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Don't Let Trade Trump GMO Labeling
Trade rules have always been one of the biggest hammers the biotech industry has had to push genetically modified crops on the world. Nearly a decade ago, the industry, through its surrogates at the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR), targeted the European Union's precautionary approach to regulating GMO crops at the World Trade Organization and won. Later, Wikileaks revealed numerous cables from U.S.
Oct 02, 2014
Trade rules have always been one of the biggest hammers the biotech industry has had to push genetically modified crops on the world. Nearly a decade ago, the industry, through its surrogates at the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR), targeted the European Union's precautionary approach to regulating GMO crops at the World Trade Organization and won. Later, Wikileaks revealed numerous cables from U.S. embassies in Europe calling for plans to retaliate against countries that didn't support GMO crops.
While working on behalf of the biotech industry internationally, the U.S. government has largely ignored the growing opposition to unlabeled GMOs in the U.S. After the Obama Administration disregarded more than a million comments to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) calling for mandatory GMO labeling, advocacy has moved to the state level, where more than 20 US states are considering GMO labeling.
Earlier this year, Vermont was the first state to require GMO labeling without restrictions. The Grocery Manufacturers Association immediately filed a legal challenge to the law. Maine and Connecticut passed GMO labeling laws last year contingent on neighboring states also passing GMO labeling laws. In a few weeks, Colorado and Oregon will vote on ballot initiatives to label GMOs--initiatives Monsanto has poured literally millions into defeating.
But just in case they don't win at the state level, the industry has a back-up plan: Agribusiness companies have been candid that they want the new U.S.-EU trade deal, currently being negotiated, to dismantle GMO labeling policies. Such rules would affect labeling in European countries and U.S. states.
This week, 70 U.S. NGOs from around the country wrote the USTR to demand it not restrict efforts to label GMOs in the ongoing secret U.S.-EU trade talks. The groups also warned against including the very controversial corporate rights provisions (known as investor-state dispute settlement), which grant corporations the right to legally challenge, through secret tribunals, regulations like GMO labeling that could affect future profits.
The secrecy of the US-EU trade negotiations, combined with the insider power of agribusiness and biotech companies, is a potentially toxic combination. IATP will present the letter to negotiators today at a USTR stakeholder meeting and convey the letter's closing sentiment: "We will strenuously oppose any U.S.-EU deal that undermines U.S. consumers' right to know what is in the food they purchase and feed their families."
We are at a crossroads
This country and this world are at a monumental crossroads. US voters have an opportunity to beat back the forces of fascism and confront the billionaires who are rigging the economy, our media system, and our democracy, making it increasingly impossible for ordinary people to get by. We’re not just talking about the election. We’re talking about what must be done once these fascist elements are vanquished from power. We need a bolder set of solutions than what either major party has so far been willing to offer and a working-class movement ready to fight like hell for it. Trump didn't emerge from nowhere. The conditions that fueled MAGA authoritarianism were created by decades of radical neoliberal economic policies and a corrupt political system dominated by corporate interests. They slashed taxes on the super-rich, promising that the benefits would trickle down. They said giveaways to the corporate titans would make life more affordable for the rest of us. It was all bullshit. And when a bitter, betrayed populace searches for someone to blame, right-wing demagogues have little trouble finding scapegoats. People know when they're being lied to, but you won't hear any of this from the corporate media. Only independent journalism—powered and funded by people who believe in building a better world—can deliver truly trustworthy daily news. If you share our vision, please contribute whatever you can to sustain our work. |
© 2023 Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy
Ben Lilliston
Ben Lilliston is the Director of Rural Strategies and Climate Change at the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy and the co-author of the book "Genetically Engineered Foods: A Self-Defense Guide for Consumers" (2004).
Trade rules have always been one of the biggest hammers the biotech industry has had to push genetically modified crops on the world. Nearly a decade ago, the industry, through its surrogates at the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR), targeted the European Union's precautionary approach to regulating GMO crops at the World Trade Organization and won. Later, Wikileaks revealed numerous cables from U.S. embassies in Europe calling for plans to retaliate against countries that didn't support GMO crops.
While working on behalf of the biotech industry internationally, the U.S. government has largely ignored the growing opposition to unlabeled GMOs in the U.S. After the Obama Administration disregarded more than a million comments to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) calling for mandatory GMO labeling, advocacy has moved to the state level, where more than 20 US states are considering GMO labeling.
Earlier this year, Vermont was the first state to require GMO labeling without restrictions. The Grocery Manufacturers Association immediately filed a legal challenge to the law. Maine and Connecticut passed GMO labeling laws last year contingent on neighboring states also passing GMO labeling laws. In a few weeks, Colorado and Oregon will vote on ballot initiatives to label GMOs--initiatives Monsanto has poured literally millions into defeating.
But just in case they don't win at the state level, the industry has a back-up plan: Agribusiness companies have been candid that they want the new U.S.-EU trade deal, currently being negotiated, to dismantle GMO labeling policies. Such rules would affect labeling in European countries and U.S. states.
This week, 70 U.S. NGOs from around the country wrote the USTR to demand it not restrict efforts to label GMOs in the ongoing secret U.S.-EU trade talks. The groups also warned against including the very controversial corporate rights provisions (known as investor-state dispute settlement), which grant corporations the right to legally challenge, through secret tribunals, regulations like GMO labeling that could affect future profits.
The secrecy of the US-EU trade negotiations, combined with the insider power of agribusiness and biotech companies, is a potentially toxic combination. IATP will present the letter to negotiators today at a USTR stakeholder meeting and convey the letter's closing sentiment: "We will strenuously oppose any U.S.-EU deal that undermines U.S. consumers' right to know what is in the food they purchase and feed their families."
Ben Lilliston
Ben Lilliston is the Director of Rural Strategies and Climate Change at the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy and the co-author of the book "Genetically Engineered Foods: A Self-Defense Guide for Consumers" (2004).
Trade rules have always been one of the biggest hammers the biotech industry has had to push genetically modified crops on the world. Nearly a decade ago, the industry, through its surrogates at the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR), targeted the European Union's precautionary approach to regulating GMO crops at the World Trade Organization and won. Later, Wikileaks revealed numerous cables from U.S. embassies in Europe calling for plans to retaliate against countries that didn't support GMO crops.
While working on behalf of the biotech industry internationally, the U.S. government has largely ignored the growing opposition to unlabeled GMOs in the U.S. After the Obama Administration disregarded more than a million comments to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) calling for mandatory GMO labeling, advocacy has moved to the state level, where more than 20 US states are considering GMO labeling.
Earlier this year, Vermont was the first state to require GMO labeling without restrictions. The Grocery Manufacturers Association immediately filed a legal challenge to the law. Maine and Connecticut passed GMO labeling laws last year contingent on neighboring states also passing GMO labeling laws. In a few weeks, Colorado and Oregon will vote on ballot initiatives to label GMOs--initiatives Monsanto has poured literally millions into defeating.
But just in case they don't win at the state level, the industry has a back-up plan: Agribusiness companies have been candid that they want the new U.S.-EU trade deal, currently being negotiated, to dismantle GMO labeling policies. Such rules would affect labeling in European countries and U.S. states.
This week, 70 U.S. NGOs from around the country wrote the USTR to demand it not restrict efforts to label GMOs in the ongoing secret U.S.-EU trade talks. The groups also warned against including the very controversial corporate rights provisions (known as investor-state dispute settlement), which grant corporations the right to legally challenge, through secret tribunals, regulations like GMO labeling that could affect future profits.
The secrecy of the US-EU trade negotiations, combined with the insider power of agribusiness and biotech companies, is a potentially toxic combination. IATP will present the letter to negotiators today at a USTR stakeholder meeting and convey the letter's closing sentiment: "We will strenuously oppose any U.S.-EU deal that undermines U.S. consumers' right to know what is in the food they purchase and feed their families."
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