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When you hear the phrase "Patriot Act," if you think of massive government surveillance, top-secret data collection, and the enormous National Security Agency program gathering information about Americans' phone calls, then you're likely thinking of Section 215.
Section 215 is known as the "business records" provision of the 321-page Patriot Act. On paper, it allows federal agencies to obtain secret court orders to compel third parties to turn over "any tangible thing" that is "relevant" to foreign intelligence or terrorism investigations. In practice, the phrase "any tangible thing" has meant almost anything surveillance agencies want it to, while the word "relevant" has meant almost nothing at all.
"Voting for reauthorization of Section 215 now would not just be a missed opportunity for a serious debate about the role of government surveillance in our democracy; it would be an endorsement of the unconstitutional surveillance programs we already know exist, and a tacit endorsement of those we're still in the dark about."
And so it is Section 215 that is used to run the broadest-reaching domestic spying programs ever launched against the American public -- including the NSA dragnet that for years has been sweeping up a record of almost every phone call made or received by Americans. Early this month, a federal appeals court found that the call-records program was never even authorized by Congress.
As a former ACLU lobbyist in Washington D.C., and a congressional staffer of a committee overseeing these programs, I was assured for a decade that the Patriot Act wasn't used to spy on everyday Americans. Yet now we know that Section 215 is used for precisely that purpose, and despite America's outrage about these programs, they have continued for two years since the Snowden revelations.
The administration has been clear that although it agrees the program really isn't necessary, it will continue until Congress rewrites the law. Because Congress provided an automatic expiration in Section 215 for June 1 of this year, Congress is debating whether to do that rewrite now, let Section 215 expire, or continue domestic spying unabated.
Like many issues, Florida and its congressional delegation are influential in this debate. In fact, its senators could determine whether mass surveillance continues in the U.S. Last year, the U.S. House passed a modest, bipartisan reform bill. When the Senate scheduled its vote, Sens. Bill Nelson and Marco Rubio both voted to filibuster the reform bill, a filibuster that survived by -- you guessed it -- two votes. Florida's senators are quite literally the last obstacle to ending mass surveillance on Americans.
What our senators need to understand is that the government simply does not have the right to spy on you without a legitimate reason to believe you've done something wrong. This principle, built into the backbone of our country as the Constitution's Fourth Amendment, has always been a core principle of the American justice system. The use of Section 215 of the Patriot Act to collect huge amounts of data on all of us has turned this foundational idea on its head.
The question before Congress and the American people now is whether that provision should be renewed. The answer is a clear and resounding no.
The sunset provisions were built into the Patriot Act precisely to force Congress, and the American public, to reconsider the surveillance powers the law granted once more was known about their impact on civil liberties. The truth about how Section 215 is being interpreted has been laid bare -- Congress can no longer pretend not to know how the Patriot Act is being used against Americans.
This year is the first clear up-and-down vote on Section 215 since the Edward Snowden revelations. Florida's senators need to side with the Fourth Amendment and our constitutional right to privacy. Voting for reauthorization of Section 215 now would not just be a missed opportunity for a serious debate about the role of government surveillance in our democracy; it would be an endorsement of the unconstitutional surveillance programs we already know exist, and a tacit endorsement of those we're still in the dark about.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
When you hear the phrase "Patriot Act," if you think of massive government surveillance, top-secret data collection, and the enormous National Security Agency program gathering information about Americans' phone calls, then you're likely thinking of Section 215.
Section 215 is known as the "business records" provision of the 321-page Patriot Act. On paper, it allows federal agencies to obtain secret court orders to compel third parties to turn over "any tangible thing" that is "relevant" to foreign intelligence or terrorism investigations. In practice, the phrase "any tangible thing" has meant almost anything surveillance agencies want it to, while the word "relevant" has meant almost nothing at all.
"Voting for reauthorization of Section 215 now would not just be a missed opportunity for a serious debate about the role of government surveillance in our democracy; it would be an endorsement of the unconstitutional surveillance programs we already know exist, and a tacit endorsement of those we're still in the dark about."
And so it is Section 215 that is used to run the broadest-reaching domestic spying programs ever launched against the American public -- including the NSA dragnet that for years has been sweeping up a record of almost every phone call made or received by Americans. Early this month, a federal appeals court found that the call-records program was never even authorized by Congress.
As a former ACLU lobbyist in Washington D.C., and a congressional staffer of a committee overseeing these programs, I was assured for a decade that the Patriot Act wasn't used to spy on everyday Americans. Yet now we know that Section 215 is used for precisely that purpose, and despite America's outrage about these programs, they have continued for two years since the Snowden revelations.
The administration has been clear that although it agrees the program really isn't necessary, it will continue until Congress rewrites the law. Because Congress provided an automatic expiration in Section 215 for June 1 of this year, Congress is debating whether to do that rewrite now, let Section 215 expire, or continue domestic spying unabated.
Like many issues, Florida and its congressional delegation are influential in this debate. In fact, its senators could determine whether mass surveillance continues in the U.S. Last year, the U.S. House passed a modest, bipartisan reform bill. When the Senate scheduled its vote, Sens. Bill Nelson and Marco Rubio both voted to filibuster the reform bill, a filibuster that survived by -- you guessed it -- two votes. Florida's senators are quite literally the last obstacle to ending mass surveillance on Americans.
What our senators need to understand is that the government simply does not have the right to spy on you without a legitimate reason to believe you've done something wrong. This principle, built into the backbone of our country as the Constitution's Fourth Amendment, has always been a core principle of the American justice system. The use of Section 215 of the Patriot Act to collect huge amounts of data on all of us has turned this foundational idea on its head.
The question before Congress and the American people now is whether that provision should be renewed. The answer is a clear and resounding no.
The sunset provisions were built into the Patriot Act precisely to force Congress, and the American public, to reconsider the surveillance powers the law granted once more was known about their impact on civil liberties. The truth about how Section 215 is being interpreted has been laid bare -- Congress can no longer pretend not to know how the Patriot Act is being used against Americans.
This year is the first clear up-and-down vote on Section 215 since the Edward Snowden revelations. Florida's senators need to side with the Fourth Amendment and our constitutional right to privacy. Voting for reauthorization of Section 215 now would not just be a missed opportunity for a serious debate about the role of government surveillance in our democracy; it would be an endorsement of the unconstitutional surveillance programs we already know exist, and a tacit endorsement of those we're still in the dark about.
When you hear the phrase "Patriot Act," if you think of massive government surveillance, top-secret data collection, and the enormous National Security Agency program gathering information about Americans' phone calls, then you're likely thinking of Section 215.
Section 215 is known as the "business records" provision of the 321-page Patriot Act. On paper, it allows federal agencies to obtain secret court orders to compel third parties to turn over "any tangible thing" that is "relevant" to foreign intelligence or terrorism investigations. In practice, the phrase "any tangible thing" has meant almost anything surveillance agencies want it to, while the word "relevant" has meant almost nothing at all.
"Voting for reauthorization of Section 215 now would not just be a missed opportunity for a serious debate about the role of government surveillance in our democracy; it would be an endorsement of the unconstitutional surveillance programs we already know exist, and a tacit endorsement of those we're still in the dark about."
And so it is Section 215 that is used to run the broadest-reaching domestic spying programs ever launched against the American public -- including the NSA dragnet that for years has been sweeping up a record of almost every phone call made or received by Americans. Early this month, a federal appeals court found that the call-records program was never even authorized by Congress.
As a former ACLU lobbyist in Washington D.C., and a congressional staffer of a committee overseeing these programs, I was assured for a decade that the Patriot Act wasn't used to spy on everyday Americans. Yet now we know that Section 215 is used for precisely that purpose, and despite America's outrage about these programs, they have continued for two years since the Snowden revelations.
The administration has been clear that although it agrees the program really isn't necessary, it will continue until Congress rewrites the law. Because Congress provided an automatic expiration in Section 215 for June 1 of this year, Congress is debating whether to do that rewrite now, let Section 215 expire, or continue domestic spying unabated.
Like many issues, Florida and its congressional delegation are influential in this debate. In fact, its senators could determine whether mass surveillance continues in the U.S. Last year, the U.S. House passed a modest, bipartisan reform bill. When the Senate scheduled its vote, Sens. Bill Nelson and Marco Rubio both voted to filibuster the reform bill, a filibuster that survived by -- you guessed it -- two votes. Florida's senators are quite literally the last obstacle to ending mass surveillance on Americans.
What our senators need to understand is that the government simply does not have the right to spy on you without a legitimate reason to believe you've done something wrong. This principle, built into the backbone of our country as the Constitution's Fourth Amendment, has always been a core principle of the American justice system. The use of Section 215 of the Patriot Act to collect huge amounts of data on all of us has turned this foundational idea on its head.
The question before Congress and the American people now is whether that provision should be renewed. The answer is a clear and resounding no.
The sunset provisions were built into the Patriot Act precisely to force Congress, and the American public, to reconsider the surveillance powers the law granted once more was known about their impact on civil liberties. The truth about how Section 215 is being interpreted has been laid bare -- Congress can no longer pretend not to know how the Patriot Act is being used against Americans.
This year is the first clear up-and-down vote on Section 215 since the Edward Snowden revelations. Florida's senators need to side with the Fourth Amendment and our constitutional right to privacy. Voting for reauthorization of Section 215 now would not just be a missed opportunity for a serious debate about the role of government surveillance in our democracy; it would be an endorsement of the unconstitutional surveillance programs we already know exist, and a tacit endorsement of those we're still in the dark about.