay in taxes relative to their ability to pay. And their unrealized capital gains contribute to their ability to pay.
Jacobson’s logic for calling Biden’s claim false is that unrealized capital gains aren’t taxed. It’s an odd logic. That’s a completely different question. The point isn’t whether they are taxed, it’s whether they contribute to the ability to pay tax. They do.
Jacobson also looks at the taxes paid by “teachers and firefighters.” He gets this wrong as well. He cites only the effective tax rate of the federal personal income tax for middle-income households. For most Americans the federal personal income tax isn’t the biggest tax they pay—it isn’t even the biggest federal tax they pay. Most Americans pay more in Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes than they pay in federal personal income tax. So just looking at the personal income tax for comparison misses most of the taxes middle-income Americans pay. That is not true for billionaires because a much, much smaller proportion of their income is subject to the federal payroll taxes.
So, how do we rate Jacobson’s claim that Biden’s claim is false? We rate it false.
"The very institution that is supposed to keep district residents safe is now allowing ICE to jeopardize the safety and lives of hardworking immigrants and their families," said one local labor leader.
The ACLU and a local branch of one of the nation's largest labor unions were among those who condemned Thursday's order by Washington, DC's police chief authorizing greater cooperation with federal forces sent by President Donald Trump to target and arrest undocumented immigrants in the sanctuary city.
Metropolitan Police Department Chief Pamela Smith issued an executive order directing MPD officers to assist federal forces including Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in sharing information about people in situations including traffic stops. The directive does not apply to people already in MPD custody. The order also allows MPD to provide transportation for federal immigration agencies and people they've detained.
While Trump called the order a "great step," immigrant defenders slammed the move.
"Now our police department is going to be complicit and be reporting our own people to ICE?" DC Councilmember Janeese Lewis George (D-Ward 4) said. "We have values in this city. Coordination and cooperation means we become a part of the regime."
ACLU DC executive director Monica Hopkins said in a statement that "DC police chief's new order inviting collaboration with ICE is dangerous and unnecessary."
"Immigration enforcement is not the role of local police—and when law enforcement aligns itself with ICE, it fosters fear among DC residents, regardless of citizenship status," Hopkins continued. "Our police should serve the people of DC, not ICE's deportation machine."
"As the federal government scales up Immigration and Customs Enforcement operations, including mass deportations, we see how local law enforcement face pressure to participate," she added. "Federal courts across the country have found both ICE and local agencies liable for unconstitutional detentions under ICE detainers. Police departments that choose to carry out the federal government's business risk losing the trust they need to keep communities safe."
Understanding your rights can help you stay calm and advocate for yourself if approached by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) or police. 🧵
[image or embed]
— ACLU of the District of Columbia (@aclu-dc.bsky.social) August 11, 2025 at 7:30 AM
Jaime Contreras, executive vice president and Latino caucus chair of 32BJ SEIU, a local Service Employees International Union branch, said, "It should horrify everyone that DC's police chief has just laid out the welcoming mat for the Trump administration to continue its wave of terror throughout our city."
"The very institution that is supposed to keep district residents safe is now allowing ICE to jeopardize the safety and lives of hardworking immigrants and their families," Contreras continued. "Their complicity is dangerous enough but helping to enforce Trump's tactics and procedures are a violation of the values of DC residents."
"DC needs a chief who will not cave to this administration's fear tactics aimed at silencing anyone who speaks out against injustice," Contreras added. "We call for an immediate end to these rogue attacks that deny basic due process, separates families, and wrongly deports hardworking immigrants and their families."
The condemnation—and local protests—came as dozens of immigrants have been detained this week as government forces occupy and fan out across the city following Trump's deployment of National Guard troops and federalization of the MPD. The president dubiously declared a public safety emergency on Monday, invoking Section 740 of the District of Columbia Self-Government and Governmental Reorganization Act. Trump also said that he would ask the Republican-controlled Congress to authorize an extension of his federal takeover beyond the 30 days allowed under Section 740.
Washington, DC Mayor Muriel Bowser—a Democrat who calls the occupying agencies "our federal partners"—has quietly sought to overturn the capital's Sanctuary Values Amendment Act of 2020, which prohibits MPD from releasing detained individuals to ICE or inquiring about their legal status. The law also limits city officials' cooperation with immigration agencies, including by restricting information sharing regarding individuals in MPD custody.
While the DC Council recently blocked Bowser's attempt to slip legislation repealing the sanctuary policy into her proposed 2026 budget, Congress has the power to modify or even overturn Washington laws under the District of Columbia Home Rule Act of 1973. In June, the Republican-controlled U.S. House of Representatives passed Rep. Clay Higgins' (R-La.) District of Columbia Federal Immigration Compliance Act, which would repeal Washington's sanctuary policies and compel compliance with requests from the Department of Homeland Security, which includes ICE. The Senate is currently considering the bill.
Trump's crackdown has also targeted Washington's unhoused population, with MPD conducting sweeps of encampments around the city.
"There's definitely a lot of chaos, fear, and confusion," Amber Harding, executive director of the Washington Legal Clinic for the Homeless, told CNN Thursday.
David Beatty, an unhoused man living in an encampment near the Kennedy Center that Trump threateningly singled out last week, was among the victims of a Thursday sweep.
Beatty told USA Today that Trump "is targeting and persecuting us," adding that "he wants to take our freedom away."
Nearly two-thirds of Americans said they disapprove of the Trump administration slashing the Social Security Administration workforce.
As the US marked the 90th anniversary of one of its most broadly popular public programs, Social Security, on Thursday, President Donald Trump marked the occasion by claiming at an Oval Office event that his administration has saved the retirees' safety net from "fraud" perpetrated by undocumented immigrants—but new polling showed that Trump's approach to the Social Security Administration is among his most unpopular agenda items.
The progressive think tank Data for Progress asked 1,176 likely voters about eight key Trump administration agenda items, including pushing for staffing cuts at the Social Security Administration; signing the so-called One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which is projected to raise the cost of living for millions as people will be shut out of food assistance and Medicaid; and firing tens of thousands of federal workers—and found that some of Americans' biggest concerns are about the fate of the agency that SSA chief Frank Bisignano has pledged to make "digital-first."
Sixty-three percent of respondents said they oppose the proposed layoffs of about 7,000 SSA staffers, or about 12% of its workforce—which, as progressives including Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) have warned, have led to longer wait times for beneficiaries who rely on their monthly earned Social Security checks to pay for groceries, housing, medications, and other essentials.
Forty-five percent of people surveyed said they were "very concerned" about the cuts.
Only the Trump administration's decision not to release files related to the Jeffrey Epstein case was more opposed by respondents, with 65% saying they disapproved of the failure to disclose the documents, which involve the financier and convicted sex offender who was a known friend of the president. But fewer voters—about 39%—said they were "very concerned" about the files.
Among "persuadable voters"—those who said they were as likely to vote for candidates from either major political party in upcoming elections—70% said they opposed the cuts to Social Security.
The staffing cuts have forced Social Security field offices across the country to close, and as Sanders said Wednesday as he introduced the Keep Billionaires Out of Social Security Act, the 1-800 number beneficiaries have to call to receive their benefits "is a mess," with staffers overwhelmed due to the loss of more than 4,000 employees so far.
As Common Dreams reported in July, another policy change this month is expected to leave senior citizens and beneficiaries with disabilities unable to perform routine tasks related to their benefits over the phone, as they have for decades—forcing them to rely on a complicated online verification process.
Late last month, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent admitted that despite repeated claims from Trump that he won't attempt to privatize Social Security, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act offers a "backdoor way" for Republicans to do just that.
The law's inclusion of tax-deferred investment accounts called "Trump accounts" that will be available to US citizen children starting next July could allow the GOP to privatize the program as it has hoped to for decades.
"Right now, the Trump administration and Republicans in Congress are quietly creating problems for Social Security so they can later hand it off to their private equity buddies," said Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.) on Thursday.
Marking the program's 90th anniversary, Sanders touted his Keep Billionaires Out of Social Security Act.
"This legislation would reverse all of the cuts that the Trump administration has made to the Social Security Administration," said Sanders. "It would make it easier, not harder, for seniors and people with disabilities to receive the benefits they have earned over the phone."
"Each and every year, some 30,000 people die—they die while waiting for their Social Security benefits to be approved," said Sanders. "And Trump's cuts will make this terrible situation even worse. We cannot and must not allow that to happen."
"Voters have made their feelings clear," said the leader of Justice Democrats. "The majority do not see themselves in this party and do not believe in its leaders or many of its representatives."
A top progressive leader has given her prescription for how the Democratic Party can begin to retake power from US President Donald Trump: Ousting "corporate-funded" candidates.
Justice Democrats executive director Alexandra Rojas wrote Thursday in The Guardian that, "If the Democratic Party wants to win back power in 2028," its members need to begin to redefine themselves in the 2026 midterms.
"Voters have made their feelings clear, a majority do not see themselves in this party and do not believe in its leaders or many of its representatives," Rojas said. "They need a new generation of leaders with fresh faces and bold ideas, unbought by corporate super [political action committees] and billionaire donors, to give them a new path and vision to believe in."
Despite Trump's increasing unpopularity, a Gallup poll from July 31 found that the Democratic Party still has record-low approval across the country.
Rojas called for "working-class, progressive primary challenges to the overwhelming number of corporate Democratic incumbents who have rightfully been dubbed as do-nothing electeds."
According to a Reuters/Ipsos poll conducted in June, nearly two-thirds of self-identified Democrats said they desired new leadership, with many believing that the party did not share top priorities, like universal healthcare, affordable childcare, and higher taxes on the rich.
Young voters were especially dissatisfied with the current state of the party and were much less likely to believe the party shared their priorities.
Democrats have made some moves to address their "gerontocracy" problem—switching out the moribund then-President Joe Biden with Vice President Kamala Harris in the 2024 presidential race and swapping out longtime House Speaker Rep. Nancy Pelosi (Calif.) for the younger Rep. Hakeem Jeffries (N.Y.).
But Rojas says a face-lift for the party is not enough. They also need fresh ideas.
"Voters are also not simply seeking to replace their aging corporate shill representatives with younger corporate shills," she said. "More of the same from a younger generation is still more of the same."
Outside of a "small handful of outspoken progressives," she said the party has often been too eager to kowtow to Trump and tow the line of billionaire donors.
"Too many Democratic groups, and even some that call themselves progressive, are encouraging candidates' silence in the face of lobbies like [the America-Israel Public Affairs Committee] (AIPAC) and crypto's multimillion-dollar threats," she said.
A Public Citizen report found that in 2024, Democratic candidates and aligned PACs received millions of dollars from crypto firms like Coinbase, Ripple, and Andreesen Horowitz.
According to OpenSecrets, 58% of the 212 Democrats elected to the House in 2024—135 of them—received money from AIPAC, with an average contribution of $117,334. In the Senate, 17 Democrats who won their elections received donations—$195,015 on average.
The two top Democrats in Congress—Jeffries and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.)—both have long histories of support from AIPAC, and embraced crypto with open arms after the industry flooded the 2024 campaign with cash.
"Too often, we hear from candidates and members who claim they are with us on the policy, but can't speak out on it because AIPAC or crypto will spend against them," Rojas said. "Silence is cowardice, and cowardice inspires no one."
Rojas noted Rep. Summer Lee (D-Pa.), who was elected in 2022 despite an onslaught of attacks from AIPAC and who has since gone on to introduce legislation to ban super PACs from federal elections, as an example of this model's success.
"The path to more Democratic victories," Rojas said, "is not around, behind, and under these lobbies, but it's right through them, taking them head-on and ridding them from our politics once and for all."