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Lesley Gill, 615-343-6120;
Joanne Rappaport, (202) 537-1382;
Monica Gonzalez (Georgetown student), (914) 661-2643
Students are
delivering an open letter to Georgetown University President John J.
DeGioia today, signed by over 150 scholars, urging the university to
reconsider its appointment of former president of Colombia Alvaro Uribe
as a visiting scholar.
Students are
delivering an open letter to Georgetown University President John J.
DeGioia today, signed by over 150 scholars, urging the university to
reconsider its appointment of former president of Colombia Alvaro Uribe
as a visiting scholar. Signed by a number of Georgetown professors,
leading scholars on Colombia, and many others, the letter objects to
Uribe's ties to paramilitary groups, the "false positives" scandal (in
which members of the Colombian military killed civilians and dressed
the bodies in the uniforms of guerrillas), corruption and human rights
violations in his administration, manipulation of the judiciary, and a
notorious wiretapping scandal, among other concerns.
"Given the human rights scandals associated with Alvaro Uribe's
administration, and the ties between his administration and illegal
paramilitary groups, it is disturbing that Georgetown University has
chosen to host him this year," said Lesley Gill, Professor and Chair of
Anthropology at Vanderbilt University.
Signers of the letter include Joanne Rappaport, a Colombia expert and
Professor of Anthropology and Spanish and Portuguese at Georgetown
University; Greg Grandin, Professor of History at New York University
and author of the Pulitzer Prize Finalist book Fordlandia; Yale
University professor Gilbert M. Joseph; and Father Ray Kemp, Senior
Fellow at the Woodstock Theological Center at Georgetown, among many
others.
The full text of the letter follows:
_______________________________________________________________________
John J. DeGioia
President
Georgetown University
September 27, 2010
Dear Sir,
Concerning former Colombian President Alvaro Uribe's appointment at
Georgetown's Walsh School of Foreign Service as "Distinguished Scholar
in the Practice of Global Leadership," we would like to signal our
agreement with the basic thrust of the open letter Father Javier
Giraldo Moreno, S.J., wrote to peace activist Father John Dear, S.J.,
on September 6, 2010, and add our support for Father Dear's efforts to
have Mr. Uribe removed from his post.
We reproduce the text of the letter from Father Giraldo to Father Dear:
Dear John,
I send you fraternal, loving greetings.
I write to you with great concern regarding the fact that our Jesuit
university, Georgetown, has hired former president of Colombia Alvaro
Uribe Velez, as a professor. I am constantly receiving messages from
individuals and groups who have suffered enormously during his term as
president. They are protesting and questioning the mindset of our
Company, or its lack of ethical judgment in making a decision of this
kind.
It is possible that decision makers at Georgetown have received
positive appraisals from Colombians in high political or economic
positions, but it is difficult to ignore the intense moral
disagreements aroused by his government and the investigations and
sanctions imposed by international organizations that try to protect
human dignity. The mere fact that, during Uribe's political career,
while he was governor of Antioquia Department (1995-1997), he founded
and protected so many paramilitary groups, known euphemistically as
"Convivir" ("To Live Together"), who murdered and "disappeared"
thousands of people and displaced multitudes, committing many other
atrocities, would imply a need for moral censure before entrusting him
with any future responsibility.
But not only did he continue to sponsor those paramilitary groups, but
he defended them and he perfected them into a new pattern of legalized
paramilitarism, including networks of informants, networks of
collaborators, and the new class of private security companies that
involve millions of civilians in military activities related to the
internal armed conflict, while at the same time lying to the
international community with a phony demobilization of the
paramilitaries.
In addition, the scandalous practice of "false positives" took place
during Uribe's administration. The practice consists in murdering
civilians, usually peasants, and after killing them, dressing them as
combatants in order to justify their deaths. That is the way he tried
to demonstrate bogus military victories over the rebels and eliminate
the activists in social movements that work for justice.
The corruption during his administration was more than scandalous, not
just because of the presence of drug traffickers in public positions,
but also because the Congress and many government offices were occupied
by criminals. Today more than a hundred members of Congress are
involved in criminal proceedings, all of them President Uribe's closest
supporters.
The purchase of consciences in order to manipulate the judicial
apparatus was disgraceful. It ended up destroying, at the deepest
level, the moral fabric of the country. Another disgrace was the
corrupt manner in which the ministers closest to him manipulated
agricultural policy in order to favor the very rich with public money,
meanwhile impeding and stigmatizing social projects. The corruption of
his sons, who enriched themselves by using the advantages of power,
scandalized the whole country.
In addition, Uribe used the security agency directly under his control
(the Department of Administrative Security) to spy on the courts,
opposition politicians, and social and human rights movements, by means
of clandestine telephone tapping. The corrupt machinations he used to
obtain his re-election as President in 2006 were sordid in the extreme,
with the result that ministers and close collaborators have almost been
jailed.
He manipulated the coordination between the Army and the paramilitary
groups that resulted in 14,000 extrajudicial executions during his term
of office. His strategies of impunity for those who, through the
government or the "para-government," committed crimes against humanity
will go down in history for their brazenness.
The decision by the Jesuits at Georgetown to offer a professorship to
Alvaro Uribe, is not only deeply offensive to those Colombians who
still maintain moral principles, but also places at high risk the
ethical development of the young people who attend our university in
Washington. Where are the ethics of the Company of Jesus?
I am writing these lines to you because I am sure that you will share
our concerns and perhaps you can forward them to the Jesuits at
Georgetown and to other circles of thoughtful persons you know and to
those who are in sympathy with justice.
With a fond embrace,
Javier Giraldo Moreno, S.J.
We hope you will reconsider your decision to appoint Alvaro Uribe at
Georgetown in light of the concerns noted above. His presence there is
an affront to scholars and their educational mission.
Sincerely,
Osama Abi-Mershed, Assistant Professor of History, Georgetown University
Rodolfo Acuna, Professor of Chicano/a Studies, California State
University, Northridge
Sonia E. Alvarez, Leonard J. Horwitz Professor of Latin American
Politics and Society, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Mark Anderson, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of
California, Santa Cruz
Tim Anderson, Senior Lecturer in Political Economy, University of Sydney
Juan Manuel Arbona, Associate Professor and Chair, Growth and Structure
of Cities Department, Bryn Mawr College
Benjamin Arditi, Professor, Centro de Estudios Politicos, Facultad de
Ciencias Politicas y Sociales, UNAM, Mexico
Arturo Arias, Professor of Spanish and Portuguese, University of Texas,
Austin
Robert Austin, Ph.D, Fellow, School of Historical Studies, University
of Melbourne
Beth Baker-Cristales, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Acting
Director, Latin American Studies Program, California State University,
Los Angeles
Teo Ballve, Former Editor, NACLA Report on the Americas, Ph.D.
Candidate in Geography, University of California, Berkeley
David Barkin, Profesor de Economia, Universidad Autonoma
Metropolitana-Xochimilco
Anthony Bebbington, Professor and ESRC Professorial Research Fellow,
University of Manchester, UK
Marc Becker, Professor of Latin American History, Truman State
University
Ericka Beckman, Assistant Professor of Spanish, Italian and Portuguese
and Program in Comparative and World Literatures, University of
Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Susan Besse, Associate Professor of History, City College and The
Graduate Center, Director, City College Fellowships Program, City
University of New York
John Beverley, Distinguished Professor of Hispanic Languages and
Literatures, University of Pittsburgh
Larry Birns, Director, Council on Hemispheric Affairs
John D. Blanco, Professor of Literature, University of California, San
Diego
Anthony Bogues, Professor of Africana Studies and Political Science,
Brown University
Paola Bohorquez, Ph.D., York University, Toronto
Paul A. Bove, Distinguished Professor of English, University of
Pittsburgh
Donald W. Bray, Professor of Political Science Emeritus, California
State University, Los Angeles
Marjorie W. Bray, Director of Latin American Studies, retired,
California State University, Los Angeles
Renate Bridenthal, Professor Emerita of History, Brooklyn College
Bob Buzzanco, Professor of History, University of Houston
Marisol de la Cadena, Associate Profesor of Anthropology, University of
California, Davis
Laura Carlsen, Director, Americas Program/Programa de las Americas
Marc Chernick, Visiting Associate Professor of Government, Georgetown
University
Ron Chilcote, Professor of Economics, University of California,
Riverside
Amy Chazkel, Assistant Professor of History, Queens College, City
University of New York (CUNY)
Noam Chomsky, Institute Professor and Professor of Linguistics,
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
George Ciccariello-Maher, Assistant Professor of Political Science,
Drexel University
Christopher Clement, Visiting Professor of Politics, Pomona College
James D. Cockcroft, Ph.D., SUNY online professor
Peter Cole, Assoc. Professor of History, Western Illinois University
and Ph.D., Georgetown, 1997
Jaime Concha, Professor of Literature, University of California, San
Diego
Christopher Connery, Professor of Literature, University of California,
Santa Cruz
Antonia Darder, Distinguished Professor of Education, University of
Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
Pablo Delano, Professor of Fine Arts, Trinity College
Guillermo Delgado-P., Ph.D., Anthropology Department, Field Studies
Director, University of California, Santa Cruz
Robin Maria DeLugan, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, University of
California, Merced
Monica Dias Martins, Professor of Political Science, Universidade
Estadual do Ceara, Brazil
Arif Dirlik, Liang Qichao Memorial Visiting Professor, Tsinghua
University, Beijing, Knight Professor of Social Science, University of
Oregon
Francisco Dominguez, Ph.D., Program Leader for Spanish and Latin
American Studies, Head of Centre For Brazilian and Latin American
Studies, Department of English, Languages and Philosophy, Middlesex
University, UK
Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, Professor Emerita of Ethnic Studies, California
State University
Luis Duno, Associate Professor of Caribbean Studies and Film, Rice
University
Marc Edelman, Professor and Chair of Anthropology, Hunter College, CUNY
Steve Ellner, Profesor of Political Science, Universidad de Oriente,
Venezuela
Arturo Escobar, Kenan Distinguished Professor of Anthropology,
University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Daniel Faber, Professor of Sociology, Northeastern University
Sujatha Fernandes, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Queens College,
CUNY
Raul Fernandez, Professor, School of Social Sciences, University of
California, Irvine
Bill Fletcher, Jr., BlackCommentator.com editorial board member
Alcira Forero-Pena, Adjunct Assistant Professor, Lehman College, CUNY
Dana Frank, Professor of History, University of California, Santa Cruz
Gavin Fridell, Associate Professor and Chair, Department of Politics,
Trent University, Ontario, Canada
Lesley Gill, Professor and Chair of Anthropology, Vanderbilt University
Stephen R. Gliessman, Ruth and Alfred Heller Professor Emeritus of
Agroecology, University of California, Santa Cruz
Gabriel Ignacio Gomez, Professor, Universidad de Antioquia Law School
(Colombia)
Greg Grandin, Professor of History, New York University
Gilbert Gonzalez, Professor Emeritus of Chicano and Latino Studies,
University of California, Irvine
Todd Gordon, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, York
University, Toronto
Bruce Grant, Associate Professor of Anthropology, New York University
Jean Max Guieu, Professor of French, Georgetown University
Bret Gustafson, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Washington
University
Edgar Ivan Gutierrez, Associate Professor of History and Ethnic
Studies, Riverside City College
Peter Hallward, Professor of Modern European Philosophy, Kingston
University, London
John L. Hammond, Professor of Sociology, CUNY
Jim Handy, Professor of History, University of Saskatchewan, Canada
Mark Healy, Assistant Professor of History, University of California,
Berkeley
Judith Adler Hellman, Professor of Political and Social Science, York
University
Doug Hertzler, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Eastern Mennonite
University
Rene Harder Horst, Associate Professor of History, Appalachian State
University
Peter James Hudson, Assistant Professor of History, Vanderbilt
University
Jean Jackson, Professor of Anthropology, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology
Maurice Jackson, Associate Professor of History and African American
Studies, Georgetown University
Dale Johnson, Professor of Sociology (Retired), Rutgers University
Gilbert M. Joseph, Farnam Professor of History and International
Studies, Yale University
Alejandro Kaufman, Profesor Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de Buenos
Aires/Universidad Nacional de Quilmas
Susana Kaiser, Associate Professor of Media Studies, Chair, Latin
American Studies, University of San Francisco
Father Ray Kemp, Senior Fellow, Woodstock Theological Center,
Georgetown University
Robert M. Irwin, Professor of Spanish and Portuguese, University of
California, Davis
Maria Lagos, Assistant Professor Emerita of Anthropology, CUNY
Mark Lance, Professor of Philosophy, Georgetown University
Sidney Lemelle, Professor of History, Pomona College
Marcia Landy, Distinguished Professor of English and Film Studies,
University of Pittsburgh
Catherine LeGrand, Associate Professor of History, McGill University,
Montreal
Deborah Levenson, Associate Professor of History, Boston College
Kathryne V. Lindberg, Professor of English and Africana Studies, Wayne
State University
Peter Linebaugh, Professor of History, University of Toledo
Dr. Gilberto Lopez y Rivas, Profesor Investigador, Instituto Nacional
de Antropologia e Historia, Centro Regional Morelos, Mexico
Flora Lu, Assistant Professor, Latin American and Latino Studies,
University of California, Santa Cruz
Sheryl Lutjens, Women's Studies Department, California State
University, San Marcos
Catherine Lutz, Thomas J. Watson, Jr. Family Professor of Anthropology
and International Studies, Chair of Anthropology, Brown University
Florencia E. Mallon, Julieta Kirkwood Professor and Chair of History,
University of Wisconsin, Madison
Patricia Martin, Professor in Human Geography, Universite de Montreal
Luis Martin-Cabrera. Assistant Professor, Literature, University of
California, San Diego
Peter McLaren, Ph.D., F.R.S.A, Graduate School of Education and
Information Studies, University of California, Los Angeles
Andres Medina Hernandez, Ph.D., Instituto de Investigaciones
Antropologicas, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico
Breny Mendoza, Professor, California State University, Northridge
Jim Merod, Professor American Literature, Soka University of
America/Aliso Viejo, California
Minoo Moallem, Professor of Gender and Women's Studies, University of
California, Berkeley
Elizabeth Monasterios, Associate Professor of Hispanic Languages and
Literatures, University of Pittsburgh
Isidoro Moreno-Navarro, Ph.D., Catedratico (Senior Professor) de
Antropologia, Universidad de Sevilla, Andalucia, Espana
Frederick B. Mills, Professor of Philosophy, Bowie State University
Liisa L. North, Professor Emerita of Political Science, York
University, Toronto
Fellow, Center for Research on Latin America and the Caribbean
(CERLAC), York
University
Enrique C. Ochoa, Professor of History and Latin American Studies,
California State University, Los Angeles
Daniel T. O'Hara, Professor of English and First Mellon Term Professor
of Humanities, Temple University
Andrew Orta, Associate Professor of Anthropology, Director, Center for
Latin American and Caribbean Studies, University of Illinois at
Urbana-Champaign
Mark Overmyer-Velazquez, Associate Professor of History, Director,
Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, University of
Connecticut
Rev. Dr. Joseph Palacios, Adjunct Professor, Center for Latin American
Studies, Georgetown University
Donald A. Pease, Professor of English, Ted and Helen Geisel Third
Century Professor in the Humanities, Dartmouth College
Ivette Perfecto, George W. Pack Professor of Natural Resources and
Environment, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
Hector Perla Jr., Assistant Professor, Latin American and Latino
Studies, University of California, Santa Cruz
John Pilger, Journalist, UK
Deborah Poole, Professor of Anthropology, Johns Hopkins University
Margaret Power, Professor of History, Illinois Institute of Technology,
and Georgetown University alumni, College, 1975
Pablo Alejandro Pozzi, History Department, University of Buenos Aires
Vijay Prashad, George and Martha Kellner Chair of South Asian History,
Director and Professor of International Studies, Trinity College
Richard Purcell, Assistant Professor of English, Carnegie Mellon
University
Peter Ranis, Professor Emeritus of Political Science, CUNY
Joanne Rappaport, Professor of Anthropology and Spanish and Portuguese,
Georgetown University
Marcus Rediker, Distinguished Professor of Atlantic History, University
of Pittsburgh
Darryl Reed, Associate Professor, Business & Society, Chair,
Department of Social Science, York University, Toronto, President,
Canadian Association for Studies in Cooperation
Gerardo Renique, Associate Professor of History, City College, CUNY
William I. Robinson, Professor of Sociology and Global and
International Studies, University of California-Santa Barbara
Clemencia Rodriguez, Professor of Communication, University of Oklahoma
Victor M. Rodriguez, Professor, Department of Chicano and Latino
Studies, California State University, Long Beach
Cristina Rojas, Professor, Norman Paterson School of International
Affairs, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada
Nancy Romer, Ph.D., Professor of Psychology, Brooklyn College
Jan Rus, Latin American Perspectives
Eduardo Saenz Rovner, Professor, School of Economic Sciences,
Universidad Nacional de Colombia
Rosaura Sanchez, Professor of Literature, University of California, San
Diego
Olga Sanmiguel, Professor of Women's Studies, University of Cincinnati
T.M. Scruggs, Professor Emeritus of Music, University of Iowa
Ellen Schrecker, Professor of History, Yeshiva University
Barbara Schroder, Ph.D., Senior Research Associate, Center for Advanced
Study in Education, CUNY
Sheila M Shannon, Associate Professor of Education and Human
Development, University of Colorado-Denver
Victor Silverman, Associate Professor of History, Pomona College
Brad Simpson, Assistant Professor of History and International Affairs,
Princeton University, Director, Indonesia and East Timor Documentation
Project
Julie Skurski, Distinguished Lecture in Anthropology, CUNY Graduate
Center
Carol A. Smith, Professor Emerita of Anthropology, University of
California, Davis
William A. Spanos, Distinguished Professor of English, State University
of New York, Binghamton
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, University Professor in the Humanities,
Columbia University
Richard Stahler-Sholk, Professor of Political Science, Eastern Michigan
University
Anita Starosta, Rhode Island School of Design
Marcia Stephenson, Associate Professor of Spanish, Purdue University
Pamela Stricker, Associate Professor of Political Science, California
State University, San Marcos
Steve Striffler, Professor of Anthropology and Geography, Doris
Zemurray Stone Chair in Latin American Studies, University of New
Orleans
Silvia Tandeciarz, Professor and Chair of Modern Languages and
Literatures, College of William and Mary
Margo Tamez, Assistant Professor of Gender and Women's
Studies/Indigenous Studies, University of British Columbia
Sinclair Thomson, Associate Professor of History, New York University
Miguel Tinker-Salas, Miguel R. Arango Professor in Latin American
History, Pomona College
Mayo C. Toruno, Professor of Economics, California State University,
San Bernardino
Stefano Varese, Professor of Anthropology Emeritus, University of
California, Davis
Max Viatori, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, Iowa State University
Steven S. Volk, Professor of History and Chair, Latin American Studies,
Oberlin College
Marilyn Young, Professor of History, New York University
William Walker, Professor of History, University Toronto (ret.)
Clare Weber, Professor of Sociology, California State University,
Dominguez Hills
Jeffery R. Webber, Lecturer in Politics, Queen Mary, University of
London
Dr. Ingrid Wehr, Associate Professor, University of
Freiburg/Arnold-Bergstraesser-Institute, Freiburg (Germany)
Judith A. Weiss, Professor Emerita of Modern Languages and Literatures,
Mount Allison University, Canada.
Margaret Wiener, Associate Professor of Anthropology, University of
North Carolina, Chapel Hil
Diana Pei Wu, Ph.D., Antioch University, Los Angeles
Caroline Yezer, Assistant Professor of Anthropology, College of the
Holy Cross
George Yudice, Professor of Modern Languages and Literatures, Professor
of Latin American Studies, University of Miami
Marc Zimmerman, Professor of Modern and Classical Languages, University
of Houston
“The United States and Russia already have enough deployed nuclear weapons to kill tens of millions of people in an hour and devastate the world," said one expert, warning a lapse will "only make the world less safe."
If New START expires on Thursday, it will be the first time in decades that the United States and Russia don't have a nuclear arms control treaty, and experts have been sounding the alarm about the arms race that likely lies ahead.
“The expiration of New START would be massively destabilizing and potentially very costly both in terms of economics and security," said Jennifer Knox, a research and policy analyst at the Union of Concerned Scientists' (UCS) Global Security Program, in a Tuesday statement.
"The United States and Russia already have enough deployed nuclear weapons to kill tens of millions of people in an hour and devastate the world," Knox pointed out. "Letting New START lapse would erase decades of hard-won progress and only make the world less safe."
New START was signed in April 2010, under the Obama administration, and entered into force the following February. A decade later, just days into the Biden administration, it was renewed for five years. In 2022, Russia invaded neighboring Ukraine—an ongoing conflict—and the next year, Russian President Vladimir Putin suspended his country's participation in the treaty, though he has not withdrawn.
"The global security environment facing the United States is very different from when New START was first negotiated, but it remains true that bounding an open-ended, costly arms race will still require some form of agreement between Washington and Moscow," said Ankit Panda, the Stanton senior fellow in the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace's Nuclear Policy Program, in a statement.
"The public and lawmakers alike must recognize that we are on the cusp of a fundamentally new nuclear age—one that is more unpredictable, complex, and dangerous than anything we've witnessed post-Cold War," warned Panda, one of the experts participating in a Wednesday briefing about the treaty. "A big risk is that without any quantitative limits or hands-on verification, we'll end up with compounding worst-case-scenario thinking in both capitals, as during the Cold War."
While Putin has halted US inspections of Russian nuclear facilities, he has still proposed extending the treaty for a year. Tara Drozdenko, director of the UCS Global Security Program, said that "abiding by New START for another year would be a win-win-win for the United States, Russia, and the rest of the world... The Trump administration should take swift action to publicly acknowledge that the United States will continue to abide by New START in the interim."
However, US President Donald Trump—who fancies himself as a deal-maker—hasn't expressed an interest in fighting for the pact, telling the New York Times last month that "if it expires, it expires," and "I'd rather do a new agreement that's much better."
Trump has called for China—which has the most nuclear weapons after Russia and the United States, and is building up its arsenal—to be part of a new deal, but Beijing hasn't signaled it will do so. Putin has proposed participation from France and the United Kingdom. The other nuclear-armed nations are India, Israel, North Korea, and Pakistan.
Noting Trump's comments to the Times and aspiration for the Chinese government to join, Jennifer Kavanagh, director of military analysis at the think tank Defense Priorities, declared that "this is wishful thinking–if the administration thinks getting a new 'better' treaty after this one lapses will be easy, they are mistaken."
"New START's end brings few benefits and lots of risks to the United States, especially as Washington tries to stabilize relations with rivals like Russia and China," she said, suggesting that Trump "would be better off hanging on to the agreement he has a little longer before trying to get a better one."
Dmitry Medvedev, a Putin ally who signed the treaty while serving as president and is now deputy chairman of the Russian Security Council, said in a Monday interview with Reuters, TASS, and the WarGonzo project that "our proposal remains on the table, the treaty has not yet expired, and if the Americans want to extend it, that can be done."
"For almost 60 years, we haven't had a situation where strategic nuclear potentials weren't limited in some way. Now such a situation is possible," he noted. "I spent almost my entire life, starting from 1972, under the umbrella of the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty."
"In some ways, even with all the costs, it is still an element of trust," Medvedev said. "When such a treaty exists, there is trust. When it doesn't, that trust is exhausted. The fact that we are now in this situation is clear evidence of a crisis in international relations. This is absolutely obvious."
Considering New START's potential expiration this week, the Russian leader said that "I don't want to say that this immediately means a catastrophe and a nuclear war, but it should still alert everyone. The clock that is ticking will, in this case, undoubtedly accelerate again."
According to Reuters, he was referencing the Doomsday Clock. Last week, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists' Science and Security Board set the symbolic clock at 85 seconds to midnight, the closest it has ever been to global catastrophe, citing various developments, including a failure to extend the treaty, Russian weapons tests, and China's growing arsenal.
"In 2025, it was almost impossible to identify a nuclear issue that got better," Jon B. Wolfsthal, a board member and director of global risk at the Federation of American Scientists (FAS), said last week. "More states are relying more intently on nuclear weapons, multiple states are openly talking about using nuclear weapons for not only deterrence but for coercion. Hundreds of billions are being spent to modernize and expand nuclear arsenals all over the world, and more and more non-nuclear states are considering whether they should acquire their own nuclear weapons or are hedging their nuclear bets."
"Instead of stoking the fires of the nuclear arms competition, nuclear states are reducing their own security and putting the entire planet at risk. Leaders of all states must relearn the lessons of the Cold War—no one wins a nuclear arms race, and the only way to reduce nuclear dangers is through binding agreement to limit the size and shape of their nuclear arsenals," he argued. "Nuclear states and their partners need to invest now in proven crisis communication and risk reduction tools, recommit to preventing the spread of nuclear weapons, refrain from nuclear threats, and pursue a more predictable and stable global security system."
Regarding New START specifically, FAS Nuclear Information Project associate director Matt Korda stressed this week that "we are about to enter an era of unconstrained nuclear competition without any guardrails. Not only will there no longer be anything stopping the nuclear superpowers from nearly doubling their deployed nuclear arsenals, but they would now be doing so in an environment of mutual distrust, opacity, and worst-case thinking."
"While New START was a bilateral agreement between Russia and the United States, its expiration will have far-reaching consequences for the world," he said. "There are no benefits from a costly arms buildup that brings us right back to where we started, but there would be real advantages in pursuing transparency and predictability in an otherwise unpredictable world."
“I have lost my faith in the integrity of how we do our work and our commitment to principled reporting on the facts and application of the law,” said resigning staffer Omar Shakir.
Two Human Rights Watch employees—the group's entire Israel-Palestine team—resigned after senior staffers blocked a report calling Israel's denial of Palestinian refugees' right of return to their homeland a crime against humanity.
Jewish Currents' Alex Kane reported Tuesday that HRW Israel-Palestine team lead Omar Shakir and assistant researcher Milena Ansari are stepping down over leadership's decision to nix the report, which was scheduled for release on December 4. Shakir wrote in his resignation email that one senior HRW leader informed him that calling Israel's denial of Palestinian right of return would be seen as a call to “demographically extinguish the Jewishness of the Israeli state.”
“I have lost my faith in the integrity of how we do our work and our commitment to principled reporting on the facts and application of the law,” Shakir—who is also member of Jewish Currents' advisory board—wrote in his resignation letter. “As such, I am no longer able to represent or work for Human Rights Watch.”
In an interview published Tuesday by Drop Site News, Shakir—who was deported from Israel in 2019 over his advocacy of Palestinian rights—said: “I’ve given every bit of myself to the work for a decade. I’ve defended the work in very, very difficult circumstances... The refugees I interviewed deserve to know why their stories aren’t being told."
Ansari said that "whatever justification" HRW leadership "had for pausing the report is not based on the law or facts."
The resignations underscored tensions among HRW staffers over how to navigate a potential political minefield while conducting legal analysis and reporting of Israeli policies and practices in the illegally occupied Palestinian territories.
As Kane reported:
The resignations have roiled one of the most prominent human rights groups in the world just as HRW’s new executive director, Philippe Bolopion, begins his tenure. In a statement, HRW said that the report “raised complex and consequential issues. In our review process, we concluded that aspects of the research and the factual basis for our legal conclusions needed to be strengthened to meet Human Rights Watch’s high standards.” They said that “the publication of the report was paused pending further analysis and research,” and that the process was “ongoing.”
Kenneth Roth, a longtime former HRW executive director, defended the group's decision to block the report, asserting on social media that Bolopion "was right to suspend a report using a novel and unsupported legal theory to contend that denying the right to return to a locale is a crime against humanity."
However, Shakir countered that HRW "found in 2023 denial of a return to amount to a crime against humanity in Chagos."
"This is based on [International Criminal Court] precedent," he added. "Other reports echoed the analysis. Are you calling on HRW to retract a report for its first time ever, or it just different rules for Palestine?"
Polis Project founder Suchitra Vijayan said on X Tuesday that "the decision by Human Rights Watch’s leadership to pull a report on the right of return for Palestinian refugees, after it had cleared internal review, legal sign-off, and publication preparation, demands public reckoning."
"This was not a draft in dispute and the explanation offered so far evades the central issue of 'institutional independence' in the face of political pressure," added Vijayan, who is also a professor at Columbia and New York universities. "Why was the report stopped, and what does this decision signals for the future of its work and credibility on Palestine?"
Offering "solidarity to Omar and Milena" on social media, Medical Aid for Palestinians director of advocacy and campaigns Rohan Talbot said that "Palestinian rights are yet again exceptionalized, their suffering trivialized, and their pursuit of justice forestalled by people who care more about reputation and expediency than law and justice."
Sarah Leah Whitson, HRW's former Middle East and North Africa director and currently executive director at Democracy for the Arab World Now, told Drop Site News on Tuesday that “We have once again run into Human Rights Watch’s systemic ‘Israel Exception,’ with work critical of Israel subjected to exceptional review and arbitrary processes that no other country work faces."
The modern state of Israel was established in 1948 largely through a more than decadelong campaign of terrorism against both the British occupiers of Palestine and Palestinian Arabs and the ethnic cleansing of the latter. More than 750,000 Palestinians fled or were expelled from their homeland, sometimes via massacres or the threat thereof, in what Arabs call the Nakba, or catastrophe.
More than 400 Palestinian villages were destroyed or abandoned, and their denizens—some of whom still hold the keys to their stolen homes—have yet to return. Today, they and their descendants number more than 7 million, all of whom have been denied the right of return affirmed in United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194.
Many Palestinians and experts around the world argue that the Nakba never ended—a position that has gained attention over the past 28 months, as Israel has faced mounting allegations of genocide for a war that's left more than 250,000 Palestinians dead, maimed, or missing in the coastal strip and around 2 million people forcibly displaced, starved, or sickened.
Bolopion told Kane Tuesday that the controversy over the blocked report is “a genuine and good-faith disagreement among colleagues on complex legal and advocacy questions."
“HRW remains committed to the right of return for all Palestinians, as has been our policy for many years," he added.
As some Democrats suggest compromising in order to reform the agency, Rep. Rashida Tlaib said that “ICE was built on violence and is terrorizing neighborhoods. It will not change.”
President Donald Trump on Tuesday signed a bill to end a brief government shutdown after the US House of Representatives narrowly passed the $1.2 trillion funding package.
While the bill keeps most of the federal government funded until the end of September, lawmakers sidestepped the question of funding for US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), which Democrats have vowed to block absent reforms to rein in its lawless behavior after the shootings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis and a rash of other attacks on civil rights.
The bill, which passed on Tuesday by a vote of 217-214, extends funding for ICE's parent agency, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), for just two weeks, setting up a battle in the coming weeks on which the party remains split.
While most Democrats voted against Tuesday's measure, 21 joined the bulk of Republicans to drag it just over the line, despite calls from progressive activists and groups, such as MoveOn, which Axios said peppered lawmakers with letters urging them to use every bit of "leverage" they can to force drastic changes at the agency.
House Appropriations Committee Ranking Member Rosa DeLauro (D-Conn.), who voted for the bill, acknowledged that it was "a leverage tool that people are giving up," but said funding for the rest of the government took precedence.
The real fight is expected to take place over the next 10 days, with DHS funding set to run out on February 14.
ICE will be funded regardless of whether a new round of DHS funding passes, since Republicans already passed $170 billion in DHS funding in last year's One Big Beautiful Bill Act.
Democrats in both the House and Senate have laid out lists of reforms they say Republicans must acquiesce to if they want any additional funding for ICE, including requirements that agents nationwide wear body cameras, get judicial warrants for arrests, and adhere to a code of conduct similar to those for state and local law enforcement.
Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.), the chair emerita of the Congressional Progressive Caucus who voted against Tuesday's bill reiterated that in order to pass longterm DHS funding, "there must be due process, a requirement for judicial warrants and bond hearings; every agent must not only have a bodycam but also be required to use it, take off their masks, and, in cases of misconduct, undergo immediate, independent investigations."
Some critics have pointed out that ICE agents already routinely violate court orders and constitutional requirements, raising questions about whether new laws would even be enforceable.
A memo issued last week, telling agents they do not need to obtain judicial warrants to enter homes, has been described as a blatant violation of the Fourth Amendment. Despite this, House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) said on Tuesday that Republicans will not even consider negotiating the warrant requirement, calling it "unworkable."
"We cannot trust this DHS, which has already received an unprecedented funding spike for ICE, to operate within the bounds of our Constitution or our laws," Jayapal said. "And for that reason, we cannot continue to fund them without significant and enforceable guardrails."
According to recent polls, the vast majority of Democratic voters want to go beyond reforms and push to abolish ICE outright. In the wake of ICE's reign of terror in Minneapolis, it's a position that nearly half the country now holds, with more people saying they want the agency to be done away with than saying they want it preserved.
"The American people are begging us to stop sending their tax dollars to execute people in the streets, abduct 5-year-olds, and separate families," said Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), who gathered with other progressive lawmakers in the cold outside DHS headquarters on Tuesday. "ICE was built on violence and is terrorizing neighborhoods. It will not change... No one should vote to send another cent to DHS."
Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.), who comes from the Minnesota Somali community targeted by Trump's operation there, agreed: "This rogue agency should not receive a single penny. It should be abolished and prosecuted."