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"How can two federal agencies charged with safeguarding the country's health and environment use the same water samples and reach such different conclusions?" Lustgarten writes. (Photo: William Avery Hudson/flickr/cc)
Since 2009 the people of Dimock, Pennsylvania, have insisted that, as natural gas companies drilled into their hillsides, shaking and fracturing their ground, their water had become undrinkable. It turned a milky brown, with percolating bubbles of explosive methane gas. People said it made them sick.
Their stories -- told first through an investigation into the safety of gas drilling by ProPublica -- turned Dimock into an epicenter of what would evolve into a national debate about natural gas energy and the dangers of the process of "fracking," or shattering layers of bedrock in order to release trapped natural gas.
But the last word about the quality of Dimock's water came from assurances in a 2012 statement from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency -- the federal department charged with safeguarding the Americans' drinking water. The agency declared that the water coming out of Dimock's taps did not require emergency action, such as a federal cleanup. The agency's stance was widely interpreted to mean the water was safe.
Now another federal agency charged with protecting public health has analyzed the same set of water samples, and determined that is not the case.
The finding, released May 24 from the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry, a part of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, warns that a list of contaminants the EPA had previously identified were indeed dangerous for people to consume. The report found that the wells of 27 Dimock homes contain, to varying degrees, high levels of lead, cadmium, arsenic, and copper sufficient to pose ahealth risk. It also warned of a mysterious compound called 4-chlorophenyl phenyl ether, a substance for which the agency could not even evaluate the risk, and noted that in earlier water samples non-natural pollutants including acetone, toluene and chloroform were detected . Those contaminants are known to be dangerous, but they registered at such low concentrations that their health effects could not easily be evaluated. The water in 17 homes also contained enough flammable gas so as to risk an explosion.
The EPA had asked the ATSDR to help evaluate the health risks of its water samples back in 2011. At the time, the ATSDR warned people not to drink their water, and promised a more complete evaluation. The report released last month is that complete evaluation -- an assessment of water samples taken from 64 homes during a short period in 2012 when drilling in the surrounding community had come to a temporary halt.
The fact that the contaminants were detected in water had been shared with residents in 2012. But the qualitative assessment of whether those contaminants pose a danger is new.
The new conclusions appear to call into question the EPA's assurances, and could well reignite a smoldering controversy over whether the agency had prematurely abandoned its research into the safety of fracking in Dimock and other sites across the country. ProPublica reported in 2012 that the agency had curtailed investigations it had begun into potential water contamination in Pennsylvania, Texas and Wyoming.
The May 24 findings about Dimock also lead to an obvious question: How can two federal agencies charged with safeguarding the country's health and environment use the same water samples and reach such different conclusions?
A spokesperson for the EPA offered a seemingly cryptic explanation: EPA was testing whether the contaminants were "hazardous," while the ATSDR was considering whether they were safe to drink. In a statement the EPA sent to ProPublica, it described the ATSDR report as "useful information" for Dimock residents. The spokesperson promised that the agency would "consider the findings."
Of course, the EPA, in certain respects, had already considered the findings. In 2012 -- after collecting and analyzing the same water samples used by the ATSDR -- the agency detected the same assortment of contaminants. It just ultimately did not describe their presence as a significant health threat. The agency eventually ended it investigation into the groundwater in Dimock. Its detailed water test results were distributed confidentially to homeowners without any evaluation of their meaning, while a general report was issued publically downplaying the danger.
At the time, ProPublica, which had been leaked a portion of the sample results shared privately with Dimock landowners, wrote that the water contained significant amounts of metals and chemicals and there appeared to be a disconnect between the EPA's conclusions and the chemical make-up of the water. "I'm sitting here looking at the values I have on my sheet -- I'm over the thresholds -- and yet they are telling me my water is drinkable," Scott Ely, a Dimock resident, told ProPublica in March, 2012. "I'm confused."
One possible explanation is the difference in the two mandates and authority of the two agencies. The EPA -- in examining the pollution in Dimock -- was acting under the environmental law known as the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act. In other words, it was trying to determine whether Dimock's contamination qualified as a federal Superfund site requiring a federal cleanup.
Pennsylvania environment officials had already determined that a number of drilling violations by a company named Cabot Oil and Gas had likely contributed to some pollution and disturbance underground. It sanctioned Cabot, suspended their drilling permits in the area, and required them, for a time, to supply drinking water to Dimock homes. In 2012, Cabot settled with dozens of families who had sued the company for an undisclosed amount.
That contamination existed, and that it may have been caused by the drilling, was not in dispute when the EPA made its judgment call. "Spills and other releases have been documented... from these drilling activities," noted a January 2012 EPA document. "There is reason to believe that a release of hazardous substances has occurred."
The EPA's January action memo went on to describe the contaminants and summarized that "a chronic health risk exists for most wells and that the situation supports a 'Do Not Use the Water' action." Beside several of the most concerning substances detected, the agency wrote: "note that children reside at this location."
Still, Superfund law sets several criteria beyond a health concern to qualify for a cleanup, including the possibility of alternative solutions to a cleanup. There is also an explicit loophole built into the Superfund law for petroleum and natural gas; neither are allowed to be defined as a "hazardous substance" requiring cleanup.
How those factors weighed on the EPA's characterizations of, and decisions concerning, Dimock's water is unclear. The agency has never explained its decision in detail. But just six months later, the EPA issued a carefully-worded statement declaring what appeared to be a reversal, saying it "has determined that there are not levels of contaminants present that would require additional action by the Agency." It said that it would stop delivering clean emergency water to Dimock homes, and noted that in the homes with the worst contamination residents planned to install water treatment systems.
The EPA's 2012 decision was widely interpreted to mean that the water supplies in Dimock had been found to be safe.
"EPA finds Pennsylvania well water safe after drilling," a headline in the Los Angeles Times read.
In a response to ProPublica's questions this week, an EPA spokesperson said the agency had completed a second round of testing and concluded that the worst water problems were confined to just four homes. Those homes either already had, or planned to install, water treatment systems that the EPA expected would reduce their exposure risk. The EPA emphasized that ultimately cleaning rural residential water is not its responsibility. "Private drinking water well owners are responsible for sampling and maintaining their wells and addressing the operational issues that can affect drinking water quality," wrote Michael D'Andrea, the EPA's director of communications for its Mid-Atlantic region, in an email.
The ATSDR, on the other hand, serves to advise residents with regards to their health. It examined the same water samples as the EPA, but assumed that the highest levels of contaminants detected were what people would be exposed to. And it simply advises on issues of public health.
The ATSDR doesn't address the stickiest political questions that have bogged down the conversation about "fracking." It won't require a cleanup, or address whether or not the contamination was caused by the drilling activities or some other source.
It also has limits; having only examined water sampled during a short period, more than four years ago, when drilling was on pause.
Today in Pennsylvania, drilling activity is down, thanks to the collapse of oil and gas prices. Statewide drilling activity is about one-fifth of what it was in 2012, and there is not currently any drilling in the immediate Dimock area. Cabot Oil and Gas is still banned from drilling new wells in a nine-square mile area there. Asked for comment on the ATSDR report, a spokeswoman from Cabot wrote "It is imperative to review this study in full context and next to the separately concluded investigations by both the DEP [Pennsylvania's Department of Environmental Protection] and the EPA which found the level of contaminants found do not possess a threat to human health or the environment."
Little additional water testing has been done in the Dimock area of late. The ATSDR says conditions may well have changed, and it would need more data to determine whether the water residents there are drinking today will make them sick.
But what its report does do is begin to explicitly answer one of the most important and enduring questions that has arisen as gas drilling has raised water contamination suspicions across the country: "ATSDR found some of the chemicals in the private water wells at this site at levels high enough to affect health ... pose a physical hazard... or make the water unsuitable for drinking."
ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for their newsletter.
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Since 2009 the people of Dimock, Pennsylvania, have insisted that, as natural gas companies drilled into their hillsides, shaking and fracturing their ground, their water had become undrinkable. It turned a milky brown, with percolating bubbles of explosive methane gas. People said it made them sick.
Their stories -- told first through an investigation into the safety of gas drilling by ProPublica -- turned Dimock into an epicenter of what would evolve into a national debate about natural gas energy and the dangers of the process of "fracking," or shattering layers of bedrock in order to release trapped natural gas.
But the last word about the quality of Dimock's water came from assurances in a 2012 statement from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency -- the federal department charged with safeguarding the Americans' drinking water. The agency declared that the water coming out of Dimock's taps did not require emergency action, such as a federal cleanup. The agency's stance was widely interpreted to mean the water was safe.
Now another federal agency charged with protecting public health has analyzed the same set of water samples, and determined that is not the case.
The finding, released May 24 from the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry, a part of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, warns that a list of contaminants the EPA had previously identified were indeed dangerous for people to consume. The report found that the wells of 27 Dimock homes contain, to varying degrees, high levels of lead, cadmium, arsenic, and copper sufficient to pose ahealth risk. It also warned of a mysterious compound called 4-chlorophenyl phenyl ether, a substance for which the agency could not even evaluate the risk, and noted that in earlier water samples non-natural pollutants including acetone, toluene and chloroform were detected . Those contaminants are known to be dangerous, but they registered at such low concentrations that their health effects could not easily be evaluated. The water in 17 homes also contained enough flammable gas so as to risk an explosion.
The EPA had asked the ATSDR to help evaluate the health risks of its water samples back in 2011. At the time, the ATSDR warned people not to drink their water, and promised a more complete evaluation. The report released last month is that complete evaluation -- an assessment of water samples taken from 64 homes during a short period in 2012 when drilling in the surrounding community had come to a temporary halt.
The fact that the contaminants were detected in water had been shared with residents in 2012. But the qualitative assessment of whether those contaminants pose a danger is new.
The new conclusions appear to call into question the EPA's assurances, and could well reignite a smoldering controversy over whether the agency had prematurely abandoned its research into the safety of fracking in Dimock and other sites across the country. ProPublica reported in 2012 that the agency had curtailed investigations it had begun into potential water contamination in Pennsylvania, Texas and Wyoming.
The May 24 findings about Dimock also lead to an obvious question: How can two federal agencies charged with safeguarding the country's health and environment use the same water samples and reach such different conclusions?
A spokesperson for the EPA offered a seemingly cryptic explanation: EPA was testing whether the contaminants were "hazardous," while the ATSDR was considering whether they were safe to drink. In a statement the EPA sent to ProPublica, it described the ATSDR report as "useful information" for Dimock residents. The spokesperson promised that the agency would "consider the findings."
Of course, the EPA, in certain respects, had already considered the findings. In 2012 -- after collecting and analyzing the same water samples used by the ATSDR -- the agency detected the same assortment of contaminants. It just ultimately did not describe their presence as a significant health threat. The agency eventually ended it investigation into the groundwater in Dimock. Its detailed water test results were distributed confidentially to homeowners without any evaluation of their meaning, while a general report was issued publically downplaying the danger.
At the time, ProPublica, which had been leaked a portion of the sample results shared privately with Dimock landowners, wrote that the water contained significant amounts of metals and chemicals and there appeared to be a disconnect between the EPA's conclusions and the chemical make-up of the water. "I'm sitting here looking at the values I have on my sheet -- I'm over the thresholds -- and yet they are telling me my water is drinkable," Scott Ely, a Dimock resident, told ProPublica in March, 2012. "I'm confused."
One possible explanation is the difference in the two mandates and authority of the two agencies. The EPA -- in examining the pollution in Dimock -- was acting under the environmental law known as the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act. In other words, it was trying to determine whether Dimock's contamination qualified as a federal Superfund site requiring a federal cleanup.
Pennsylvania environment officials had already determined that a number of drilling violations by a company named Cabot Oil and Gas had likely contributed to some pollution and disturbance underground. It sanctioned Cabot, suspended their drilling permits in the area, and required them, for a time, to supply drinking water to Dimock homes. In 2012, Cabot settled with dozens of families who had sued the company for an undisclosed amount.
That contamination existed, and that it may have been caused by the drilling, was not in dispute when the EPA made its judgment call. "Spills and other releases have been documented... from these drilling activities," noted a January 2012 EPA document. "There is reason to believe that a release of hazardous substances has occurred."
The EPA's January action memo went on to describe the contaminants and summarized that "a chronic health risk exists for most wells and that the situation supports a 'Do Not Use the Water' action." Beside several of the most concerning substances detected, the agency wrote: "note that children reside at this location."
Still, Superfund law sets several criteria beyond a health concern to qualify for a cleanup, including the possibility of alternative solutions to a cleanup. There is also an explicit loophole built into the Superfund law for petroleum and natural gas; neither are allowed to be defined as a "hazardous substance" requiring cleanup.
How those factors weighed on the EPA's characterizations of, and decisions concerning, Dimock's water is unclear. The agency has never explained its decision in detail. But just six months later, the EPA issued a carefully-worded statement declaring what appeared to be a reversal, saying it "has determined that there are not levels of contaminants present that would require additional action by the Agency." It said that it would stop delivering clean emergency water to Dimock homes, and noted that in the homes with the worst contamination residents planned to install water treatment systems.
The EPA's 2012 decision was widely interpreted to mean that the water supplies in Dimock had been found to be safe.
"EPA finds Pennsylvania well water safe after drilling," a headline in the Los Angeles Times read.
In a response to ProPublica's questions this week, an EPA spokesperson said the agency had completed a second round of testing and concluded that the worst water problems were confined to just four homes. Those homes either already had, or planned to install, water treatment systems that the EPA expected would reduce their exposure risk. The EPA emphasized that ultimately cleaning rural residential water is not its responsibility. "Private drinking water well owners are responsible for sampling and maintaining their wells and addressing the operational issues that can affect drinking water quality," wrote Michael D'Andrea, the EPA's director of communications for its Mid-Atlantic region, in an email.
The ATSDR, on the other hand, serves to advise residents with regards to their health. It examined the same water samples as the EPA, but assumed that the highest levels of contaminants detected were what people would be exposed to. And it simply advises on issues of public health.
The ATSDR doesn't address the stickiest political questions that have bogged down the conversation about "fracking." It won't require a cleanup, or address whether or not the contamination was caused by the drilling activities or some other source.
It also has limits; having only examined water sampled during a short period, more than four years ago, when drilling was on pause.
Today in Pennsylvania, drilling activity is down, thanks to the collapse of oil and gas prices. Statewide drilling activity is about one-fifth of what it was in 2012, and there is not currently any drilling in the immediate Dimock area. Cabot Oil and Gas is still banned from drilling new wells in a nine-square mile area there. Asked for comment on the ATSDR report, a spokeswoman from Cabot wrote "It is imperative to review this study in full context and next to the separately concluded investigations by both the DEP [Pennsylvania's Department of Environmental Protection] and the EPA which found the level of contaminants found do not possess a threat to human health or the environment."
Little additional water testing has been done in the Dimock area of late. The ATSDR says conditions may well have changed, and it would need more data to determine whether the water residents there are drinking today will make them sick.
But what its report does do is begin to explicitly answer one of the most important and enduring questions that has arisen as gas drilling has raised water contamination suspicions across the country: "ATSDR found some of the chemicals in the private water wells at this site at levels high enough to affect health ... pose a physical hazard... or make the water unsuitable for drinking."
ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for their newsletter.
Since 2009 the people of Dimock, Pennsylvania, have insisted that, as natural gas companies drilled into their hillsides, shaking and fracturing their ground, their water had become undrinkable. It turned a milky brown, with percolating bubbles of explosive methane gas. People said it made them sick.
Their stories -- told first through an investigation into the safety of gas drilling by ProPublica -- turned Dimock into an epicenter of what would evolve into a national debate about natural gas energy and the dangers of the process of "fracking," or shattering layers of bedrock in order to release trapped natural gas.
But the last word about the quality of Dimock's water came from assurances in a 2012 statement from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency -- the federal department charged with safeguarding the Americans' drinking water. The agency declared that the water coming out of Dimock's taps did not require emergency action, such as a federal cleanup. The agency's stance was widely interpreted to mean the water was safe.
Now another federal agency charged with protecting public health has analyzed the same set of water samples, and determined that is not the case.
The finding, released May 24 from the Agency for Toxic Substances and Disease Registry, a part of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, warns that a list of contaminants the EPA had previously identified were indeed dangerous for people to consume. The report found that the wells of 27 Dimock homes contain, to varying degrees, high levels of lead, cadmium, arsenic, and copper sufficient to pose ahealth risk. It also warned of a mysterious compound called 4-chlorophenyl phenyl ether, a substance for which the agency could not even evaluate the risk, and noted that in earlier water samples non-natural pollutants including acetone, toluene and chloroform were detected . Those contaminants are known to be dangerous, but they registered at such low concentrations that their health effects could not easily be evaluated. The water in 17 homes also contained enough flammable gas so as to risk an explosion.
The EPA had asked the ATSDR to help evaluate the health risks of its water samples back in 2011. At the time, the ATSDR warned people not to drink their water, and promised a more complete evaluation. The report released last month is that complete evaluation -- an assessment of water samples taken from 64 homes during a short period in 2012 when drilling in the surrounding community had come to a temporary halt.
The fact that the contaminants were detected in water had been shared with residents in 2012. But the qualitative assessment of whether those contaminants pose a danger is new.
The new conclusions appear to call into question the EPA's assurances, and could well reignite a smoldering controversy over whether the agency had prematurely abandoned its research into the safety of fracking in Dimock and other sites across the country. ProPublica reported in 2012 that the agency had curtailed investigations it had begun into potential water contamination in Pennsylvania, Texas and Wyoming.
The May 24 findings about Dimock also lead to an obvious question: How can two federal agencies charged with safeguarding the country's health and environment use the same water samples and reach such different conclusions?
A spokesperson for the EPA offered a seemingly cryptic explanation: EPA was testing whether the contaminants were "hazardous," while the ATSDR was considering whether they were safe to drink. In a statement the EPA sent to ProPublica, it described the ATSDR report as "useful information" for Dimock residents. The spokesperson promised that the agency would "consider the findings."
Of course, the EPA, in certain respects, had already considered the findings. In 2012 -- after collecting and analyzing the same water samples used by the ATSDR -- the agency detected the same assortment of contaminants. It just ultimately did not describe their presence as a significant health threat. The agency eventually ended it investigation into the groundwater in Dimock. Its detailed water test results were distributed confidentially to homeowners without any evaluation of their meaning, while a general report was issued publically downplaying the danger.
At the time, ProPublica, which had been leaked a portion of the sample results shared privately with Dimock landowners, wrote that the water contained significant amounts of metals and chemicals and there appeared to be a disconnect between the EPA's conclusions and the chemical make-up of the water. "I'm sitting here looking at the values I have on my sheet -- I'm over the thresholds -- and yet they are telling me my water is drinkable," Scott Ely, a Dimock resident, told ProPublica in March, 2012. "I'm confused."
One possible explanation is the difference in the two mandates and authority of the two agencies. The EPA -- in examining the pollution in Dimock -- was acting under the environmental law known as the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act. In other words, it was trying to determine whether Dimock's contamination qualified as a federal Superfund site requiring a federal cleanup.
Pennsylvania environment officials had already determined that a number of drilling violations by a company named Cabot Oil and Gas had likely contributed to some pollution and disturbance underground. It sanctioned Cabot, suspended their drilling permits in the area, and required them, for a time, to supply drinking water to Dimock homes. In 2012, Cabot settled with dozens of families who had sued the company for an undisclosed amount.
That contamination existed, and that it may have been caused by the drilling, was not in dispute when the EPA made its judgment call. "Spills and other releases have been documented... from these drilling activities," noted a January 2012 EPA document. "There is reason to believe that a release of hazardous substances has occurred."
The EPA's January action memo went on to describe the contaminants and summarized that "a chronic health risk exists for most wells and that the situation supports a 'Do Not Use the Water' action." Beside several of the most concerning substances detected, the agency wrote: "note that children reside at this location."
Still, Superfund law sets several criteria beyond a health concern to qualify for a cleanup, including the possibility of alternative solutions to a cleanup. There is also an explicit loophole built into the Superfund law for petroleum and natural gas; neither are allowed to be defined as a "hazardous substance" requiring cleanup.
How those factors weighed on the EPA's characterizations of, and decisions concerning, Dimock's water is unclear. The agency has never explained its decision in detail. But just six months later, the EPA issued a carefully-worded statement declaring what appeared to be a reversal, saying it "has determined that there are not levels of contaminants present that would require additional action by the Agency." It said that it would stop delivering clean emergency water to Dimock homes, and noted that in the homes with the worst contamination residents planned to install water treatment systems.
The EPA's 2012 decision was widely interpreted to mean that the water supplies in Dimock had been found to be safe.
"EPA finds Pennsylvania well water safe after drilling," a headline in the Los Angeles Times read.
In a response to ProPublica's questions this week, an EPA spokesperson said the agency had completed a second round of testing and concluded that the worst water problems were confined to just four homes. Those homes either already had, or planned to install, water treatment systems that the EPA expected would reduce their exposure risk. The EPA emphasized that ultimately cleaning rural residential water is not its responsibility. "Private drinking water well owners are responsible for sampling and maintaining their wells and addressing the operational issues that can affect drinking water quality," wrote Michael D'Andrea, the EPA's director of communications for its Mid-Atlantic region, in an email.
The ATSDR, on the other hand, serves to advise residents with regards to their health. It examined the same water samples as the EPA, but assumed that the highest levels of contaminants detected were what people would be exposed to. And it simply advises on issues of public health.
The ATSDR doesn't address the stickiest political questions that have bogged down the conversation about "fracking." It won't require a cleanup, or address whether or not the contamination was caused by the drilling activities or some other source.
It also has limits; having only examined water sampled during a short period, more than four years ago, when drilling was on pause.
Today in Pennsylvania, drilling activity is down, thanks to the collapse of oil and gas prices. Statewide drilling activity is about one-fifth of what it was in 2012, and there is not currently any drilling in the immediate Dimock area. Cabot Oil and Gas is still banned from drilling new wells in a nine-square mile area there. Asked for comment on the ATSDR report, a spokeswoman from Cabot wrote "It is imperative to review this study in full context and next to the separately concluded investigations by both the DEP [Pennsylvania's Department of Environmental Protection] and the EPA which found the level of contaminants found do not possess a threat to human health or the environment."
Little additional water testing has been done in the Dimock area of late. The ATSDR says conditions may well have changed, and it would need more data to determine whether the water residents there are drinking today will make them sick.
But what its report does do is begin to explicitly answer one of the most important and enduring questions that has arisen as gas drilling has raised water contamination suspicions across the country: "ATSDR found some of the chemicals in the private water wells at this site at levels high enough to affect health ... pose a physical hazard... or make the water unsuitable for drinking."
ProPublica is a Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative newsroom. Sign up for their newsletter.
"The children wept, as no parents were there to share the moment—their parents had been killed by the Israeli army," said one observer.
More than 1,000 Palestinian children orphaned by Israel's genocidal assault on Gaza took part in a bittersweet graduation ceremony Monday at a special school in the south of the embattled enclave as Israeli forces continued their US-backed campaign of annihilation and ethnic cleansing nearby.
Dressed in caps and gowns and waving Palestinian flags, graduates of the school at al-Wafa Orphan Village in Khan Younis—opened earlier this year by speech pathologist Wafaa Abu Jalala—received diplomas as students and staff proudly looked on. It was a remarkable event given the tremendous suffering of Palestinians in Gaza, especially the children, and Israel's obliteration of the strip's educational infrastructure, often referred to as scholasticide.
Organizers said the event was the largest of its kind since Israel began leveling Gaza after the Hamas-led attack of October 7, 2023. Israel's assault and siege, which are the subject of an International Court of Justice genocide case, have left more than 62,000 Palestinians dead, including over 18,500 children—official death tolls that are likely to be a severe undercount.
The Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics reported in April that nearly 40,000 children in Gaza have lost one or both of their parents to Israeli bombs and bullets in what the agency called the world's "largest orphan crisis" in modern history. Other independent groups say the number of orphans is even higher during a war in which medical professionals have coined a grim new acronym: WCNSF—wounded child, no surviving family.
Hundreds of thousands of other Palestinians are starving in what Amnesty International on Monday called a "deliberate campaign." Thousands of Gazan children are treated for malnutrition each month, and at least 122 have starved to death, according to local officials.
Early in the war, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) called Gaza "the world's most dangerous place to be a child." Last year, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres for the first time added Israel to his so-called "List of Shame" of countries that kill and injure children during wars and other armed conflicts. Doctors and others including volunteers from the United States have documented many cases in which they've concluded Israeli snipers and other troops have deliberately shot children in the head and chest.
Palestinian children take part in a graduation ceremony at al-Wafa Orphan Village in Khan Younis, Gaza on August 18, 2025. (Photo: Abdallah Alattar/Anadolu via Getty Images)
There are also more child amputees in Gaza than anywhere else in the world, with UN agencies estimating earlier this year that 3,000-4,000 Palestinian children have had one or more limbs removed, sometimes without anesthesia. The administration of US President Donald Trump—which provides Israel with many of the weapons used to kill and maim Palestinian children—recently stopped issuing visas to amputees and other victims seeking medical treatment in the United States.
All of the above have wrought what one Gaza mother called the "complete psychological destruction" of children in the embattled enclave.
Indeed, a 2024 survey of more than 500 Palestinian children in Gaza revealed that 96% of them fear imminent death, 92% are not accepting of reality, 79% suffer from nightmares, 77% avoid discussing traumatic events, 73% display signs of aggression, 49% wish to die because of the war, and many more "show signs of withdrawal and severe anxiety, alongside a pervasive sense of hopelessness."
Iain Overton, executive director of the UK-based group Action on Armed Violence, said at the time of the survey's publication that "the world's failure to protect Gaza's children is a moral failing on a monumental scale."
"No state should be above the law," said Younis Alkhatib of the Palestine Red Crescent Society. "The international community is obliged to protect humanitarians and to stop impunity."
The United Nations humanitarian affairs office said Tuesday that the new record of 383 aid workers killed last year while performing their lifesaving jobs was "shocking"—but considering Israel's relentless attacks on civilians, medical staff, journalists, and relief workers in Gaza, it was no surprise that the bombardment of the enclave was a major driver of the rise in aid worker deaths in 2024.
Nearly half of the aid workers killed last year—181 of them—were killed in Israeli attacks in Gaza, while 60 died in Sudan amid the civil war there.
The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) recorded a 31% increase in aid worker killings compared to 2023, the agency said as it marked World Humanitarian Day.
"Even one attack against a humanitarian colleague is an attack on all of us and on the people we serve," said Tom Fletcher, the UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs. "Attacks on this scale, with zero accountability, are a shameful indictment of international inaction and apathy."
Israel and its top allies, including the United States, have persisted in claiming it is targeting Hamas in its attacks on Gaza, which have killed more than 62,000 people—likely a significant undercount by the Gaza Health Ministry. It has also repeatedly claimed that its attacks on aid workers and other people protected under international law were "accidental."
"Every attack is a grave betrayal of humanity, and the rules designed to protect them and the communities they serve. Each killing sends a dangerous message that their lives were expendable. They were not."
"As the humanitarian community, we demand—again—that those with power and influence act for humanity, protect civilians and aid workers, and hold perpetrators to account," said Fletcher.
The UN Security Council adopted a resolution in May 2024 reaffirming that humanitarian staff must be protected in conflict zones—a month after the Israel Defense Forces struck a convoy including seven workers from the US-based charity World Central Kitchen, killing all of them.
More than a year later, said OCHA, "the lack of accountability remains pervasive."
The UN-backed Aid Worker Security Database's provisional numbers for 2025 so far show that at least 265 aid workers have been killed this year, with one of the deadliest attacks perpetrated by the IDF against medics and emergency responders in clearly marked vehicles in Gaza. Eight of the workers were with the Palestine Red Crescent Society, which on Tuesday noted that "Palestinian humanitarian workers have been deliberately targeted more than anywhere else."
"No state should be above the law," said Younis Alkhatib, president of the humanitarian group. "The international community is obliged to protect humanitarians and to stop impunity."
UN Secretary-General António Guterres said Tuesday that humanitarian workers around the world "are the last lifeline for over 300 million people" living in conflict and disaster zones.
What is missing as advocates demand protection for aid workers and as "red lines are crossed with impunity," said Guterres, is "political will—and moral courage."
"Humanitarians must be respected and protected," he said. "They can never be targeted."
Olga Cherevko of OCHA emphasized that despite Israel's continued bombardment of Gaza's healthcare systemsystem and its attacks at aid hubs, humanitarian workers continue their efforts to save lives "day in and day out."
"I think as a humanitarian, I feel powerless sometimes in Gaza because I know what it is that we can do as humanitarians when we're enabled to do so, both here in Gaza and in any other humanitarian crisis," said Cherevko. "We continue to face massive impediments for delivering aid at scale, when our missions are delayed, when our missions lasted 12, 14, 18 hours; the routes that we're given are dangerous, impassible, or inaccessible."
Israel has blocked the United Nations and other established aid agencies that have worked for years in the occupied Palestinian territories from delivering lifesaving aid in recent months, pushing the entire enclave towards famine.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) added in a statement that "our colleagues continue to show up not because they are fearless, but because the suffering is too urgent to ignore. Yet, courage is not protection, and dedication does not deflect bullets."
"The rules of war are clear: Humanitarian personnel must be respected and protected," said the ICRC. "Every attack is a grave betrayal of humanity, and the rules designed to protect them and the communities they serve. Each killing sends a dangerous message that their lives were expendable. They were not."
Along with the aid workers who were killed worldwide last year, 308 were injured, 125 were kidnapped, and 45 were detained for their work.
"Violence against aid workers is not inevitable," said Fletcher. "It must end."
"Equipment manufacturers like John Deere have lost millions, but let's remember that working people are hit hardest by the president's disastrous economic policies," said one lawmaker.
US President Donald Trump has pitched his tariffs on foreign goods as a way to bring more manufacturing jobs back into the United States.
However, it now appears as though the tariffs are hurting the manufacturing jobs that are already here.
As reported by Des Moines Register, iconic American machinery company John Deere announced on Monday that it is laying off 71 workers in Waterloo, Iowa, as well as 115 people in East Moline, Illinois, and 52 workers in Moline, Illinois. The paper noted that John Deere has laid off more than 2,000 employees since April 2024.
In its announcement of the layoffs, the company said that "the struggling [agriculture] economy continues to impact orders" for its equipment.
"This is a challenging time for many farmers, growers, and producers, and directly impacts our business in the near term," the company emphasized.
According to The New Republic, Cory Reed, president of John Deere's Worldwide Agriculture and Turf Division, said during the company's most recent earnings call that the uncertainty surrounding Trump's tariffs has led to many farmers putting off investments in farm equipment.
"If you have customers that are concerned about what their end markets are going to look like in a tariff environment, they're waiting to see the outcomes of what these trade deals look like," he explained.
Josh Beal, John Deere's director of investor relations, similarly said that "the primary drivers" for the company's negative outlook from the prior quarter "are increased tariff rates on Europe, India, and steel and aluminum."
The news of the layoffs drew a scathing rebuke from Nathan Sage, an Iowa Democrat running for the US Senate to unseat Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa), who has praised the president's tariff policies.
"John Deere is once again laying off Iowans—a clear sign economic uncertainty hits the working class hardest, not the CEOs at the top," he wrote in a post on X. "Cheered on by Joni Ernst, Republicans in Washington want to play games with tariffs and give tax cuts to billionaires while Iowa families continue to struggle. It's time to stop protecting the top 1% and fight for the working people who keep our economy strong."
Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) also ripped Trump's trade policies for hurting blue-collar jobs.
"Because of Trump's tariffs, farmers can't afford to buy what they need to make a living," he said. "Equipment manufacturers like John Deere have lost millions, but let's remember that working people are hit hardest by the president's disastrous economic policies. Tired of 'winning' yet?"
John Deere is not the only big-name American manufacturer to be harmed by the Trump tariffs, as all three of the country's major auto manufacturers in recent months have announced they expect to take significant financial hits from them.
Ford last month said that its profit could plunge by up to 36% this year as it expects to take a $2 billion hit from the president's tariffs on key inputs such as steel and aluminum, as well as taxes on car components manufactured in Canada and Mexico.
General Motors last month also cited the Trump tariffs as a major reason why its profits fell by $3 billion the previous quarter. Making matters worse, GM said that the impact of the tariffs would be even more significant in the coming quarter when its profits could tumble by as much as $5 billion.
GM's warning came shortly after Jeep manufacturer Stellantis projected that the Trump tariffs would directly lead to $350 million in losses in the first half of 2025.