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Elite security forces controlled by the military office of Prime
Minister Nuri al-Maliki of Iraq are operating a secret detention site in
Baghdad, Human Rights Watch said today. The elite forces are also
torturing detainees with impunity at a different facility in Baghdad,
Human Rights Watch said.
Beginning on November 23, 2010, and continuing over the next three to
four days, Iraqi authorities transferred more than 280 detainees to a
secret site within Camp Justice, a sprawling military base in northwest
Baghdad, interviews and classified government documents obtained by
Human Rights Watch reveal. The Army's 56th Brigade, also known as the
Baghdad Brigade, and the Counter-Terrorism Service, both under the
authority of the prime minister's office, control this secret site. The
hurried transfers took place just days before an international
inspection team was to examine conditions at the detainees' previous
location at Camp Honor in the Green Zone. Human Rights Watch has also
obtained a list of more than 300 detainees held at Camp Honor just
before the transfer to Camp Justice. Almost all were accused of
terrorism.
"Revelations of secret jails in the heart of Baghdad completely
undermine the Iraqi government's promises to respect the rule of law,"
said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. "The
government needs to close these places or move them under control of the
justice system, improve conditions for detainees, and make sure that
anyone responsible for torture is punished."
The Iraqi government should immediately close the facilities or
regularize their position and make them open for inspections and visits,
Human Rights Watch said.
Approximately 80 of the 280 detainees are being held by the 56th
Brigade at the secret site at Camp Justice and have had no access to
lawyers or family members. Prison inspectors are not permitted to
conduct visits to the section of the facility controlled by the 56th
brigade, prompting fresh concerns that the brigade may be torturing
detainees. According to government sources, the Counter-Terrorism
Service is holding the 200 remaining transferred detainees, although the
56th Brigade maintains primary responsibility for security at the site
in Baghdad's Kadhmiya neighborhood.
In one of the 18 documents obtained by Human Rights Watch, a letter
from the prosecutor's office of the Higher Judicial Council asks the
Office of the Prime Minister to instruct officials at the Camp Justice
site to stop preventing prison inspectors and relatives from visiting
detainees. The letter, dated December 6, 2010, says such a refusal
"meets neither legal nor humanitarian standards, unless [the refusal is]
specifically ordered by a judge at a specialized court."A second
letter, dated January 13, 2011, from the justice minister to the Office
of the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, through which the prime
minister controls Iraqi security forces, stated that a 56th Brigade
officer prevented prison inspectors from the Human Rights Ministry from
visiting the site.
The secret detention site is located within a legitimate Justice
Ministry detention facility at Camp Justice, known as Justice 2 (Sijn
al-Adaleh 2), which holds just over 1,000 other detainees. Camp Justice
is the site of the former "Fifth Department" (al-Sha'ba al-Khamsa)
intelligence office notorious during the rule of Saddam Hussein for
torture and disappearances. The former dictator was executed there in
2006.
Camp Honor, from which the detainees were transferred, became the subject of media scrutiny on January 23, after the Los Angeles Times
uncovered abuse there and described the conditions as "miserable." The
article said detainees were held in cramped windowless cells that reeked
of human excrement.
Recent interviews by Human Rights Watch of more than a dozen former
detainees from Camp Honor had documented how detainees are held
incommunicado and in inhumane conditions, often for months at a time.
Detainees described in detail the wide ranging abuses they endured
during interrogation sessions at the facility, usually to extract false
confessions. They said interrogators beat them, hung them upside down
for hours at a time, administered electric shocks to various body parts,
including the genitals, and asphyxiated them repeatedly with plastic
bags put over their heads until they passed out.
In interviews with Human Rights Watch in December, former detainees described the abuse at Camp Honor:
In response to the Los Angeles Times article, which said
Camp Honor is run by the 56th Brigade and the Counter-Terrorism Service,
Iraq's deputy justice minister, Busho Ibrahim, told Agence
France-Presse on January 24 that his ministry alone controlled the site.
"It is my responsibility, and I deny all these accusations - they are
all lies," he said. "Families can visit their sons or husbands, lawyers
can visit them regularly. It's like any other prison run by the Justice
Ministry."
He reiterated, "It is not true that it follows Maliki's orders - it is run by the Justice Ministry."
However, documents obtained by Human Rights Watch refute government
claims that Camp Honor is controlled by the Justice Ministry. In one
classified document dated August 2, 2010, the former justice minister,
Dara Nour al-Din, requested that his staff obtain approval from the
Office of the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces to transfer
detainees from Camp Honor, demonstrating the ministry's subordinate role
at the facility.
In the note to his staff, the justice minister asks them to write a
letter to the Office of the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces
"requesting permission for custody of the prisoners to be turned over"
to the ministry so they can be transferred elsewhere. The document
indicates that the issue arose after Deputy Justice Minister Ibrahim
acknowledged that his ministry could not transfer detainees due to
external interference, particularly from military interrogators.
Another document, from October 2010, signed by Ibrahim himself, says
the ministry "has no objection to allowing lawyers and families to visit
detainees" at Camp Honor but that, "it is only the tough security
measures implemented by the Defense Ministry/56th Brigade section [of
the prison] and the Counter-Terrorism administration section, and also
the location of the prison in the Green Zone, that has prevented this."
In response to the Los Angeles Times article, Ibrahim also
said that the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) had
visited the Camp Honor prison. But when contacted by Human Rights Watch,
the ICRC spokesperson, Graziella Leite Piccolo, said that ICRC had not
been able to visit Camp Honor because the government had not met the
organization's criteria for such site visits, including access to the
entire facility and its detainees.
"It is important to note that, even if we had been able to visit, a
visit alone is not a certificate of validation, but part of a process,"
she said. Government sources told Human Rights Watch that authorities
have prevented the Human Rights Ministry from conducting any prison
inspections at Camp Honor for more than a year.
Several government sources said that although the 56th Brigade, and
its sibling, the 54th Brigade, technically fall under Defense Ministry
administration, the brigades' chain of command bypass the ministry. They
do not report to the defense minister or army chief of staff, but
instead to Maliki through the Office of the Commander in Chief of the
Armed Forces. Through this office, the prime minister also controls the
Counter-Terrorism Service, which falls under no ministry and is not
governed by any legislation. The Counter-Terrorism Service works closely
with US Special Forces.
Military officers and officials from both the Defense and Interior
ministries told Human Rights Watch that the 56th Brigade and the
Counter-Terrorism Service routinely conduct operations, including mass
arrests and detentions, without notifying the security ministries. A
high-level Interior Ministry officer told Human Rights Watch on December
18 that these units "create confusion and a dangerous atmosphere where
special units who have a separate authority storm in and take people."
The official said that regular security forces were afraid of these
elite forces.
Another official, from the Defense Ministry, told Human Rights Watch
on January 23 that contrary to the usual practice, in which security
forces process detainees through the main prison system, the 56th and
54th Brigades often refuse to give up their prisoners.
"Their families and lawyers cannot visit them," he said, "and sometimes cannot even find out if they are dead or alive."
Defense Ministry officials interviewed by Human Rights Watch said
there is close cooperation between the 56th and 54th Brigades, commonly
referred to by military and police as "Maliki's forces." Prisoners
arrested and initially held in the prison run by one brigade are often
transferred to the prison run by the other.
An Interior Ministry official told Human Rights Watch on January 13
that "people come to police stations or prisons looking for their family
members who have been arrested. If we find out they were taken by
Maliki's forces, we don't get any information about them or have
jurisdiction to do anything."
Last year, the Human Rights Ministry uncovered a secret prison run by
the 54th Brigade, with the assistance of the 56th Brigade, in the old
Muthanna airport in Western Baghdad. In April, Human Rights Watch
interviewed 42 detainees who had been tortured at this facility over a
period of months. The secret prison held about 430 detainees who had no
access to their families or lawyers. The prisoners said security forces
personnel kicked, whipped, and beat them, asphyxiated them, gave them
electric shocks, burned them with cigarettes, and pulled out their
fingernails and teeth. They said that interrogators sodomized some
detainees with sticks and pistol barrels. Some young men said they had
been forced to perform oral sex on interrogators and guards, and that
interrogators forced detainees to molest one another sexually.
A US Embassy cable viewed by the Los Angeles Times stated
that 56th Brigade interrogators had been sent to Muthanna from Camp
Honor. A separate cable said the brigade "reports directly to the prime
minister's office."
At the time, Maliki described the prison at Muthanna as a transit site under the control of the Defense Ministry.
However, a high-ranking Defense Ministry official distanced his
ministry from the allegations of torture at Muthanna. In a classified
letter to the Human Rights Ministry dated May 3, 2010, and seen by Human
Rights Watch, Saleh Sarhan, general secretary to the defense minister,
wrote: "Our ministry has no relationship with those military
investigation committees nor to the Sur Ninewa [Muthanna] Detention
Center, because both are attached to the Office of the Commander in
Chief of the Armed Forces."
Human Rights Watch is one of the world's leading independent organizations dedicated to defending and protecting human rights. By focusing international attention where human rights are violated, we give voice to the oppressed and hold oppressors accountable for their crimes. Our rigorous, objective investigations and strategic, targeted advocacy build intense pressure for action and raise the cost of human rights abuse. For 30 years, Human Rights Watch has worked tenaciously to lay the legal and moral groundwork for deep-rooted change and has fought to bring greater justice and security to people around the world.
“The $1.5 trillion Pentagon budget request represents more than $9,000 per individual taxpayer."
As the Republican-controlled US Congress advances President Donald Trump's requested $1.5 trillion budget for "rebuilding" a military that's already more powerful than any armed force in human history, a group of former national security officials is urging Americans to challenge "out of control" Pentagon spending.
On Monday, the Eisenhower Media Network published a full-page advertisement in USA Today written by EMN executive director and retired Maj. Gen. Dennis Laich decrying what he called a military budget "of the Pentagon, by the Congress, and for the War Profiteers."
Invoking Thomas Paine's 1776 essay "Common Sense" and former Republican President Dwight D. Eisenhower's repeated warnings about the dangers of the then-burgeoning military-industrial complex, the ad asserts that "time and reason strongly suggest that the US 'defense' budget is out of control, unsustainable, and absent of accountability."
"Only the American people can rein it in," Laich argued.
The advertisement notes that the US military budget is already "larger than the next eight nations (most of whom are allies) in the world combined, while American citizens lack healthcare, childcare, and other basic needs."
The ad continues:
The defense industry’s lobbyists team up with US politicians, who receive campaign financing from the industry, to draft the annual National Defense Authorization Act, which sets military policy, the expensive weaponry to be purchased, and the overall military budget. The industry takes the ensuing windfall and puts it toward stock buybacks, which increase the share price, making the rich richer; dividend payments for shareholders; eight-figure annual compensation packages for corporate executives; and the continual political graft (campaign contributions and lobbyists) that keeps the wheel spinning. Incredibly, some contracts stipulate that only the contractor may repair and maintain equipment. The most embarrassing example of this practice is the F-35 stealth fighter, which is grossly over budget, behind schedule, and is only 25% fully mission capable.
"Money talks in America, but few members of Congress choose to talk about the $39 trillion national debt to which military spending is a major contributor," Laich wrote.
"Additionally, the Pentagon cannot tell the American taxpayer where the money went, since it is unable to pass a financial audit as required by law—something every other department of the federal government is able to do," the ad notes. "Now, they are requesting a 50% increase in the defense budget to $1.5 trillion. This is equivalent to your child asking for more money a day after receiving his/her allowance. When you ask what happened to the money he/she received yesterday, the child can’t answer the question, but yougive him/her more money regardless."
Laich accused "uniformed bureaucrats" of lacking "the courage to stand up against a draft dodger and a Rambo-wannabe," an apparent swipe at Trump and, perhaps, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth.
Meanwhile, despite having the best-funded and most powerful military on paper, the ad points out that since World War II, "the US has won one war (the first Gulf War), lost four (Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Iran), and tied one (Korea). Iran may be as much an embarrassment as a loss. The United States has failed to achieve its stated objectives in any recent war."
The ad asks, "What football coach could keep his job with a 1-4-1 record?"
"The $1.5 trillion Pentagon budget request represents more than $9,000 per individual taxpayer," EMN said. "If we Americans are tired of seeing our tax dollars spent on endless wars, bombing campaigns, and military excess while our own communities struggle with the costs of healthcare, childcare, education, and infrastructure, then the time has come to do what Thomas Paine asked Americans to do 250 years ago: challenge the assumptions that have become accepted simply because they are old."
"The courage required today is not to defeat an empire abroad, but to confront one at home—the military-industrial-congressional complex—and reclaim a government that serves the American people rather than the interests of perpetual war," the ad concludes.
EMN's advertisement follows an ad released by Hegseth in May touting Trump's $1.5 trillion proposal, which would add nearly $7 trillion to the US national debt over the next decade, according to the nonpartisan watchdog group Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget.
A survey conducted in May by ReThink Media and the Costs of War Project at Brown University's Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs revealed that nearly 60% of Americans believe the proposed Pentagon budget is too large, including 40% who say $1.5 trillion is “much too high” to spend on the military.
Last month, US Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) introduced the Slash the Pentagon Act, which would set a hard cap of $750 billion on the amount Congress could authorize for national defense spending in fiscal year 2027.
"As Americans struggle to pay for healthcare, rent, electricity, groceries, and gas... Trump has spent over $100 billion on his expensive, dangerous, and unnecessary war with Iran," Markey said at a Capitol Hill press conference introducing the legislation. “We should invest in our hospitals, schools, affordable housing, and the real security American families need right now—not expensive wars and weapons that make us less safe.”
Critics noted that "20% of the value of any cargo is actually substantially MORE than Iran is seeking to charge ships to transit the strait."
Following fresh US airstrikes against Iran over the weekend, President Donald Trump said Monday that the United States would reimpose a naval blockade on the Mideast country, serve as the "guardian" of the Strait of Hormuz, and charge a 20% toll for cargo ships trying to safely travel on the key trade route.
Trump made the comments while calling in to "Fox & Friends" on Monday morning, as well as on his Truth Social platform.
"We're just gonna hit them very hard, and we're gonna keep the strait, and we'll probably run it. We'll become the guardian of the strait. Maybe we'll call it the guardian angel of the strait. And we should be reimbursed for that," Trump said on the Fox News morning show.
"When we do that, we're gonna be reimbursed, because the other nations are very wealthy. They're on our side, and we can't be expected to do that for nothing," the president said. "Now we're gonna guard it, and we're gonna get paid for guarding it—a lot of money."
Later Monday morning, Trump wrote on Truth that "the Hormuz Strait is OPEN, and will remain OPEN, with or without Iran. We are reinstating the THE IRANIAN BLOCKADE, so named because it is only stopping Iran's ships or customers from entering or leaving. All other countries will have fair and open use of the Strait."
"The U.S.A. will be, from this point forward, known as 'THE GUARDIAN OF THE HORMUZ STRAIT,' but as such, and as a matter of FAIRNESS, will be reimbursed, at the rate of 20% on all cargo shipped, for any and all costs necessary to do the job of providing safety and security to this very volatile section of the World," he added. "The process and formation will begin immediately."
Bloomberg energy and commodities columnist Javier Blas pointed to US Secretary of State Marco Rubio's remarks just a couple of weeks ago that "no country is allowed to charge tolls or fees on an international waterway."
Critics and experts were also quick to note that, as immigration attorney Aaron Reichlin-Melnick put on the platform X, "20% of the value of any cargo is actually substantially MORE than Iran is seeking to charge ships to transit the strait."
Trita Parsi, executive vice president of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, quipped that it "seems like Trump just made a pitch for the Iranian toll system. :) Because the Iranians were going to charge $1 million per ship, which would amount to 1-2% of the value of the cargo of an oil tanker. But Trump is going to charge 20%! :)"
In an early Monday blog post, Parsi had written that "for all practical purposes, the US-Iran memorandum of (mis)understanding is over. The dispute over how to manage the Strait of Hormuz in the interim has pushed the two sides back into open war."
As Parsi explained:
The dispute over the strait turns, at least on the surface, on paragraph 5 of the MOU: whether Iran is responsible for safe passage throughout the strait for the duration of the agreement, or only for the waterway's northern corridor.
Beneath the surface, however, lies a more fundamental strategic disagreement. Even before the MOU was signed, Tehran believed Washington's objective was to establish a southern shipping corridor through Omani waters that would gradually erode Iran's control over the strait. Such a corridor would require Oman's cooperation, which may explain why Trump at one point threatened to bomb Oman unless it abandoned its proposal for joint management of the strait, with administrative fees collected by Muscat and Tehran.
The corridor would remain operational even if war resumed and Iran sought once again to close the strait. From Tehran's perspective, Washington used the MOU to strengthen this alternative route, and the US military's escort of commercial shipping without coordinating with Iran marked a significant step in that direction. If successful, the strategy would deprive Iran of its most important source of leverage—which is precisely why it appeals to Washington.
"This is why Tehran has insisted that all ships transiting the strait—regardless of the corridor they use—coordinate with Iran, consistent with its reading of paragraph 5 of the MOU," he continued. "Washington, by contrast, argues that the MOU merely assigns Iran responsibility for ensuring the safe passage of commercial vessels, without granting it operational control over all maritime traffic."
Sina Toossi, a senior nonresident fellow at the Center for International Policy, warned in a statement about Trump's Monday comments that "if implemented, the announced re-blockade would effectively restart the economic clock that the MOU had temporarily paused. Iran would once again face mounting pressure on its ability to export, store, and monetize oil, while the United States and the global economy would again confront the risks of prolonged disruption to Persian Gulf energy flows."
"The strategic environment, however, is no longer what it was before the war," he added. "US strategic petroleum reserves continued to decline during the MOU period and remain at historically low levels, while global inventories also remain tight. As a result, there is less cushion to absorb a prolonged supply disruption than in the previous round of fighting, increasing the risks of sharper energy price spikes, higher inflation, and broader economic disruption."
This article has been updated with comment from Sina Toossi.
Trump claimed to have "59% approval" while not a single pollster even has him above water. Meanwhile, oil prices are shooting back up after he restarted the war in Iran.
It is once again Opposite Day for President Donald Trump, who claimed in a late-night social media post that his approval rating is high and oil prices are dropping, neither of which is actually true.
"59 percent Approval Rating. Prices coming down along with the lowering of oil and gas. Thank you! President DJT," Trump wrote Sunday night on Truth Social.
Trump did not specify what poll had him at 59% approval, presumably because it does not exist. Not a single one of the polls tracked by The New York Times or RealClearPolling's aggregators shows Trump even breaking even with the public.
The Times average as of Monday morning has his approval rating at 39%, with 58% disapproval—on par with the worst metrics of his second term. RCP’s average is only slightly more merciful, showing the president’s approval at just under 40% and his disapproval at 57%.
Even the GOP-friendly pollster Rasmussen shows him with just 44% approval and 54% disapproval—generous outlier numbers for the president.
It is, of course, possible that Trump was referring to some heavily massaged poll that only he has seen, though he has a long history of inflating his popularity while claiming that polls showing otherwise are "fake news."
The price of oil, on the other hand, is something that can't be faked, though it didn't stop Trump from trying.
This weekend, Trump launched a new series of attacks against Iran, after declaring earlier in the week that the peace framework signed last month was “over” and saying negotiations were a “waste of time.”
Iran responded by announcing late Saturday night that it would seal off the Strait of Hormuz to most traffic, once again choking off a main route for global oil and gas transport.
Asked about the closure on Sunday, Trump told reporters, "I don't want to talk about it."
His post seems to reveal a further commitment to denying reality. Contrary to his claim about the "lowering of oil and gas," US gas prices on Monday averaged $3.87 per gallon, up from $3.80 a week earlier.
Meanwhile, the price of Brent crude has shot up by more than 9% over the past week, from $72 per barrel last Monday to nearly $79 as of this writing. At the time of Trump’s tweet, oil prices had already climbed by about 4% and continued to increase into Monday morning.
Prices are down from the war's height in the springtime, when gas surpassed $4.50 per gallon and a barrel of oil cost more than $110. But crude prices are still 9% higher than prewar, while gas is up about 31%, with companies capitalizing on the war to pad their profit margins at the expense of consumers and businesses.