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"Today, inclusion has become the cultural default position. That's an enormous change. Everyone expects public transportation to be accessible for disabled people, and it is considered surprising if it's not." (Photo: Elvert Barnes/Flickr/cc)
It's heartening to see the many ways in which the Americans with Disabilities Act, signed into law at a White House ceremony on July 26, 1990, has positively transformed our culture and changed society's expectations of people with disabilities.
When it comes to the right of disabled people to live freely with others in communities, exclusion and segregation are still the cultural default position.
To me, the most obvious example of this is public transportation. Thirty years ago, when the ADA was enacted, there wasn't a single wheelchair-accessible public transit bus in Chicago where I live. Today, the entire fleet is wheelchair-accessible because that's what the ADA mandates.
Today, inclusion has become the cultural default position. That's an enormous change. Everyone expects public transportation to be accessible for disabled people, and it is considered surprising if it's not.
On the other hand, it's disheartening to see the ways in which the ADA has not succeeded in positively transforming our culture and changing society's expectations of people with disabilities.
The most glaring and infuriating example is the continued routine institutionalization of disabled people.
I use a motorized wheelchair and need help doing the mundane but essential stuff that everyone does every day, like getting dressed and out of bed, and preparing meals. I am able to live in a condo with my wife because I have a crew of people who assist me in doing these things under my direction. Their wages are paid through a state home and community-based services (HCBS) program funded mostly by Medicaid.
This shouldn't be a unique situation. In the 1999 U.S. Supreme Court case of Olmstead v. L.C and E.W., the plaintiffs were two women indefinitely confined to a Georgia state mental hospital. They wanted out, but the state government would not give them access to HCBS programs that would support them living outside of an institution.
The Supreme Court ruled that this sort of "unjustified isolation" violates the ADA. In the majority opinion, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg wrote that this segregation "perpetuates unwarranted assumptions that persons so isolated are incapable or unworthy of participating in community life."
But 21 years later, hundreds of thousands of disabled people languish on long waiting lists to receive HCBS, leaving them few choices other than to indefinitely live in nursing homes, state institutions, and other large, oppressive congregate settings.
It's no wonder that the Covid-19 pandemic has been particularly deadly for people trapped in these congregate settings, where they don't control who enters their environment.
In June, the American Civil Liberties Union, the Service Employees International Union, and several disability rights organizations petitioned the U.S Department of Health and Human Services, demanding that the agency take action. The petition noted that 29% of those who have died from Covid-19 have been nursing home residents, even though only 1% of the U.S. population lives in nursing homes.
"If Covid-19 has done nothing else," the petition says, "it has demonstrated the danger of congregate settings, and the deadly consequences of our ongoing unwarranted assumptions that people with disabilities are unworthy of our resources and attention."
The petition calls on the federal government to immediately provide incentives to states to expand HCBS programs, with the goal of reducing the population of nursing homes and congregate settings by 50%.
When it comes to the right of disabled people to live freely with others in communities, exclusion and segregation are still the cultural default position. People who are as disabled as I am are expected to live in institutions, and it's surprising when we do not.
On future anniversaries of the signing of the ADA, I'll measure the true progress that has been made by how much that has changed.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
It's heartening to see the many ways in which the Americans with Disabilities Act, signed into law at a White House ceremony on July 26, 1990, has positively transformed our culture and changed society's expectations of people with disabilities.
When it comes to the right of disabled people to live freely with others in communities, exclusion and segregation are still the cultural default position.
To me, the most obvious example of this is public transportation. Thirty years ago, when the ADA was enacted, there wasn't a single wheelchair-accessible public transit bus in Chicago where I live. Today, the entire fleet is wheelchair-accessible because that's what the ADA mandates.
Today, inclusion has become the cultural default position. That's an enormous change. Everyone expects public transportation to be accessible for disabled people, and it is considered surprising if it's not.
On the other hand, it's disheartening to see the ways in which the ADA has not succeeded in positively transforming our culture and changing society's expectations of people with disabilities.
The most glaring and infuriating example is the continued routine institutionalization of disabled people.
I use a motorized wheelchair and need help doing the mundane but essential stuff that everyone does every day, like getting dressed and out of bed, and preparing meals. I am able to live in a condo with my wife because I have a crew of people who assist me in doing these things under my direction. Their wages are paid through a state home and community-based services (HCBS) program funded mostly by Medicaid.
This shouldn't be a unique situation. In the 1999 U.S. Supreme Court case of Olmstead v. L.C and E.W., the plaintiffs were two women indefinitely confined to a Georgia state mental hospital. They wanted out, but the state government would not give them access to HCBS programs that would support them living outside of an institution.
The Supreme Court ruled that this sort of "unjustified isolation" violates the ADA. In the majority opinion, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg wrote that this segregation "perpetuates unwarranted assumptions that persons so isolated are incapable or unworthy of participating in community life."
But 21 years later, hundreds of thousands of disabled people languish on long waiting lists to receive HCBS, leaving them few choices other than to indefinitely live in nursing homes, state institutions, and other large, oppressive congregate settings.
It's no wonder that the Covid-19 pandemic has been particularly deadly for people trapped in these congregate settings, where they don't control who enters their environment.
In June, the American Civil Liberties Union, the Service Employees International Union, and several disability rights organizations petitioned the U.S Department of Health and Human Services, demanding that the agency take action. The petition noted that 29% of those who have died from Covid-19 have been nursing home residents, even though only 1% of the U.S. population lives in nursing homes.
"If Covid-19 has done nothing else," the petition says, "it has demonstrated the danger of congregate settings, and the deadly consequences of our ongoing unwarranted assumptions that people with disabilities are unworthy of our resources and attention."
The petition calls on the federal government to immediately provide incentives to states to expand HCBS programs, with the goal of reducing the population of nursing homes and congregate settings by 50%.
When it comes to the right of disabled people to live freely with others in communities, exclusion and segregation are still the cultural default position. People who are as disabled as I am are expected to live in institutions, and it's surprising when we do not.
On future anniversaries of the signing of the ADA, I'll measure the true progress that has been made by how much that has changed.
It's heartening to see the many ways in which the Americans with Disabilities Act, signed into law at a White House ceremony on July 26, 1990, has positively transformed our culture and changed society's expectations of people with disabilities.
When it comes to the right of disabled people to live freely with others in communities, exclusion and segregation are still the cultural default position.
To me, the most obvious example of this is public transportation. Thirty years ago, when the ADA was enacted, there wasn't a single wheelchair-accessible public transit bus in Chicago where I live. Today, the entire fleet is wheelchair-accessible because that's what the ADA mandates.
Today, inclusion has become the cultural default position. That's an enormous change. Everyone expects public transportation to be accessible for disabled people, and it is considered surprising if it's not.
On the other hand, it's disheartening to see the ways in which the ADA has not succeeded in positively transforming our culture and changing society's expectations of people with disabilities.
The most glaring and infuriating example is the continued routine institutionalization of disabled people.
I use a motorized wheelchair and need help doing the mundane but essential stuff that everyone does every day, like getting dressed and out of bed, and preparing meals. I am able to live in a condo with my wife because I have a crew of people who assist me in doing these things under my direction. Their wages are paid through a state home and community-based services (HCBS) program funded mostly by Medicaid.
This shouldn't be a unique situation. In the 1999 U.S. Supreme Court case of Olmstead v. L.C and E.W., the plaintiffs were two women indefinitely confined to a Georgia state mental hospital. They wanted out, but the state government would not give them access to HCBS programs that would support them living outside of an institution.
The Supreme Court ruled that this sort of "unjustified isolation" violates the ADA. In the majority opinion, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg wrote that this segregation "perpetuates unwarranted assumptions that persons so isolated are incapable or unworthy of participating in community life."
But 21 years later, hundreds of thousands of disabled people languish on long waiting lists to receive HCBS, leaving them few choices other than to indefinitely live in nursing homes, state institutions, and other large, oppressive congregate settings.
It's no wonder that the Covid-19 pandemic has been particularly deadly for people trapped in these congregate settings, where they don't control who enters their environment.
In June, the American Civil Liberties Union, the Service Employees International Union, and several disability rights organizations petitioned the U.S Department of Health and Human Services, demanding that the agency take action. The petition noted that 29% of those who have died from Covid-19 have been nursing home residents, even though only 1% of the U.S. population lives in nursing homes.
"If Covid-19 has done nothing else," the petition says, "it has demonstrated the danger of congregate settings, and the deadly consequences of our ongoing unwarranted assumptions that people with disabilities are unworthy of our resources and attention."
The petition calls on the federal government to immediately provide incentives to states to expand HCBS programs, with the goal of reducing the population of nursing homes and congregate settings by 50%.
When it comes to the right of disabled people to live freely with others in communities, exclusion and segregation are still the cultural default position. People who are as disabled as I am are expected to live in institutions, and it's surprising when we do not.
On future anniversaries of the signing of the ADA, I'll measure the true progress that has been made by how much that has changed.