SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
In this June 18, 2014 file photo, two female detainees sleep in a holding cell, as the children are separated by age group and gender, as hundreds of mostly Central American immigrant children are being processed and held at the U.S. Customs and Border Protection Nogales Placement Center in Nogales, Ariz. The photos were taken by The Associated Press in 2014, when President Barack Obama was in office. (Photo: Ross D. Franklin / Associated Press)
The other day, a veteran immigration lawyer named R. Andrew Free shared an anecdote that sheds some really critical light on what's happening on America's southern border -- a tale that not surprisingly got buried amid a sandstorm of news about mothers not knowing where their kids are, audiotapes of anguished, crying children, and now the protests to end the human rights abuses that the current government is undertaking in our name.
What Free described on Twitter was an opportunity that few people get: A chance to personally confront the president of the United States and question him about his immigration policies. Free wrote that the answers he received from the so-called leader of the free world "shook me to my core."
The immigration lawyer had been to two large detention centers in Texas where U.S. officials were holding hundreds of migrant families from Central America, often for months at a time. Free said some of the conditions at these makeshift detention camps were appalling.
"I remember hearing the constant, violent coughing and sickness of small children, and the worry of their mothers who stood in the sun outside the clinic all day only to be told their kids should 'drink water,'" Free tweeted. "I remember nearly doubling over when I saw the line of strollers."
When Free had a chance encounter with the president at a political event, he warned him that the detention centers would be "a stain on his legacy." He said the president wanted to know if Free was an immigration lawyer -- implying that everyday citizens weren't worried about what goes on at the border -- and then said, according to Free: "I'll tell you what we can't have, it's these parents sending their kids here on a dangerous journey and putting their lives at risk." The message that Free took away was that the president saw family detention as a deterrent to keep more refugees from coming.
This happened in 2015. The president with the looming stain on his legacy was Barack Obama.
Flash forward to 2018 and millions of us are now focused on what's happening at the border with the kind of burning intensity that Free felt in 2014 and 2015, when waves of mostly teenagers fleeing rape, murder and runaway gang violence in Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador made the dangerous trek to America, yearning to breathe free.
Who could not be troubled by the audio of the screaming 6-year-old not knowing where her mommy is, or by the 5-year-old boy in Michigan drawing pictures of the daddy he was separated from, or the other human rights outrages of "zero tolerance" policies that a racist, xenophobic, and autocratic president is using to rip families apart -- in essence, doubling or tripling down on whatever stain lingered from the mid-2010s. But while I'm very much disturbed -- as are most of you -- by the images of 2018, I'm also greatly troubled by the pictures that have resurfaced from 2014, showing children sleeping in cages or wearing those hideous foil wrappers. Why didn't more of us speak out more forcefully about this first wave of treatment that was clearly also not humane?
Let's be honest: Do you think it's outrageous when an attorney for the U.S. Justice Department argues that kids as little as 3-years-old are capable of defending themselves in American immigration courts. I know I do. But that happened -- with few people paying attention -- in 2016, when the attorney general was Loretta Lynch and Obama was POTUS.
Then there was the Associated Press scoop that went viral last week about migrant kids as young as 14 who say they were beaten while handcuffed, locked up in solitary confinement, and left naked in concrete cells at a juvenile detention center in Virginia-- which happened in 2015 and 2016, long before Donald J. Trump became our 45th and current president.
Right now, the protest movement that, arguably, pressured Trump into ending family separations -- for now -- is turning its focus to the cruelty of family detention, which could also keep kids in a prison-type setting for months, albeit with their parents. So it's worth noting that the Obama administration was in court as recently as 2016 fighting for exactly that, the right to detain families indefinitely.
My own soul-searching inspired me to go back and look what I wrote when the first wave of mostly unaccompanied kids was showing up at the border on 2014. The answer is that a) I didn't cover it nearly enough and b) when I did write about it, I took the easy route of expressing -- completely justified and appropriate -- outrage at what I was seeing at the time, which was right-wing politicians and their followers who were demagoguing the border crisis in the worst possible ways, falsely accusing refugees of bringing disease and even harassing them. For me, the boiling point in 2014 came when a group of angry, American flag-waving right-wingers surrounded buses and hurled epithets at buses of migrants trying to reach a government facility in Murietta, Calif.
\u201cThese right-wing protesters yelled epithets and turned away buses of refugees at a processing center in Murietta, Calif., in July 2014\u201d— Will Bunch (@Will Bunch) 1529850971
Here's what I wrote then:
No one has an easy answer. These children should not be making the long trek to the United States - because that journey endangers their lives. And like all other nations, America can't have fully open borders and can't shelter and feed every child of the world who would like to come here, not all at once. But we can do a lot better as a people than yelling and blocking buses of moms and kids, and we can expect a lot better from our politicians beyond warehousing them in substandard facilities before racing them back to neighborhoods where they may be killed.
Looking back, that's not wrong (although I should have noted that making a dangerous trek to the U.S. instead of facing gang violence and death in Honduras is a totally rational choice) but I should have said even more, and I should have called out the Obama administration much more forcefully for providing those substandard warehouses, the ones pictured above.
Look, I don't think Obama was a monster, and I'm not arguing that. He did push for a more rational and more humane immigration policy and -- when denied a vote by obstructionist and anti-democratic GOP forces in Congress -- successfully protected (for a time) the young "Dreamer" immigrants who enrich life in this country, by way of executive orders. When the issue of family separation first arose in 2014, Obama administration officials rejected that as "not who we are."
But Obama also amped up deportations to record levels -- which, in some cases, separated families here in the United States -- and he did little to radically alter the sick culture of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) that would be "unshackled" the moment that tinhorn despots like Trump and AG Jeff Sessions arrived on the scene. And, probably fearful of midterm election politics, Obama didn't treat the 2014 event as what it really was: a humanitarian refugee crisis.
Here's something else that really bothers me: The same kind of sick people who accuse refugees of carrying diseases, who accuse little kids seeking to escape gang violence of being gang members, who surrounded a bus of full of desperate freedom seekers in Murietta and shouted epithets at them, now feel some kind of moral validation in the imperfections of Obama's policies. That makes zero sense: How can you claim validation that your political enemy has a bad policy when the policies you support are 10x worse? Right-wing political debate has sunk to this inane level: Nothing ever about rational or, heaven forbid, humane policies, and everything about (and pardon me for quoting their political incorrectness) "owning the libtards." Right-wingers need to start owning their enthusiastic support for fascist-style cruelty at the border. Any right-wing reader who wants to use this column of apology, or my criticism of the Obama administration, for their own warped xenophobic agenda can -- and I say this in the spirit of Robert De Niro -- go (bleep) themselves.
That said, this is also another case where progressives should don their "nuance caps" and think about what is a "Trump problem" and what is a deeper "America problem." Although immigrants have been at the core of what actually has made America great, our immigration policies have too often been far from perfect -- and things really started going off the rails in the 2000s when a) the rise of a homeland-security-state meant increasingly treating refugees as criminals and b) right-wing talk radio and the Fox News Channel saw boffo ratings in demonizing The Other. We didn't do enough to stop this, and now we're seeing the nightmare of what a proto-dictator like Trump can build atop this immoral foundation.
For myself, I apologize -- and I don't think it's right for people to bury their heads in the Arizona desert sand about things that happened before Jan. 20, 2017. That 2014 picture at the top of this column? A former Obama speechwriter, Jon Favreau, tweeted it in a post attacking Trump, and when he was called out for the error, he simply deleted it. But you can't delete truth. We need to own up to the past and say we're sorry for when we could have done better -- because that makes us better fighters against the human rights disasters that are taking place today.
I'm not saying that politics doesn't matter -- it matters a lot. If you're outraged by the way that America is treating refugees from Central America, you need to vote in November, and vote your conscience. But the core of the problem includes partisan politics and yet transcends partisan politics. We don't even frame this the right way: What's happening at the border is not an "illegal immigration" problem but a humanitarian refugee crisis of people trying to flee violence and needless death at home, much as is occurring in Syria and Afghanistan. Too many times and in too many different ways, we've let down these people that a local Texas official -- from that 2014 post -- referred to as "the children of God." We can't go back in time, but we can do everything we can to get it right for the children of God this time around.
\u201cI\u2019m Jewish, but if I were to attend church...I\u2019d go to this one!\u201d— Tris (@Tris) 1529802739
Donald Trump’s attacks on democracy, justice, and a free press are escalating — putting everything we stand for at risk. We believe a better world is possible, but we can’t get there without your support. Common Dreams stands apart. We answer only to you — our readers, activists, and changemakers — not to billionaires or corporations. Our independence allows us to cover the vital stories that others won’t, spotlighting movements for peace, equality, and human rights. Right now, our work faces unprecedented challenges. Misinformation is spreading, journalists are under attack, and financial pressures are mounting. As a reader-supported, nonprofit newsroom, your support is crucial to keep this journalism alive. Whatever you can give — $10, $25, or $100 — helps us stay strong and responsive when the world needs us most. Together, we’ll continue to build the independent, courageous journalism our movement relies on. Thank you for being part of this community. |
The other day, a veteran immigration lawyer named R. Andrew Free shared an anecdote that sheds some really critical light on what's happening on America's southern border -- a tale that not surprisingly got buried amid a sandstorm of news about mothers not knowing where their kids are, audiotapes of anguished, crying children, and now the protests to end the human rights abuses that the current government is undertaking in our name.
What Free described on Twitter was an opportunity that few people get: A chance to personally confront the president of the United States and question him about his immigration policies. Free wrote that the answers he received from the so-called leader of the free world "shook me to my core."
The immigration lawyer had been to two large detention centers in Texas where U.S. officials were holding hundreds of migrant families from Central America, often for months at a time. Free said some of the conditions at these makeshift detention camps were appalling.
"I remember hearing the constant, violent coughing and sickness of small children, and the worry of their mothers who stood in the sun outside the clinic all day only to be told their kids should 'drink water,'" Free tweeted. "I remember nearly doubling over when I saw the line of strollers."
When Free had a chance encounter with the president at a political event, he warned him that the detention centers would be "a stain on his legacy." He said the president wanted to know if Free was an immigration lawyer -- implying that everyday citizens weren't worried about what goes on at the border -- and then said, according to Free: "I'll tell you what we can't have, it's these parents sending their kids here on a dangerous journey and putting their lives at risk." The message that Free took away was that the president saw family detention as a deterrent to keep more refugees from coming.
This happened in 2015. The president with the looming stain on his legacy was Barack Obama.
Flash forward to 2018 and millions of us are now focused on what's happening at the border with the kind of burning intensity that Free felt in 2014 and 2015, when waves of mostly teenagers fleeing rape, murder and runaway gang violence in Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador made the dangerous trek to America, yearning to breathe free.
Who could not be troubled by the audio of the screaming 6-year-old not knowing where her mommy is, or by the 5-year-old boy in Michigan drawing pictures of the daddy he was separated from, or the other human rights outrages of "zero tolerance" policies that a racist, xenophobic, and autocratic president is using to rip families apart -- in essence, doubling or tripling down on whatever stain lingered from the mid-2010s. But while I'm very much disturbed -- as are most of you -- by the images of 2018, I'm also greatly troubled by the pictures that have resurfaced from 2014, showing children sleeping in cages or wearing those hideous foil wrappers. Why didn't more of us speak out more forcefully about this first wave of treatment that was clearly also not humane?
Let's be honest: Do you think it's outrageous when an attorney for the U.S. Justice Department argues that kids as little as 3-years-old are capable of defending themselves in American immigration courts. I know I do. But that happened -- with few people paying attention -- in 2016, when the attorney general was Loretta Lynch and Obama was POTUS.
Then there was the Associated Press scoop that went viral last week about migrant kids as young as 14 who say they were beaten while handcuffed, locked up in solitary confinement, and left naked in concrete cells at a juvenile detention center in Virginia-- which happened in 2015 and 2016, long before Donald J. Trump became our 45th and current president.
Right now, the protest movement that, arguably, pressured Trump into ending family separations -- for now -- is turning its focus to the cruelty of family detention, which could also keep kids in a prison-type setting for months, albeit with their parents. So it's worth noting that the Obama administration was in court as recently as 2016 fighting for exactly that, the right to detain families indefinitely.
My own soul-searching inspired me to go back and look what I wrote when the first wave of mostly unaccompanied kids was showing up at the border on 2014. The answer is that a) I didn't cover it nearly enough and b) when I did write about it, I took the easy route of expressing -- completely justified and appropriate -- outrage at what I was seeing at the time, which was right-wing politicians and their followers who were demagoguing the border crisis in the worst possible ways, falsely accusing refugees of bringing disease and even harassing them. For me, the boiling point in 2014 came when a group of angry, American flag-waving right-wingers surrounded buses and hurled epithets at buses of migrants trying to reach a government facility in Murietta, Calif.
\u201cThese right-wing protesters yelled epithets and turned away buses of refugees at a processing center in Murietta, Calif., in July 2014\u201d— Will Bunch (@Will Bunch) 1529850971
Here's what I wrote then:
No one has an easy answer. These children should not be making the long trek to the United States - because that journey endangers their lives. And like all other nations, America can't have fully open borders and can't shelter and feed every child of the world who would like to come here, not all at once. But we can do a lot better as a people than yelling and blocking buses of moms and kids, and we can expect a lot better from our politicians beyond warehousing them in substandard facilities before racing them back to neighborhoods where they may be killed.
Looking back, that's not wrong (although I should have noted that making a dangerous trek to the U.S. instead of facing gang violence and death in Honduras is a totally rational choice) but I should have said even more, and I should have called out the Obama administration much more forcefully for providing those substandard warehouses, the ones pictured above.
Look, I don't think Obama was a monster, and I'm not arguing that. He did push for a more rational and more humane immigration policy and -- when denied a vote by obstructionist and anti-democratic GOP forces in Congress -- successfully protected (for a time) the young "Dreamer" immigrants who enrich life in this country, by way of executive orders. When the issue of family separation first arose in 2014, Obama administration officials rejected that as "not who we are."
But Obama also amped up deportations to record levels -- which, in some cases, separated families here in the United States -- and he did little to radically alter the sick culture of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) that would be "unshackled" the moment that tinhorn despots like Trump and AG Jeff Sessions arrived on the scene. And, probably fearful of midterm election politics, Obama didn't treat the 2014 event as what it really was: a humanitarian refugee crisis.
Here's something else that really bothers me: The same kind of sick people who accuse refugees of carrying diseases, who accuse little kids seeking to escape gang violence of being gang members, who surrounded a bus of full of desperate freedom seekers in Murietta and shouted epithets at them, now feel some kind of moral validation in the imperfections of Obama's policies. That makes zero sense: How can you claim validation that your political enemy has a bad policy when the policies you support are 10x worse? Right-wing political debate has sunk to this inane level: Nothing ever about rational or, heaven forbid, humane policies, and everything about (and pardon me for quoting their political incorrectness) "owning the libtards." Right-wingers need to start owning their enthusiastic support for fascist-style cruelty at the border. Any right-wing reader who wants to use this column of apology, or my criticism of the Obama administration, for their own warped xenophobic agenda can -- and I say this in the spirit of Robert De Niro -- go (bleep) themselves.
That said, this is also another case where progressives should don their "nuance caps" and think about what is a "Trump problem" and what is a deeper "America problem." Although immigrants have been at the core of what actually has made America great, our immigration policies have too often been far from perfect -- and things really started going off the rails in the 2000s when a) the rise of a homeland-security-state meant increasingly treating refugees as criminals and b) right-wing talk radio and the Fox News Channel saw boffo ratings in demonizing The Other. We didn't do enough to stop this, and now we're seeing the nightmare of what a proto-dictator like Trump can build atop this immoral foundation.
For myself, I apologize -- and I don't think it's right for people to bury their heads in the Arizona desert sand about things that happened before Jan. 20, 2017. That 2014 picture at the top of this column? A former Obama speechwriter, Jon Favreau, tweeted it in a post attacking Trump, and when he was called out for the error, he simply deleted it. But you can't delete truth. We need to own up to the past and say we're sorry for when we could have done better -- because that makes us better fighters against the human rights disasters that are taking place today.
I'm not saying that politics doesn't matter -- it matters a lot. If you're outraged by the way that America is treating refugees from Central America, you need to vote in November, and vote your conscience. But the core of the problem includes partisan politics and yet transcends partisan politics. We don't even frame this the right way: What's happening at the border is not an "illegal immigration" problem but a humanitarian refugee crisis of people trying to flee violence and needless death at home, much as is occurring in Syria and Afghanistan. Too many times and in too many different ways, we've let down these people that a local Texas official -- from that 2014 post -- referred to as "the children of God." We can't go back in time, but we can do everything we can to get it right for the children of God this time around.
\u201cI\u2019m Jewish, but if I were to attend church...I\u2019d go to this one!\u201d— Tris (@Tris) 1529802739
The other day, a veteran immigration lawyer named R. Andrew Free shared an anecdote that sheds some really critical light on what's happening on America's southern border -- a tale that not surprisingly got buried amid a sandstorm of news about mothers not knowing where their kids are, audiotapes of anguished, crying children, and now the protests to end the human rights abuses that the current government is undertaking in our name.
What Free described on Twitter was an opportunity that few people get: A chance to personally confront the president of the United States and question him about his immigration policies. Free wrote that the answers he received from the so-called leader of the free world "shook me to my core."
The immigration lawyer had been to two large detention centers in Texas where U.S. officials were holding hundreds of migrant families from Central America, often for months at a time. Free said some of the conditions at these makeshift detention camps were appalling.
"I remember hearing the constant, violent coughing and sickness of small children, and the worry of their mothers who stood in the sun outside the clinic all day only to be told their kids should 'drink water,'" Free tweeted. "I remember nearly doubling over when I saw the line of strollers."
When Free had a chance encounter with the president at a political event, he warned him that the detention centers would be "a stain on his legacy." He said the president wanted to know if Free was an immigration lawyer -- implying that everyday citizens weren't worried about what goes on at the border -- and then said, according to Free: "I'll tell you what we can't have, it's these parents sending their kids here on a dangerous journey and putting their lives at risk." The message that Free took away was that the president saw family detention as a deterrent to keep more refugees from coming.
This happened in 2015. The president with the looming stain on his legacy was Barack Obama.
Flash forward to 2018 and millions of us are now focused on what's happening at the border with the kind of burning intensity that Free felt in 2014 and 2015, when waves of mostly teenagers fleeing rape, murder and runaway gang violence in Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador made the dangerous trek to America, yearning to breathe free.
Who could not be troubled by the audio of the screaming 6-year-old not knowing where her mommy is, or by the 5-year-old boy in Michigan drawing pictures of the daddy he was separated from, or the other human rights outrages of "zero tolerance" policies that a racist, xenophobic, and autocratic president is using to rip families apart -- in essence, doubling or tripling down on whatever stain lingered from the mid-2010s. But while I'm very much disturbed -- as are most of you -- by the images of 2018, I'm also greatly troubled by the pictures that have resurfaced from 2014, showing children sleeping in cages or wearing those hideous foil wrappers. Why didn't more of us speak out more forcefully about this first wave of treatment that was clearly also not humane?
Let's be honest: Do you think it's outrageous when an attorney for the U.S. Justice Department argues that kids as little as 3-years-old are capable of defending themselves in American immigration courts. I know I do. But that happened -- with few people paying attention -- in 2016, when the attorney general was Loretta Lynch and Obama was POTUS.
Then there was the Associated Press scoop that went viral last week about migrant kids as young as 14 who say they were beaten while handcuffed, locked up in solitary confinement, and left naked in concrete cells at a juvenile detention center in Virginia-- which happened in 2015 and 2016, long before Donald J. Trump became our 45th and current president.
Right now, the protest movement that, arguably, pressured Trump into ending family separations -- for now -- is turning its focus to the cruelty of family detention, which could also keep kids in a prison-type setting for months, albeit with their parents. So it's worth noting that the Obama administration was in court as recently as 2016 fighting for exactly that, the right to detain families indefinitely.
My own soul-searching inspired me to go back and look what I wrote when the first wave of mostly unaccompanied kids was showing up at the border on 2014. The answer is that a) I didn't cover it nearly enough and b) when I did write about it, I took the easy route of expressing -- completely justified and appropriate -- outrage at what I was seeing at the time, which was right-wing politicians and their followers who were demagoguing the border crisis in the worst possible ways, falsely accusing refugees of bringing disease and even harassing them. For me, the boiling point in 2014 came when a group of angry, American flag-waving right-wingers surrounded buses and hurled epithets at buses of migrants trying to reach a government facility in Murietta, Calif.
\u201cThese right-wing protesters yelled epithets and turned away buses of refugees at a processing center in Murietta, Calif., in July 2014\u201d— Will Bunch (@Will Bunch) 1529850971
Here's what I wrote then:
No one has an easy answer. These children should not be making the long trek to the United States - because that journey endangers their lives. And like all other nations, America can't have fully open borders and can't shelter and feed every child of the world who would like to come here, not all at once. But we can do a lot better as a people than yelling and blocking buses of moms and kids, and we can expect a lot better from our politicians beyond warehousing them in substandard facilities before racing them back to neighborhoods where they may be killed.
Looking back, that's not wrong (although I should have noted that making a dangerous trek to the U.S. instead of facing gang violence and death in Honduras is a totally rational choice) but I should have said even more, and I should have called out the Obama administration much more forcefully for providing those substandard warehouses, the ones pictured above.
Look, I don't think Obama was a monster, and I'm not arguing that. He did push for a more rational and more humane immigration policy and -- when denied a vote by obstructionist and anti-democratic GOP forces in Congress -- successfully protected (for a time) the young "Dreamer" immigrants who enrich life in this country, by way of executive orders. When the issue of family separation first arose in 2014, Obama administration officials rejected that as "not who we are."
But Obama also amped up deportations to record levels -- which, in some cases, separated families here in the United States -- and he did little to radically alter the sick culture of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) that would be "unshackled" the moment that tinhorn despots like Trump and AG Jeff Sessions arrived on the scene. And, probably fearful of midterm election politics, Obama didn't treat the 2014 event as what it really was: a humanitarian refugee crisis.
Here's something else that really bothers me: The same kind of sick people who accuse refugees of carrying diseases, who accuse little kids seeking to escape gang violence of being gang members, who surrounded a bus of full of desperate freedom seekers in Murietta and shouted epithets at them, now feel some kind of moral validation in the imperfections of Obama's policies. That makes zero sense: How can you claim validation that your political enemy has a bad policy when the policies you support are 10x worse? Right-wing political debate has sunk to this inane level: Nothing ever about rational or, heaven forbid, humane policies, and everything about (and pardon me for quoting their political incorrectness) "owning the libtards." Right-wingers need to start owning their enthusiastic support for fascist-style cruelty at the border. Any right-wing reader who wants to use this column of apology, or my criticism of the Obama administration, for their own warped xenophobic agenda can -- and I say this in the spirit of Robert De Niro -- go (bleep) themselves.
That said, this is also another case where progressives should don their "nuance caps" and think about what is a "Trump problem" and what is a deeper "America problem." Although immigrants have been at the core of what actually has made America great, our immigration policies have too often been far from perfect -- and things really started going off the rails in the 2000s when a) the rise of a homeland-security-state meant increasingly treating refugees as criminals and b) right-wing talk radio and the Fox News Channel saw boffo ratings in demonizing The Other. We didn't do enough to stop this, and now we're seeing the nightmare of what a proto-dictator like Trump can build atop this immoral foundation.
For myself, I apologize -- and I don't think it's right for people to bury their heads in the Arizona desert sand about things that happened before Jan. 20, 2017. That 2014 picture at the top of this column? A former Obama speechwriter, Jon Favreau, tweeted it in a post attacking Trump, and when he was called out for the error, he simply deleted it. But you can't delete truth. We need to own up to the past and say we're sorry for when we could have done better -- because that makes us better fighters against the human rights disasters that are taking place today.
I'm not saying that politics doesn't matter -- it matters a lot. If you're outraged by the way that America is treating refugees from Central America, you need to vote in November, and vote your conscience. But the core of the problem includes partisan politics and yet transcends partisan politics. We don't even frame this the right way: What's happening at the border is not an "illegal immigration" problem but a humanitarian refugee crisis of people trying to flee violence and needless death at home, much as is occurring in Syria and Afghanistan. Too many times and in too many different ways, we've let down these people that a local Texas official -- from that 2014 post -- referred to as "the children of God." We can't go back in time, but we can do everything we can to get it right for the children of God this time around.
\u201cI\u2019m Jewish, but if I were to attend church...I\u2019d go to this one!\u201d— Tris (@Tris) 1529802739
"Underneath shiny motherhood medals and promises of baby bonuses is a movement intent on elevating white supremacist ideology and forcing women out of the workplace," said one advocate.
The Trump administration's push for Americans to have more children has been well documented, from Vice President JD Vance's insults aimed at "childless cat ladies" to officials' meetings with "pronatalist" advocates who want to boost U.S. birth rates, which have been declining since 2007.
But a report released by the National Women's Law Center (NWLC) on Wednesday details how the methods the White House have reportedly considered to convince Americans to procreate moremay be described by the far right as "pro-family," but are actually being pushed by a eugenicist, misogynist movement that has little interest in making it any easier to raise a family in the United States.
The proposals include bestowing a "National Medal of Motherhood" on women who have more than six children, giving a $5,000 "baby bonus" to new parents, and prioritizing federal projects in areas with high birth rates.
"Underneath shiny motherhood medals and promises of baby bonuses is a movement intent on elevating white supremacist ideology and forcing women out of the workplace," said Emily Martin, chief program officer of the National Women's Law Center.
The report describes how "Silicon Valley tech elites" and traditional conservatives who oppose abortion rights and even a woman's right to work outside the home have converged to push for "preserving the traditional family structure while encouraging women to have a lot of children."
With pronatalists often referring to "declining genetic quality" in the U.S. and promoting the idea that Americans must produce "good quality children," in the words of evolutionary psychologist Diana Fleischman, the pronatalist movement "is built on racist, sexist, and anti-immigrant ideologies."
If conservatives are concerned about population loss in the U.S., the report points out, they would "make it easier for immigrants to come to the United States to live and work. More immigrants mean more workers, which would address some of the economic concerns raised by declining birth rates."
But pronatalists "only want to see certain populations increase (i.e., white people), and there are many immigrants who don't fit into that narrow qualification."
The report, titled "Baby Bonuses and Motherhood Medals: Why We Shouldn't Trust the Pronatalist Movement," describes how President Donald Trump has enlisted a "pronatalist army" that's been instrumental both in pushing a virulently anti-immigrant, mass deportation agenda and in demanding that more straight couples should marry and have children, as the right-wing policy playbook Project 2025 demands.
Trump's former adviser and benefactor, billionaire tech mogul Elon Musk, has spoken frequently about the need to prevent a collapse of U.S. society and civilization by raising birth rates, and has pushed misinformation fearmongering about birth control.
Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy proposed rewarding areas with high birth rates by prioritizing infrastructure projects, and like Vance has lobbed insults at single women while also deriding the use of contraception.
The report was released days after CNN detailed the close ties the Trump administration has with self-described Christian nationalist pastor Doug Wilson, who heads the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches, preaches that women should not vote, and suggested in an interview with correspondent Pamela Brown that women's primary function is birthing children, saying they are "the kind of people that people come out of."
Wilson has ties to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whose children attend schools founded by the pastor and who shared the video online with the tagline of Wilson's church, "All of Christ for All of Life."
But the NWLC noted, no amount of haranguing women over their relationship status, plans for childbearing, or insistence that they are primarily meant to stay at home with "four or five children," as Wilson said, can reverse the impact the Trump administration's policies have had on families.
"While the Trump administration claims to be pursuing a pro-baby agenda, their actions tell a different story," the report notes. "Rather than advancing policies that would actually support families—like lowering costs, expanding access to housing and food, or investing in child care—they've prioritized dismantling basic need supports, rolling back longstanding civil rights protections, and ripping away people's bodily autonomy."
The report was published weeks after Trump signed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act into law—making pregnancy more expensive and more dangerous for millions of low-income women by slashing Medicaid funding and "endangering the 42 million women and children" who rely on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program for their daily meals.
While demanding that women have more children, said the NWLC, Trump has pushed an "anti-women, anti-family agenda."
Martin said that unlike the pronatalist movement, "a real pro-family agenda would include protecting reproductive healthcare, investing in childcare as a public good, promoting workplace policies that enable parents to succeed, and ensuring that all children have the resources that they need to thrive not just at birth, but throughout their lives."
"The administration's deep hostility toward these pro-family policies," said Martin, "tells you all that you need to know about pronatalists' true motives.”
A Center for Constitutional Rights lawyer called on Kathy Jennings to "use her power to stop this dangerous entity that is masquerading as a charitable organization while furthering death and violence in Gaza."
A leading U.S. legal advocacy group on Wednesday urged Delaware Attorney General Kathy Jennings to pursue revoking the corporate charter of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, whose aid distribution points in the embattled Palestinian enclave have been the sites of near-daily massacres in which thousands of Palestinians have reportedly been killed or wounded.
Last week, the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) urgently requested a meeting with Jennings, a Democrat, whom the group asserted has a legal obligation to file suit in the state's Chancery Court to seek revocation of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation's (GHF) charter because the purported charity "is complicit in war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide."
CCR said Wednesday that Jennings "has neither responded" to the group's request "nor publicly addressed the serious claims raised against the Delaware-registered entity."
"GHF woefully fails to adhere to fundamental humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence and has proven to be an opportunistic and obsequious entity masquerading as a humanitarian organization," CCR asserted. "Since the start of its operations in late May, at least 1,400 Palestinians have died seeking aid, with at least 859 killed at or near GHF sites, which it operates in close coordination with the Israeli government and U.S. private military contractors."
One of those contractors, former U.S. Army Green Beret Col. Anthony Aguilar, quit his job and blew the whistle on what he said he saw while working at GHF aid sites.
"What I saw on the sites, around the sites, to and from the sites, can be described as nothing but war crimes, crimes against humanity, violations of international law," Aguilar told Democracy Now! host Amy Goodman earlier this month. "This is not hyperbole. This is not platitudes or drama. This is the truth... The sites were designed to lure, bait aid, and kill."
Israel Defense Forces officers and soldiers have admitted to receiving orders to open fire on Palestinian aid-seekers with live bullets and artillery rounds, even when the civilians posed no security threat.
"It is against this backdrop that [President Donald] Trump's State Department approved a $30 million United States Agency for International Development grant for GHF," CCR noted. "In so doing, the State Department exempted it from the audit usually required for new USAID grantees."
"It also waived mandatory counterterrorism and anti-fraud safeguards and overrode vetting mechanisms, including 58 internal objections to GHF's application," the group added. "The Center for Constitutional Rights has submitted a [Freedom of Information Act] request seeking information on the administration's funding of GHF."
CCR continued:
The letter to Jennings opens a new front in the effort to hold GHF accountable. The Center for Constitutional Rights letter provides extensive evidence that, far from alleviating suffering in Gaza, GHF is contributing to the forced displacement, illegal killing, and genocide of Palestinians, while serving as a fig leaf for Israel's continued denial of access to food and water. Given this, Jennings has not only the authority, but the obligation to investigate GHF to determine if it abused its charter by engaging in unlawful activity. She may then file suit with the Court of Chancery, which has the authority to revoke GHF's charter.
CCR's August 5 letter notes that Jennings has previously exercised such authority. In 2019, she filed suit to dissolve shell companies affiliated with former Trump campaign officials Paul Manafort and Richard Gates after they pleaded guilty to money laundering and other crimes.
"Attorney General Jennings has the power to significantly change the course of history and save lives by taking action to dissolve GHF," said CCR attorney Adina Marx-Arpadi. "We call on her to use her power to stop this dangerous entity that is masquerading as a charitable organization while furthering death and violence in Gaza, and to do so without delay."
CCR's request follows a call earlier this month by a group of United Nations experts for the "immediate dismantling" of GHF, as well as "holding it and its executives accountable and allowing experienced and humanitarian actors from the U.N. and civil society alike to take back the reins of managing and distributing lifesaving aid."
"The process has been completely captured by swarms of fossil fuel lobbyists and shamefully weaponized by low-ambition countries," said the CEO of the Environmental Justice Foundation.
Multiple nations, as well as climate and environmental activists, are expressing dismay at the current state of a potential treaty to curb global plastics pollution.
As The Associated Press reported on Wednesday, negotiators of the treaty are discussing a new draft that would contain no restrictions on plastic production or on the chemicals used in plastics. This draft would adopt the approach favored by many big oil-producing nations who have argued against limits on plastic production and have instead pushed for measures such as better design, recycling, and reuse.
This new draft drew the ire of several nations in Europe, Africa, and Latin America, who all said that it was too weak in addressing the real harms being done by plastic pollution.
"Let me be clear—this is not acceptable for future generations," said Erin Silsbe, the representative for Canada.
According to a report from Health Policy Watch, Panama delegate Juan Carlos Monterrey got a round of applause from several other delegates in the room when he angrily denounced the new draft.
"Our red lines, and the red lines of the majority of countries represented in this room, were not only expunged, they were spat on, and they were burned," he fumed.
Several advocacy organizations were even more scathing in their assessments.
Eirik Lindebjerg, the global plastics policy adviser for WWF, bluntly said that "this is not a treaty" but rather "a devastating blow to everyone here and all those around the world suffering day in and day out as a result of plastic pollution."
"It lacks the bare minimum of measures and accountability to actually be effective, with no binding global bans on harmful products and chemicals and no way for it to be strengthened over time," Lindebjerg continued. "What's more it does nothing to reflect the ambition and demands of the majority of people both within and outside the room. This is not what people came to Geneva for. After three years of negotiations, this is deeply concerning."
Steve Trent, the CEO and founder of the Environmental Justice Foundation, declared the new draft "nothing short of a betrayal" and encouraged delegates from around the world to roundly reject it.
"The process has been completely captured by swarms of fossil fuel lobbyists and shamefully weaponized by low-ambition countries," he said. "The failure now risks being total, with the text actively backsliding rather than improving."
According to the Center for International Environmental Law, at least 234 fossil fuel and chemical industry lobbyists registered for the talks in Switzerland, meaning they "outnumber the combined diplomatic delegations of all 27 European Union nations and the E.U."
Nicholas Mallos, vice president of Ocean Conservancy's ocean plastics program, similarly called the new draft "unacceptable" and singled out that the latest text scrubbed references to abandoned or discarded plastic fishing gear, commonly referred to as "ghost gear," which he described as "the deadliest form of plastic pollution to marine life."
"The science is clear: To reduce plastic pollution, we must make and use less plastic to begin with, so a treaty without reduction is a failed treaty," Mallos emphasized.