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New York Governor Andrew Cuomo speaks during a press conference at his Midtown Manhattan office, September 14, 2018 in New York City. Cuomo discussed his primary night election victory as well as a range of other topics. (Photo: Drew Angerer/Getty Images)
Part of my awkward youth was spent in service of the New York State Democratic Party, an act of true hubris if you grew up, as I did, in rural upstate, where it was easier being a Menshevik than a Democrat.
So solidly Republican was my small hometown back then that when the local Democratic chairman showed up and asked my father, who owned a drugstore, to run as the party's candidate for mayor, Dad gently rushed him out the back door for fear of losing business if anyone heard.
To call yourself a Democrat was risky, although we did have a Democratic congressman, the rather conservative, pro-Vietnam Sam Stratton, and a local industrialist who ran unsuccessfully for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination four times. But for the most part, in those days, being a Democrat implied a certain frisky turn of mind that was inimical to the more hidebound of bucolic upstaters, and even worse, meant someone who might tend to favor that downstate Gomorrah known as New York City, where all manner of depravity resided, especially spending taxpayer money on stuff.
As a teenager, I did volunteer work for the Democrats, canvassing, making phone calls, taking boxes of candy to the poll workers on Election Day. Because of this and apparently for lack of other, suitable upstate candidates, one day I received a telegram (they were rare to get even then, especially for a 17-year-old) informing me that I had been appointed to an official Democratic State Party Commission on Youth Participation in Government and Politics (honest, that was its name).
It turned out I was the token youth on the youth commission; I lowered the median age of the other members to about 55. The person closest to my age was our intern. We spent the summer before my freshman year of college being very important, holding hearings around the state and ultimately issuing a report filled with sterling recommendations for reform that as far as I know has steadfastly been ignored ever since.
The commission experience marked my first time in a hotel alone, my first Chinese restaurant, my first strip club, and worst, my first real exposure to a statewide political machine. Even as a kid, I could see it was a broken, corrupt system. Many years later, I went to a holiday reception thrown by the state party and was troubled to see that a lot of the same hacks I had met while working for that commission still were in place.
I worked on several campaigns after the commission, including the quixotic presidential bid of George McGovern, and finally concluded that the life of a political professional that I once had fancied probably was not the way forward for me. Better to stay interested by writing and commenting on the scene as an informed observer, a bit above the fray. And so I did.
Now I'm not so sure. After all these years, Thursday's Democratic primaries here in New York have got me rethinking getting involved in a more direct, hands-on way.
True, the old NY Democratic machine clanked into gear once again and fueled by a reported $25 million, Governor Andrew Cuomo won the nomination for a third term. His campaign flooded the zone with mailers, TV ads and robocalls, defeating challenger Cynthia Nixon (although her candidacy definitely pushed him leftward) and providing coattails for his chosen candidate for lieutenant governor, incumbent Kathy Hochul, and attorney general candidate Letitia James, currently New York City's public advocate.
James beat anti-corruption reformer and law professor Zephyr Teachout, a progressive favorite, a well as Congressman Sean Patrick Maloney and Leecia Eve, a Verizon lobbyist who has worked for Cuomo and Hillary Clinton. If elected, Tish James will be the first African-American woman to hold statewide office here.
But what's especially heartening and exciting about the September 13 results is not the almighty Cuomo Democratic machine, a fusty yet still powerful and crooked contraption of smoke and mirrors, corporate and union cash, smear tactics and spare parts. It's the explosive achievement of No IDC NY, a grassroots campaign that successfully managed to overthrow six of eight Democratic state senators who had aligned themselves with the Republican Party, effectively preventing the progressive agenda New York State really needs.
IDC--the so-called Independent Democratic Conference--empowered Senate Republicans, greasing the wheels for the governor's secret deal-making with the GOP and effectively blocking progressive legislation passed by the legislature's lower house, the Assembly, including single-payer health care, protection of women's reproductive health, election law reform and increased support of renewable energy.
Created in 2011, earlier this year, the IDC claimed to have dissolved itself at Cuomo's urging, returning to the Democratic fold, but that wasn't enough for a dedicated group of young activists, many of whom had never before worked in politics. They came together and vowed to defeat the turncoat Dems. With little money, No IDC NY used the power of volunteers and the fierceness of their commitment to back an alternative slate of progressive Democratic primary challengers. They were successful beyond hope.
Knocking on doors, telephoning, mailing handmade postcards, even covering sidewalks with chalk messaging, they got out the word. Elections, especially primaries, are all about turnout, identifying the voters who back your candidates and getting them to the polls. Large infusions of cash from real estate and financial interests made the IDC incumbents complacent; the insurgents beat them using all the tools of electoral, asymmetric warfare. This was old-fashioned retail campaigning, neighborhood by neighborhood, augmented by a savvy use of email and social media.
As Politico New York's Bill Mahoney reported, "The IDC defeats were unprecedented in a state in which incumbents almost never lose. From 2006 through 2016, there had never been a year in which more than three members of the 213-person Legislature were defeated in a primary... Sen. Jeff Klein, who led the conference since its creation in 2011, became the first former legislative leader not under indictment or federal investigation to lose in four decades."
(Klein, who spent more to hold onto his Senate job than Cynthia Nixon spent on her entire gubernatorial bid, was knocked down by Alessandra Biaggi, a young lawyer and former aide to Cuomo. Also losing: Sen. Jesse Hamilton in Brooklyn, beaten by lawyer and community activist Zellnor Myrie; Sen. Tony Avella and Sen. Jose Peralta in Queens, defeated by former City Comptroller John Liu and Jessica Ramos, a former Latino media advisor to Bill de Blasio; Sen. Marisol Alcantara, taken down by former NYC councilman Robert Jackson; and Sen. David Valesky, who lost to Syracuse University's Rachel May. And while not an official member of the conference, IDC-friendly Brooklyn Sen. Martin Dilan, heavily funded by real estate interests, was beaten by newcomer Julia Salazar, who in the final weeks was tailed by controversy surrounding her biography but won by a healthy margin.)
"If you are a progressive, these are the results that matter," Charlie Pierce wrote in Esquire. "Turnout was robust all over the state; Nixon got more votes on Thursday than Cuomo did the last time he ran. Cuomo got shoved to the left on a number of issues and now he doesn't have the votes in Albany to walk those new positions back. If you want Andrew Cuomo defanged, and what sensible person doesn't, then this is the next best thing than beating him outright. To get anything done, he now has to deal with people he otherwise would have ignored."
There's still the general election in November and Democrats need to flip some Republican-held seats to truly take control of the State Senate. What's more, all of the IDC Dems remain on the ballot as third party candidates. But should you choose, New Yorkers will continue to be able to cast a vote against Andrew Cuomo - former Democratic mayor of Syracuse Stephanie Miner is running as an independent, and depending on discussions over the coming weeks, Cynthia Nixon may remain on the ballot as the candidate of the Working Families Party.
Thursday was a momentous day for New York State Democratic politics. Change is happening after years of incumbent-driven inertia. Fueled in part by reaction to Trump's election and its horrific impact on civil society, a multitude of voters are angry, energized as they haven't been for years and committed to throwing the rascals out at every level; federal, state and local.
This may be a tectonic shift, that fundamental change in the political landscape that Nixon talked about in her concession speech. It is, she said, "what happens when we hold our leaders accountable... We have changed what is expected of a Democratic candidate running in New York."
With luck and hard work, it could be just the beginning, especially if more of us get involved, not only as volunteers but even as candidates. As primary winner Rachel May told a Syracuse newspaper Thursday night, "We need to encourage people to run. I'm not doing this to be a career politician. I'm doing it so someone great can challenge me in a few years."
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Part of my awkward youth was spent in service of the New York State Democratic Party, an act of true hubris if you grew up, as I did, in rural upstate, where it was easier being a Menshevik than a Democrat.
So solidly Republican was my small hometown back then that when the local Democratic chairman showed up and asked my father, who owned a drugstore, to run as the party's candidate for mayor, Dad gently rushed him out the back door for fear of losing business if anyone heard.
To call yourself a Democrat was risky, although we did have a Democratic congressman, the rather conservative, pro-Vietnam Sam Stratton, and a local industrialist who ran unsuccessfully for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination four times. But for the most part, in those days, being a Democrat implied a certain frisky turn of mind that was inimical to the more hidebound of bucolic upstaters, and even worse, meant someone who might tend to favor that downstate Gomorrah known as New York City, where all manner of depravity resided, especially spending taxpayer money on stuff.
As a teenager, I did volunteer work for the Democrats, canvassing, making phone calls, taking boxes of candy to the poll workers on Election Day. Because of this and apparently for lack of other, suitable upstate candidates, one day I received a telegram (they were rare to get even then, especially for a 17-year-old) informing me that I had been appointed to an official Democratic State Party Commission on Youth Participation in Government and Politics (honest, that was its name).
It turned out I was the token youth on the youth commission; I lowered the median age of the other members to about 55. The person closest to my age was our intern. We spent the summer before my freshman year of college being very important, holding hearings around the state and ultimately issuing a report filled with sterling recommendations for reform that as far as I know has steadfastly been ignored ever since.
The commission experience marked my first time in a hotel alone, my first Chinese restaurant, my first strip club, and worst, my first real exposure to a statewide political machine. Even as a kid, I could see it was a broken, corrupt system. Many years later, I went to a holiday reception thrown by the state party and was troubled to see that a lot of the same hacks I had met while working for that commission still were in place.
I worked on several campaigns after the commission, including the quixotic presidential bid of George McGovern, and finally concluded that the life of a political professional that I once had fancied probably was not the way forward for me. Better to stay interested by writing and commenting on the scene as an informed observer, a bit above the fray. And so I did.
Now I'm not so sure. After all these years, Thursday's Democratic primaries here in New York have got me rethinking getting involved in a more direct, hands-on way.
True, the old NY Democratic machine clanked into gear once again and fueled by a reported $25 million, Governor Andrew Cuomo won the nomination for a third term. His campaign flooded the zone with mailers, TV ads and robocalls, defeating challenger Cynthia Nixon (although her candidacy definitely pushed him leftward) and providing coattails for his chosen candidate for lieutenant governor, incumbent Kathy Hochul, and attorney general candidate Letitia James, currently New York City's public advocate.
James beat anti-corruption reformer and law professor Zephyr Teachout, a progressive favorite, a well as Congressman Sean Patrick Maloney and Leecia Eve, a Verizon lobbyist who has worked for Cuomo and Hillary Clinton. If elected, Tish James will be the first African-American woman to hold statewide office here.
But what's especially heartening and exciting about the September 13 results is not the almighty Cuomo Democratic machine, a fusty yet still powerful and crooked contraption of smoke and mirrors, corporate and union cash, smear tactics and spare parts. It's the explosive achievement of No IDC NY, a grassroots campaign that successfully managed to overthrow six of eight Democratic state senators who had aligned themselves with the Republican Party, effectively preventing the progressive agenda New York State really needs.
IDC--the so-called Independent Democratic Conference--empowered Senate Republicans, greasing the wheels for the governor's secret deal-making with the GOP and effectively blocking progressive legislation passed by the legislature's lower house, the Assembly, including single-payer health care, protection of women's reproductive health, election law reform and increased support of renewable energy.
Created in 2011, earlier this year, the IDC claimed to have dissolved itself at Cuomo's urging, returning to the Democratic fold, but that wasn't enough for a dedicated group of young activists, many of whom had never before worked in politics. They came together and vowed to defeat the turncoat Dems. With little money, No IDC NY used the power of volunteers and the fierceness of their commitment to back an alternative slate of progressive Democratic primary challengers. They were successful beyond hope.
Knocking on doors, telephoning, mailing handmade postcards, even covering sidewalks with chalk messaging, they got out the word. Elections, especially primaries, are all about turnout, identifying the voters who back your candidates and getting them to the polls. Large infusions of cash from real estate and financial interests made the IDC incumbents complacent; the insurgents beat them using all the tools of electoral, asymmetric warfare. This was old-fashioned retail campaigning, neighborhood by neighborhood, augmented by a savvy use of email and social media.
As Politico New York's Bill Mahoney reported, "The IDC defeats were unprecedented in a state in which incumbents almost never lose. From 2006 through 2016, there had never been a year in which more than three members of the 213-person Legislature were defeated in a primary... Sen. Jeff Klein, who led the conference since its creation in 2011, became the first former legislative leader not under indictment or federal investigation to lose in four decades."
(Klein, who spent more to hold onto his Senate job than Cynthia Nixon spent on her entire gubernatorial bid, was knocked down by Alessandra Biaggi, a young lawyer and former aide to Cuomo. Also losing: Sen. Jesse Hamilton in Brooklyn, beaten by lawyer and community activist Zellnor Myrie; Sen. Tony Avella and Sen. Jose Peralta in Queens, defeated by former City Comptroller John Liu and Jessica Ramos, a former Latino media advisor to Bill de Blasio; Sen. Marisol Alcantara, taken down by former NYC councilman Robert Jackson; and Sen. David Valesky, who lost to Syracuse University's Rachel May. And while not an official member of the conference, IDC-friendly Brooklyn Sen. Martin Dilan, heavily funded by real estate interests, was beaten by newcomer Julia Salazar, who in the final weeks was tailed by controversy surrounding her biography but won by a healthy margin.)
"If you are a progressive, these are the results that matter," Charlie Pierce wrote in Esquire. "Turnout was robust all over the state; Nixon got more votes on Thursday than Cuomo did the last time he ran. Cuomo got shoved to the left on a number of issues and now he doesn't have the votes in Albany to walk those new positions back. If you want Andrew Cuomo defanged, and what sensible person doesn't, then this is the next best thing than beating him outright. To get anything done, he now has to deal with people he otherwise would have ignored."
There's still the general election in November and Democrats need to flip some Republican-held seats to truly take control of the State Senate. What's more, all of the IDC Dems remain on the ballot as third party candidates. But should you choose, New Yorkers will continue to be able to cast a vote against Andrew Cuomo - former Democratic mayor of Syracuse Stephanie Miner is running as an independent, and depending on discussions over the coming weeks, Cynthia Nixon may remain on the ballot as the candidate of the Working Families Party.
Thursday was a momentous day for New York State Democratic politics. Change is happening after years of incumbent-driven inertia. Fueled in part by reaction to Trump's election and its horrific impact on civil society, a multitude of voters are angry, energized as they haven't been for years and committed to throwing the rascals out at every level; federal, state and local.
This may be a tectonic shift, that fundamental change in the political landscape that Nixon talked about in her concession speech. It is, she said, "what happens when we hold our leaders accountable... We have changed what is expected of a Democratic candidate running in New York."
With luck and hard work, it could be just the beginning, especially if more of us get involved, not only as volunteers but even as candidates. As primary winner Rachel May told a Syracuse newspaper Thursday night, "We need to encourage people to run. I'm not doing this to be a career politician. I'm doing it so someone great can challenge me in a few years."
Part of my awkward youth was spent in service of the New York State Democratic Party, an act of true hubris if you grew up, as I did, in rural upstate, where it was easier being a Menshevik than a Democrat.
So solidly Republican was my small hometown back then that when the local Democratic chairman showed up and asked my father, who owned a drugstore, to run as the party's candidate for mayor, Dad gently rushed him out the back door for fear of losing business if anyone heard.
To call yourself a Democrat was risky, although we did have a Democratic congressman, the rather conservative, pro-Vietnam Sam Stratton, and a local industrialist who ran unsuccessfully for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination four times. But for the most part, in those days, being a Democrat implied a certain frisky turn of mind that was inimical to the more hidebound of bucolic upstaters, and even worse, meant someone who might tend to favor that downstate Gomorrah known as New York City, where all manner of depravity resided, especially spending taxpayer money on stuff.
As a teenager, I did volunteer work for the Democrats, canvassing, making phone calls, taking boxes of candy to the poll workers on Election Day. Because of this and apparently for lack of other, suitable upstate candidates, one day I received a telegram (they were rare to get even then, especially for a 17-year-old) informing me that I had been appointed to an official Democratic State Party Commission on Youth Participation in Government and Politics (honest, that was its name).
It turned out I was the token youth on the youth commission; I lowered the median age of the other members to about 55. The person closest to my age was our intern. We spent the summer before my freshman year of college being very important, holding hearings around the state and ultimately issuing a report filled with sterling recommendations for reform that as far as I know has steadfastly been ignored ever since.
The commission experience marked my first time in a hotel alone, my first Chinese restaurant, my first strip club, and worst, my first real exposure to a statewide political machine. Even as a kid, I could see it was a broken, corrupt system. Many years later, I went to a holiday reception thrown by the state party and was troubled to see that a lot of the same hacks I had met while working for that commission still were in place.
I worked on several campaigns after the commission, including the quixotic presidential bid of George McGovern, and finally concluded that the life of a political professional that I once had fancied probably was not the way forward for me. Better to stay interested by writing and commenting on the scene as an informed observer, a bit above the fray. And so I did.
Now I'm not so sure. After all these years, Thursday's Democratic primaries here in New York have got me rethinking getting involved in a more direct, hands-on way.
True, the old NY Democratic machine clanked into gear once again and fueled by a reported $25 million, Governor Andrew Cuomo won the nomination for a third term. His campaign flooded the zone with mailers, TV ads and robocalls, defeating challenger Cynthia Nixon (although her candidacy definitely pushed him leftward) and providing coattails for his chosen candidate for lieutenant governor, incumbent Kathy Hochul, and attorney general candidate Letitia James, currently New York City's public advocate.
James beat anti-corruption reformer and law professor Zephyr Teachout, a progressive favorite, a well as Congressman Sean Patrick Maloney and Leecia Eve, a Verizon lobbyist who has worked for Cuomo and Hillary Clinton. If elected, Tish James will be the first African-American woman to hold statewide office here.
But what's especially heartening and exciting about the September 13 results is not the almighty Cuomo Democratic machine, a fusty yet still powerful and crooked contraption of smoke and mirrors, corporate and union cash, smear tactics and spare parts. It's the explosive achievement of No IDC NY, a grassroots campaign that successfully managed to overthrow six of eight Democratic state senators who had aligned themselves with the Republican Party, effectively preventing the progressive agenda New York State really needs.
IDC--the so-called Independent Democratic Conference--empowered Senate Republicans, greasing the wheels for the governor's secret deal-making with the GOP and effectively blocking progressive legislation passed by the legislature's lower house, the Assembly, including single-payer health care, protection of women's reproductive health, election law reform and increased support of renewable energy.
Created in 2011, earlier this year, the IDC claimed to have dissolved itself at Cuomo's urging, returning to the Democratic fold, but that wasn't enough for a dedicated group of young activists, many of whom had never before worked in politics. They came together and vowed to defeat the turncoat Dems. With little money, No IDC NY used the power of volunteers and the fierceness of their commitment to back an alternative slate of progressive Democratic primary challengers. They were successful beyond hope.
Knocking on doors, telephoning, mailing handmade postcards, even covering sidewalks with chalk messaging, they got out the word. Elections, especially primaries, are all about turnout, identifying the voters who back your candidates and getting them to the polls. Large infusions of cash from real estate and financial interests made the IDC incumbents complacent; the insurgents beat them using all the tools of electoral, asymmetric warfare. This was old-fashioned retail campaigning, neighborhood by neighborhood, augmented by a savvy use of email and social media.
As Politico New York's Bill Mahoney reported, "The IDC defeats were unprecedented in a state in which incumbents almost never lose. From 2006 through 2016, there had never been a year in which more than three members of the 213-person Legislature were defeated in a primary... Sen. Jeff Klein, who led the conference since its creation in 2011, became the first former legislative leader not under indictment or federal investigation to lose in four decades."
(Klein, who spent more to hold onto his Senate job than Cynthia Nixon spent on her entire gubernatorial bid, was knocked down by Alessandra Biaggi, a young lawyer and former aide to Cuomo. Also losing: Sen. Jesse Hamilton in Brooklyn, beaten by lawyer and community activist Zellnor Myrie; Sen. Tony Avella and Sen. Jose Peralta in Queens, defeated by former City Comptroller John Liu and Jessica Ramos, a former Latino media advisor to Bill de Blasio; Sen. Marisol Alcantara, taken down by former NYC councilman Robert Jackson; and Sen. David Valesky, who lost to Syracuse University's Rachel May. And while not an official member of the conference, IDC-friendly Brooklyn Sen. Martin Dilan, heavily funded by real estate interests, was beaten by newcomer Julia Salazar, who in the final weeks was tailed by controversy surrounding her biography but won by a healthy margin.)
"If you are a progressive, these are the results that matter," Charlie Pierce wrote in Esquire. "Turnout was robust all over the state; Nixon got more votes on Thursday than Cuomo did the last time he ran. Cuomo got shoved to the left on a number of issues and now he doesn't have the votes in Albany to walk those new positions back. If you want Andrew Cuomo defanged, and what sensible person doesn't, then this is the next best thing than beating him outright. To get anything done, he now has to deal with people he otherwise would have ignored."
There's still the general election in November and Democrats need to flip some Republican-held seats to truly take control of the State Senate. What's more, all of the IDC Dems remain on the ballot as third party candidates. But should you choose, New Yorkers will continue to be able to cast a vote against Andrew Cuomo - former Democratic mayor of Syracuse Stephanie Miner is running as an independent, and depending on discussions over the coming weeks, Cynthia Nixon may remain on the ballot as the candidate of the Working Families Party.
Thursday was a momentous day for New York State Democratic politics. Change is happening after years of incumbent-driven inertia. Fueled in part by reaction to Trump's election and its horrific impact on civil society, a multitude of voters are angry, energized as they haven't been for years and committed to throwing the rascals out at every level; federal, state and local.
This may be a tectonic shift, that fundamental change in the political landscape that Nixon talked about in her concession speech. It is, she said, "what happens when we hold our leaders accountable... We have changed what is expected of a Democratic candidate running in New York."
With luck and hard work, it could be just the beginning, especially if more of us get involved, not only as volunteers but even as candidates. As primary winner Rachel May told a Syracuse newspaper Thursday night, "We need to encourage people to run. I'm not doing this to be a career politician. I'm doing it so someone great can challenge me in a few years."
"This sends a chilling message that the U.S. is willing to overlook some abuses, signaling that people experiencing human rights violations may be left to fend for themselves," said one Amnesty campaigner.
After leaked drafts exposed the Trump administration's plans to downplay human rights abuses in some allied countries, including Israel, the U.S. Department of State released the final edition of an annual report on Tuesday, sparking fresh condemnation.
"Breaking with precedent, Secretary of State Marco Rubio did not provide a written introduction to the report nor did he make remarks about it," CNN reported. Still, Amanda Klasing, Amnesty International USA's national director of government relations and advocacy, called him out by name in a Tuesday statement.
"With the release of the U.S. State Department's human rights report, it is clear that the Trump administration has engaged in a very selective documentation of human rights abuses in certain countries," Klasing said. "In addition to eliminating entire sections for certain countries—for example discrimination against LGBTQ+ people—there are also arbitrary omissions within existing sections of the report based on the country."
Klasing explained that "we have criticized past reports when warranted, but have never seen reports quite like this. Never before have the reports gone this far in prioritizing an administration's political agenda over a consistent and truthful accounting of human rights violations around the world—softening criticism in some countries while ignoring violations in others. The State Department has said in relation to the reports less is more. However, for the victims and human rights defenders who rely on these reports to shine light on abuses and violations, less is just less."
"Secretary Rubio knows full well from his time in the Senate how vital these reports are in informing policy decisions and shaping diplomatic conversations, yet he has made the dangerous and short-sighted decision to put out a truncated version that doesn't tell the whole story of human rights violations," she continued. "This sends a chilling message that the U.S. is willing to overlook some abuses, signaling that people experiencing human rights violations may be left to fend for themselves."
"Failing to adequately report on human rights violations further damages the credibility of the U.S. on human rights issues," she added. "It's shameful that the Trump administration and Secretary Rubio are putting politics above human lives."
The overarching report—which includes over 100 individual country reports—covers 2024, the last full calendar year of the Biden administration. The appendix says that in March, the report was "streamlined for better utility and accessibility in the field and by partners, and to be more responsive to the underlying legislative mandate and aligned to the administration's executive orders."
As CNN detailed:
The latest report was stripped of many of the specific sections included in past reports, including reporting on alleged abuses based on sexual orientation, violence toward women, corruption in government, systemic racial or ethnic violence, or denial of a fair public trial. Some country reports, including for Afghanistan, do address human rights abuses against women.
"We were asked to edit down the human rights reports to the bare minimum of what was statutorily required," said Michael Honigstein, the former director of African Affairs at the State Department's Bureau of Human Rights, Democracy, and Labor. He and his office helped compile the initial reports.
Over the past week, since the draft country reports leaked to the press, the Trump administration has come under fire for its portrayals of El Salvador, Israel, and Russia.
The report on Israel—and the illegally occupied Palestinian territories, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank—is just nine pages. The brevity even drew the attention of Israeli media. The Times of Israel highlighted that it "is much shorter than last year's edition compiled under the Biden administration and contained no mention of the severe humanitarian crisis in Gaza."
Since the Hamas-led October 7, 2023 attack on Israel, Israeli forces have slaughtered over 60,000 Palestinians in Gaza, according to local officials—though experts warn the true toll is likely far higher. As Israel has restricted humanitarian aid in recent months, over 200 people have starved to death, including 103 children.
The U.S. report on Israel does not mention the genocide case that Israel faces at the International Court of Justice over the assault on Gaza, or the International Criminal Court arrest warrants issued for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The section on war crimes and genocide only says that "terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah continue to engage in the
indiscriminate targeting of Israeli civilians in violation of the law of armed conflict."
As the world mourns the killing of six more Palestinian media professionals in Gaza this week—which prompted calls for the United Nations Security Council to convene an emergency meeting—the report's section on press freedom is also short and makes no mention of the hundreds of journalists killed in Israel's annihilation of the strip:
The law generally provided for freedom of expression, including for members of the press and other media, and the government generally respected this right for most Israelis. NGOs and journalists reported authorities restricted press coverage and limited certain forms of expression, especially in the context of criticism against the war or sympathy for Palestinians in Gaza.
Noting that "the human rights reports have been among the U.S. government's most-read documents," DAWN senior adviser and 32-year State Department official Charles Blaha said the "significant omissions" in this year's report on Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank render it "functionally useless for Congress and the public as nothing more than a pro-Israel document."
Like Klasing at Amnesty, Sarah Leah Whitson, DAWN's executive director, specifically called out the U.S. secretary of state.
"Secretary Rubio has revamped the State Department reports for one principal purpose: to whitewash Israeli crimes, including its horrific genocide and starvation in Gaza. The report shockingly includes not a word about the overwhelming evidence of genocide, mass starvation, and the deliberate bombardment of civilians in Gaza," she said. "Rubio has defied the letter and intent of U.S. laws requiring the State Department to report truthfully and comprehensively about every country's human rights abuses, instead offering up anodyne cover for his murderous friends in Tel Aviv."
The Tuesday release came after a coalition of LGBTQ+ and human rights organizations on Monday filed a lawsuit against the U.S. State Department over its refusal to release the congressionally mandated report.
This article has been updated with comment from DAWN.
"We will not sit idly by while political leaders manipulate voting maps to entrench their power and subvert our democracy," said the head of Common Cause.
As Republicans try to rig congressional maps in several states and Democrats threaten retaliatory measures, a pro-democracy watchdog on Tuesday unveiled new fairness standards underscoring that "independent redistricting commissions remain the gold standard for ending partisan gerrymandering."
Common Cause will hold an online media briefing Wednesday at noon Eastern time "to walk reporters though the six pieces of criteria the organization will use to evaluate any proposed maps."
The Washington, D.C.-based advocacy group said that "it will closely evaluate, but not automatically condemn, countermeasures" to Republican gerrymandering efforts—especially mid-decade redistricting not based on decennial censuses.
Amid the gerrymandering wars, we just launched 6 fairness criteria to hold all actors to the same principled standard: people first—not parties. Read our criteria here: www.commoncause.org/resources/po...
[image or embed]
— Common Cause (@commoncause.org) August 12, 2025 at 12:01 PM
Common Cause's six fairness criteria for mid-decade redistricting are:
"We will not sit idly by while political leaders manipulate voting maps to entrench their power and subvert our democracy," Common Cause president and CEO Virginia Kase Solomón said in a statement. "But neither will we call for unilateral political disarmament in the face of authoritarian tactics that undermine fair representation."
"We have established a fairness criteria that we will use to evaluate all countermeasures so we can respond to the most urgent threats to fair representation while holding all actors to the same principled standard: people—not parties—first," she added.
Common Cause's fairness criteria come amid the ongoing standoff between Republicans trying to gerrymander Texas' congressional map and Democratic lawmakers who fled the state in a bid to stymie a vote on the measure. Texas state senators on Tuesday approved the proposed map despite a walkout by most of their Democratic colleagues.
Leaders of several Democrat-controlled states, most notably California, have threatened retaliatory redistricting.
"This moment is about more than responding to a single threat—it's about building the movement for lasting reform," Kase Solomón asserted. "This is not an isolated political tactic; it is part of a broader march toward authoritarianism, dismantling people-powered democracy, and stripping away the people's ability to have a political voice and say in how they are governed."
"Texas law is clear: A pregnant person cannot be arrested and prosecuted for getting an abortion. No one is above the law, including officials entrusted with enforcing it," said an ACLU attorney.
When officials in Starr County, Texas arrested Lizelle Gonzalez in 2022 and charged her with murder for having a medication abortion—despite state law clearly prohibiting the prosecution of women for abortion care—she spent three days in jail, away from her children, and the highly publicized arrest was "deeply traumatizing."
Now, said her lawyers at the ACLU in court filings on Tuesday, officials in the county sheriff's and district attorney's offices must be held accountable for knowingly subjecting Gonzalez to wrongful prosecution.
Starr County District Attorney Gocha Ramirez ultimately dismissed the charge against Gonzalez, said the ACLU, but the Texas bar's investigation into Ramirez—which found multiple instances of misconduct related to Gonzalez's homicide charge—resulted in only minor punishment. Ramirez had to pay a small fine of $1,250 and was given one year of probated suspension.
"Without real accountability, Starr County's district attorney—and any other law enforcement actor—will not be deterred from abusing their power to unlawfully target people because of their personal beliefs, rather than the law," said the ACLU.
The state bar found that Ramirez allowed Gonzalez's indictment to go forward despite the fact that her homicide charge was "known not to be supported by probable cause."
Ramirez had denied that he was briefed on the facts of the case before it was prosecuted by his office, but the state bar "determined he was consulted by a prosecutor in his office beforehand and permitted it to go forward."
"Without real accountability, Starr County's district attorney—and any other law enforcement actor—will not be deterred from abusing their power to unlawfully target people because of their personal beliefs, rather than the law."
Sarah Corning, an attorney at the ACLU of Texas, said the prosecutors and law enforcement officers "ignored Texas law when they wrongfully arrested Lizelle Gonzalez for ending her pregnancy."
"They shattered her life in South Texas, violated her rights, and abused the power they swore to uphold," said Corning. "Texas law is clear: A pregnant person cannot be arrested and prosecuted for getting an abortion. No one is above the law, including officials entrusted with enforcing it."
The district attorney's office sought to have the ACLU's case dismissed in July 2024, raising claims of legal immunity.
A court denied Ramirez's motion, and the ACLU's discovery process that followed revealed "a coordinated effort between the Starr County sheriff's office and district attorney's office to violate Ms. Gonzalez's rights."
The officials' "wanton disregard for the rule of law and erroneous belief of their own invincibility is a frightening deviation from the offices' purposes: to seek justice," said Cecilia Garza, a partner at the law firm Garza Martinez, who is joining the ACLU in representing Gonzalez. "I am proud to represent Ms. Gonzalez in her fight for justice and redemption, and our team will not allow these abuses to continue in Starr County or any other county in the state of Texas."
Gonzalez's fight for justice comes as a wrongful death case in Texas—filed by an "anti-abortion legal terrorist" on behalf of a man whose girlfriend use medication from another state to end her pregnancy—moves forward, potentially jeopardizing access to abortion pills across the country.