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Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
Paul Fidalgo, Communications Director,
paul(at)fairvote.org, (301) 270-4616
In a Nutshell:
FairVote is well known for our advocacy of better electoral
methods and improvements to the way people vote when they go into the
polling place that foster equality and choice. But what happens before
and after a ballot is filled out can be critically important as well--if
votes aren't counted, using a fair voting method won't make a
difference. Today the machinery of American democracy (literally) is
increasingly dependent on one large corporation with little interest in
transparency, competition or innovations that might affect its bottom
line. For years FairVote has proposed publicly controlled voting
processes, ideally with transparent administration and clear lines of
accountability grounded in publicly owned voting equipment. As FairVote
called for in a November 8 letter in the New York Times,
at the very least the concept of a "public option" needs to be
transposed to the often-murky debate over voting equipment, ensuring
that our local and state governments always have a public interest
alternative. We also should revamp certification processes to improve
equipment, encourage transparency and reward innovation.
Our Analysis:
In September, the United States' largest voting equipment vendor Election Systems & Software (ES&S) announced the purchase
of Premier Election Solutions, our nation's second largest vendor--and a
product of the Diebold Corporation's North American operations. If this
sale goes forward, ES&S will control a huge majority of the voting
equipment market in the United States. According to Verified Voting,
more than 120 million registered voters live in American jurisdictions
using one of these two companies' systems. In contrast, the nation's
third largest elections vendor, Sequoia Voting Systems, provides
equipment in jurisdictions with only some 26 million registered voters
(and seems to be on shaky ground, having been sold several times in
recent years and still waiting to have its latest optical scan system
certified by the federal Election Assistance Commission). ES&S--then
called American Information Systems--previously attempted to consolidate
the voting industry in 1997 with a purchase of Business Records
Corporation (BRC), but the U.S. Department of Justice on anti-trust grounds required that acquisition of BRC be split between ES&S and Sequoia. Some groups like Voter Action
are seeking to hold vendors legally accountable for past failures to
uphold election integrity, and Sen. Chuck Schumer, chair of the Senate
Rules committee, has announced his intention to conduct a review of this
latest merger through his Senate Rules and Administration Committee.
An October 29 New York Times editorial
rightly sounded the alarm on this dubious bit of conglomeration,
calling upon the Justice Department and state attorneys general to take
action to block the sale, writing, "We fear that if any one voting
machine maker is allowed to dominate the market, there will be even
greater reasons to worry about the nation's flawed voting system." In a
response,
ES&S president Aldo Tesi wrote, "Citizens should be confident that
local officials administer fair and honest elections. As our customers,
we know they are." This is a misdirection, because it's not the local
officials that monopolize the very mechanisms by which our democracy
runs, and it is not they who are being criticized by the Times--it's companies like Tesi's ES&S.
The Times' description of our voting apparatus as
"flawed" is accurate mainly because we run democracy on the cheap at the
national level, and pay for it with lost votes, untrustworthy software
and exorbitant costs for public interest improvements, mainly due to
companies recouping expenses by abusing their local monopolies. FairVote
has long suggested a full public ownership model,
similar to that of Oklahoma and those of other nations. Along these
lines, we should at least pursue a "public option" to compete with
private vendors. We can also consider additional ways to gain control of
the election process and foster better, more reliable equipment.
Looking forward, one interim step would address a glaring
problem: the process of certifying equipment. To open up the market to
more competitors and secure certain basic rights of transparency and
quality control, the public should pay for at least some of the costs of
certification in exchange for more control over the product. Better
certification processes for voting equipment of course are absolutely
essential, as underscored by more rigorous certification processes in
recent years that have exposed major problems with proposed equipment.
Election results also continue to demonstrate how systems already
certified for our most important elections can have serious flaws. For
example, the Humboldt County (CA) Election Transparency Project discovered that a Premier/Diebold optical scan paper ballot system dropped 197 ballots in 2008, while a FairVote analysis earlier this year found that the same system dropped 0.4% of ballots in an election in Aspen (CO).
But companies have to scramble to keep up with each new
revelation and each new good idea for updating certification standards
at the federal and state level, which can stretch out the timeline for
certification and greatly increase costs. Paying for companies'
certification expenses would cost taxpayer dollars, of course, and
should have reasonable limits that avoid frivolous costs and vendors
using the certification process to allow onto the market equipment and
software they know is flawed. But any upfront costs promise to pay big
dividends for our democracy in the long term. It would allow new
companies to get a competitive product on the market before they know
for sure they will be able to sell it--resolving the catch-22 that today
makes it so difficult for any new company to compete with the dominant,
entrenched companies. It also would make it easier to justify ongoing
updates to the voting standards, rather than essentially adding new
"unfunded mandates" on the vendors who either go out of business or,
more typically, give up after barely getting started. The quality of
voting equipment and software should also rise as companies would be
required to do more than just "get by," and county and state governments
would pay less for better equipment and upgrades--right now they
typically face excessive fees for equipment, ongoing services and
upgrades from vendors trying to recoup their certification costs and
able to take advantage of their near monopoly of the industry.
In exchange for paying for the certification process, the public
would need to secure greater rights of transparency and general
ownership of the process. For example, New York State's latest contracts
for new equipment include a sensible provision that any additional
contracts for services and new features involving the equipment will be
open to competitive bidding, rather than the jurisdiction simply having
to accept the vendor's monopoly power. Taxpayers also should require
much greater access to the software code, if not full open source
software, as well as a requirement for "modular" components that would
make it easier to piece together separately certified systems for an
election, rather than relying on just one company for all election
services.
Exclusive focus on pre-election certification will never be
sufficient, as we must also focus on post-election verification and
audits. By verifying all election counts, the certification process
would become part of a "belt and suspenders" approach. With the latest
optical scan paper ballot systems having the capacity to create
redundant records of every ballot, these records can be made publicly
available, as they are in cities from San Francisco (CA) to Burlington
(VT). When coupled with manual audits and appropriate privacy
safeguards, they will allow the public to verify vote tallies and
immediately identify errors.
The bottom line is that the existing regime is broken. Let's
stop outsourcing democracy and make sure that citizens are in control.
_ _ _ _
Other notable links:
FairVote acts to transform our elections to achieve universal access to participation, a full spectrum of meaningful ballot choices and majority rule with fair representation for all. As a catalyst for change, we build support for innovative strategies to win a constitutionally protected right to vote, universal voter registration, a national popular vote for president, instant runoff voting and proportional representation.
"Trump and his allies claim to defend Jews, yet ignore antisemitism in their own ranks," Jamie Beran of Bend the Arc told Common Dreams.
President Donald Trump used one of his final messages before New York's mayoral election on Tuesday to insult the many Jewish supporters expected to turn out in favor of the Democratic nominee, state Assemblyman Zohran Mamdani.
“Any Jewish person that votes for Zohran Mamdani, a proven and self-professed JEW HATER, is a stupid person!!!” Trump wrote on Truth Social just hours after polls opened.
It was one final attempt to smear the assemblyman, who pre-election polls showed leading comfortably, as antisemitic over his criticism of Israel and support for Palestinian rights, which has revealed stark divisions in opinion among American Jews, with New York being no exception.
Courting Trump's support—which he earned Monday along with that of Elon Musk and senior Trump adviser Stephen Miller—former Gov. Andrew Cuomo has leaned into the most vulgar of Islamophobic attacks against Mamdani over the home stretch of the campaign, referring to him as a "terrorist sympathizer" and suggesting he'd support a second 9/11.
But in the face of these attacks, Mamdani's support among Jewish voters has remained strong. In July, with the field still fractured, he outright led among Jewish voters. And though Cuomo has bolstered his Jewish support since the dropout of incumbent Mayor Eric Adams, polls have varied widely, with some showing Mamdani and Cuomo virtually tied among Jewish voters and others showing Cuomo with a commanding lead.
Mamdani has nevertheless managed to make tremendous inroads with Jewish leaders, most recently the influential Orthodox rabbi, Moshe Indig, who endorsed Mamdani at a meeting in Williamsburg, Brooklyn, on Sunday.
He had previously earned the support of the Brooklyn native Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Rep. Jerry Nadler (D-NY), and local leaders, including a former mayoral contender for this cycle, Comptroller Brad Lander, and Ruth Messinger, a former Manhattan borough president and Democratic nominee for mayor in 1997.
He has also received the endorsement of several Jewish organizations, including the pro-Palestinian Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) Action, the New York-based Jews for Racial and Economic Justice (JFREJ), and Bend the Arc, a progressive Jewish organization that deals primarily with domestic matters.
Following his latest insult to Mamdani, Jamie Beran, the CEO of Bend the Arc, said that “Trump is showing once again that he doesn’t care about Jewish people. He only uses us when it’s convenient for him, with no regard to the damage he does to the Jewish community or the danger he puts us in. Both Trump and disgraced former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo use smokescreen antisemitism to manipulate Jewish fears for their personal gain."
Trump's attack on Mamdani, a self-described democratic socialist, is hardly his first. In recent days, the president has slurred the assemblyman as a "communist lunatic" and indicated he'd cut off federal funding from New York if he wins the election. With support from Republican members of Congress, he's also threatened to strip Mamdani's US citizenship and have him deported from the country if he attempts to interfere with deployments of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents to carry out mass deportations.
But although Trump has often invoked "antisemitism" to justify his efforts to punish pro-Palestine speech, he's long degraded Jewish people who vote in ways he disagrees with. During the 2024 election, he ranted that “any Jewish person that votes for Democrats hates their religion"—an insult to the 79% of Jewish voters who voted for his opponent, former Vice President Kamala Harris. Before that, he'd repeatedly referred to Jewish Americans who do not vote for him as "disloyal" to Israel, a country in which they do not live.
In recent weeks, the Republican Party has been dogged by several scandals related to antisemitism. Last month, a leaked group chat of Young Republican operatives—including several who worked for the New York GOP—was revealed by Politico to be full of praise for Adolf Hitler and jokes about gas chambers. Shortly after, Trump's pick for the Office of Special Counsel, Paul Ingrassia, had his nomination tanked after it was revealed that he'd described himself as having a "Nazi streak."
And over the past week, the Heritage Foundation—the influential right-wing think tank behind Trump's Project 2025 agenda—has dealt with discord in its own ranks after its leader, Kevin Roberts, stridently defended right-wing commentator Tucker Carlson's friendly interview with self-described fascist and white nationalist Nick Fuentes.
"The antisemitism smears against Zohran Mamdani increasingly fall flat because people are learning to see through smokescreen antisemitism," Beran told Common Dreams. "That is, how bad actors who have never joined our work, or any work, to actually end antisemitism, instead only use antisemitism to promote themselves and their agendas—which harm Jews, our loved ones, and our neighbors. Trump and his allies claim to defend Jews, yet ignore antisemitism in their own ranks."
"Jewish leaders who actually want to end antisemitism know that leaders like Zohran understand that a strong democracy keeps Jews—and all of us—safest," she continued. "Jews exist across many identities, from immigrants, to trans people, from Black and brown people, to those with disabilities who are struggling to afford life in the city. And actually trying to end antisemitism and all bigotry requires all of us.”
"Trump's higher education policies have been catastrophic for our communities and our democracy," said one union leader as the president pressures universities to sign a "loyalty oath."
Aiming to "organize millions of students to disrupt business as usual and force our schools and our political system to finally work for us," progressive groups and labor unions are planning a nationwide day of coordinated protests at over 100 US campuses on Friday, November 7.
Planned by Students Rise Up, in coordination with the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) and Higher Education Labor United (HELU), the upcoming demonstrations "will be the first in a series of nationwide days of protests leading up to student strikes and worker actions on May Day 2026," according to organizers.
In addition to the unions, groups backing the effort include Campus Climate Network, College Democrats of America, Gen-Z for Change, Indivisible, Jewish Voice for Peace, March for Our Lives, and Sunrise Movement, whose executive director, Aru Shiney-Ajay, stressed in a Tuesday statement that "everyone deserves an accessible, affordable, and quality education."
"Everyone deserves to be safe at school—no matter their race, gender, or immigration status," Shiney-Ajay said. "Everyone deserves the freedom to peacefully protest. We're joining with worker allies to demand our administrations and politicians start fighting for an education system that works for our generation."
We demand an end to student debt! We're disrupting business as usual on Nov 7 to demand college affordability, the freedom to teach & learn, and safety for the most vulnerable on our campuses. Signs made by Josh MacPhee 🔥 grab one when you protest this Friday! #DefendHigherEd#EndStudentDebt
[image or embed]
— AAUP (@aaup.org) November 4, 2025 at 11:14 AM
The plans for the protests come as campus administrations are considering President Donald Trump's "Compact for Academic Excellence in Higher Education," which schools can sign for priority access to federal funding and other "positive benefits." Critics have condemned it as "authoritarian" and an "extortion agreement," and some top universities have declined to sign on.
Alicia Colomer, managing director at Campus Climate Network, said Tuesday that "young people are making their message very clear: Universities should be a place of learning, not propaganda machines. That's why students, workers, and alumni around the country are taking action."
As part of Friday's protests, organizers said, participants will urge campus leaders to reject Trump's "loyalty oath" and, more broadly, "commit to freedom of expression, college for all, and security for all at school."
Asked to comment on the day of action, Madi Biedermann, deputy assistant secretary for communications at the US Department of Education—which initially offered the compact to a short list of prestigious universities—repeated previous statements, telling Inside Higher Ed that "the Trump administration is achieving reforms on higher education campuses that conservatives have dreamed about for 50 years."
"Institutions are once again committed to enforcing federal civil rights laws consistently, they are rooting out DEI and unconstitutional race preferences, and they are acknowledging sex as a biological reality in sports and intimate spaces," Biedermann added, referring to diversity, equity, and inclusion.
Meanwhile, AAUP president Todd Wolfson put out a statement taking aim at the president's assault on higher education.
"From attacks on academic freedom in the classroom to the defunding of lifesaving scientific research to surveilling and arresting peaceful student protesters, Trump's higher education policies have been catastrophic for our communities and our democracy," he said. "We're excited to help build a coalition of students and workers united in fighting back for a higher education system that is accessible and affordable for all and serves the common good."
"Republicans are rubber stamps for Donald Trump on everything else," said Sen. Chris Van Hollen. "This may be the one area where they've decided not to play ball."
President Donald Trump is reportedly planning to escalate his campaign to eliminate the filibuster in the US Senate.
According to a Tuesday report from Axios, Trump plans to relentlessly harass Republican senators until they accept his demands to kill the filibuster, which imposes a 60-vote threshold for closing debate on most legislation in the Senate ahead of a final vote.
One Trump adviser told the publication that the president plans to be relentless in lobbying Republicans to end the filibuster in a way he never was before.
"He will call them at 3 o'clock in the morning," they said. "He will blow them up in their districts. He will call them un-American. He will call them old creatures of a dying institution. Believe you me, he's going to make their lives just hell."
Another adviser told Axios that Trump is "really mad" about Democrats being able to force a government shutdown—now tied for the longest in history—even when Republicans have control of the US House, Senate, and presidency.
The official White House account on X even got into the action on Tuesday with an all-caps post demanding that GOP senators "TERMINATE THE FILIBUSTER!!!"
Even so, there so far is no indication that enough Republican senators are going to obey Trump's orders on this issue, especially since three of them—Sens. Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska), Bill Cassidy (R-La.), and Susan Collins (R-Maine)—voted to convict him at his second impeachment trial in 2021.
Many Republicans, including former Senate GOP Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), have long taken the view that the filibuster is a net benefit for their party given that it gives them the ability to indefinitely stall most progressive legislation.
In fact, Fox News reported on Tuesday that current Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-SD) believes there are at most a dozen Republican votes in his caucus in favor of scrapping the filibuster.
In an interview with Axios, Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) expressed confidence that Republicans wouldn't really walk the plank for Trump on this issue.
"Republicans are rubber stamps for Donald Trump on everything else," he said. "This may be the one area where they've decided not to play ball."
During former President Joe Biden's term, 49 Senate Democrats voted to eliminate the filibuster but were blocked from getting to the majority by then-Sens. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) and Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.), both of whom would eventually leave the Democratic Party to become independents.