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Trump's cascading recklessness in his Iran policy continues to put the United States, Iran, the Middle East, and indeed the world at great peril. (Image: SS&SS / Flickr)
Despite heavy competition, Trump's latest Iran move ranks near the top of the list of the most reckless actions of this ever-so-reckless presidency. The president announced recently that he was refusing to certify Iran's compliance with the landmark nuclear agreement it reached with the U.S. and several other world powers during the Obama administration.
This dangerous move won't scuttle the deal entirely -- at least not yet -- but it undermines the strength of the international agreement and ultimately increases the threat of war. While Trump has said he's not pulling out of the deal just now, he's threatening to do so if Congress doesn't pass new sanctions .
With virtually every Iran expert on the planet in agreement that Tehran is keeping its end of the nuclear deal, it's clear that Trump's motives are purely political. But if anything that makes his decision only more dangerous.
Outright Lies
The Iran nuclear deal -- officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA -- is widely recognized as one of President Obama's most important diplomatic successes. And it's working exactly as it was designed to do.
The UN nuclear inspection agency, the U.S. intelligence community, and every serious expert on Iran's nuclear program from across the globe all agree that Iran is complying with the requirements of the deal. That means, among other things, that Iran's supply of low enriched uranium is now about 1 percent of what it used to be, it has no highly enriched uranium, and its nuclear program is under tight international inspection.
Yet Trump scorned pleas from key U.S. allies, members of Congress from both parties, and his own top security advisers, all of whom urged him to maintain the deal.
In withdrawing from a deal that Iran was keeping in good faith, Trump abandoned any pretense of maintaining U.S. credibility as a reliable negotiating partner. Instead, he justified decertifying Iranian compliance with a combination of exaggerations, complaints about actions that have nothing to do with the actual terms of the deal, and outright lies.
In remarks announcing his action, Trump claimed that "the Iranian regime has committed multiple violations of the agreement -- for example, they exceeded the 130 metric ton limit of heavy water." As the Guardian pointed out, that statement was "misleading at best. On two occasions, Iran's stockpile of heavy water flowed over the ceiling imposed by the deal, but the situation was quickly rectified and Iran's reserve is now below the limit. Nor is heavy water a direct proliferation threat."
He also tossed out the line, without a shred of evidence, that "many people believe Iran is dealing with North Korea."
He lied about Iran getting "paid up front" when the deal was signed, "rather than at the end of the deal when they have shown they've played by the rules." Trump implied this was a payout from the West to Iran, but didn't mention this was Iran's own money, long frozen by the United States and its allies. And in point of fact, those funds weren't released until the UN nuclear inspectors had determined that Tehran was indeed complying with the rules.
Finally, Trump lied about conditions inside Iran, claiming that the deal resulted in sanctions being lifted "just before what would have been the total collapse of the Iranian regime." Despite U.S. threats and crippling sanctions (which had far more impact on Iran's civilian population than on the government), the Iranian regime was and remains very far from "total collapse."
Trump also refused to acknowledge that Iran and the United States are actually fighting on the same side across the region. Washington and Tehran support the same governments in Afghanistan and Iraq. And both have deployed troops and planes to fight against ISIS in Syria and Iraq. (Of course, this isn't particularly good news -- both the Afghan and Iraqi governments are deeply corrupt, and the U.S. and Iran have each been responsible for war crimes in Syria -- but it shows the hypocrisy in Trump's deeply oppositional view of Iran.)
Furthermore, while they support different sides in the Syrian civil war, U.S. and Iranian military forces are often close together, and remain in constant communication to prevent any friendly fire attacks on each other. Indeed, while Trump announced new sanctions against the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps for their alleged support for terrorism, he was careful not to add the IRGC to Washington's list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations, because that would threaten U.S. soldiers fighting near IRGC troops in Syria.
Because Trump couldn't point to any actual violations of the terms of JCPOA by Iran, he claimed instead that Tehran "is not living up to the spirit of the deal." He condemned Iran's missile developments, bemoaning the deal's "failure" to deal with them. But of course, it wasn't a deal about missile technology -- it was a deal about nuclear enrichment. That was the only way to get all sides on board, and scuttling it when Iran's in compliance will inevitably make it more difficult to strike a deal on missiles or anything else in the future.
Rogue State Behavior
Trump's new Iran position doesn't end the multi-party Iran deal; it doesn't even pull the United States out of the deal or end U.S. obligations under the deal -- yet.
Instead, it tosses the decision back to Congress. The JCPOA is a multi-lateral agreement, not a treaty, and so didn't have to be ratified by the Senate. But to prevent political problems, Obama negotiated a separate deal with Congress, which requires the president to certify every 90 days that Iran is still in compliance with the deal.
If the president refuses to do so, as Trump just did, Congress then has 60 days to decide whether or not to re-impose nuclear-related sanctions on Iran. That decision would indeed violate Washington's obligations (which included ending nuclear sanctions), and Iran and the other signatories would rightly blame the U.S. for wrecking the deal.
Trump's "America First" actions have seriously damaged Washington's already-dubious standing in the world. This latest move goes further, gravely weakening international cooperation, concern for civilian populations, efforts towards non-proliferation and disarmament, respect for international law, and the credibility of the United Nations, which endorsed the deal.
It's dangerous because it tells Iran, Washington's negotiating partners, and the world that the United States isn't committed to the deal it signed, and is looking for a way out. It's dangerous because it tells North Korea that they may as well not bother negotiating with Washington, because the United States can't be counted on to abide by its agreements.
It's dangerous because there's already strong anti-Iran and anti-JCPOA sentiment in Congress, as well as strong outside pressure (from Israel's supporters, among others) on legislators to follow Trump's reckless decision with an equally reckless move of their own. If Congress imposes new nuclear sanctions on Iran, that would threaten the real collapse of the deal -- unless, as has happened before, the Iranian government shows more restraint and more political maturity than its U.S. counterpart.
Abandoning the nuclear deal shows utter disdain for our negotiating partners in China, France, Germany, Russia, and the UK, which together helped craft the deal, as well as for Iran itself. It also slaps the unanimous UN Security Council Resolution 2231 endorsing the deal, which reminded signatories that they were obligated under international law "to accept and carry out the Security Council's decisions," including by carrying out the "full implementation" of the JCPOA.
As Iran's UN Ambassador Javad Zarif told CBS:
"You know, the United States is a permanent member of the Security Council. And if it's not going to uphold a resolution, that not only it voted for but it sponsored, then the credibility of the institution that the United States considers to be very important would be at stake. Nobody else will trust any U.S. administration to engage in any long-term negotiation because the length of any commitment, the duration of any commitment from now on with any U.S. administration would be the remainder of the term of that president."
Trump's cascading recklessness in his Iran policy continues to put the United States, Iran, the Middle East, and indeed the world at great peril. His actions make the threat of war far more likely. And if Congress doesn't fall into Trump's trap, and instead rejects his demand to impose new nuclear sanctions, Trump will come face-to-face with his promise to cancel the agreement himself.
Such an act would indeed prove, to anyone not yet convinced, that the United States is a rogue state.
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Despite heavy competition, Trump's latest Iran move ranks near the top of the list of the most reckless actions of this ever-so-reckless presidency. The president announced recently that he was refusing to certify Iran's compliance with the landmark nuclear agreement it reached with the U.S. and several other world powers during the Obama administration.
This dangerous move won't scuttle the deal entirely -- at least not yet -- but it undermines the strength of the international agreement and ultimately increases the threat of war. While Trump has said he's not pulling out of the deal just now, he's threatening to do so if Congress doesn't pass new sanctions .
With virtually every Iran expert on the planet in agreement that Tehran is keeping its end of the nuclear deal, it's clear that Trump's motives are purely political. But if anything that makes his decision only more dangerous.
Outright Lies
The Iran nuclear deal -- officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA -- is widely recognized as one of President Obama's most important diplomatic successes. And it's working exactly as it was designed to do.
The UN nuclear inspection agency, the U.S. intelligence community, and every serious expert on Iran's nuclear program from across the globe all agree that Iran is complying with the requirements of the deal. That means, among other things, that Iran's supply of low enriched uranium is now about 1 percent of what it used to be, it has no highly enriched uranium, and its nuclear program is under tight international inspection.
Yet Trump scorned pleas from key U.S. allies, members of Congress from both parties, and his own top security advisers, all of whom urged him to maintain the deal.
In withdrawing from a deal that Iran was keeping in good faith, Trump abandoned any pretense of maintaining U.S. credibility as a reliable negotiating partner. Instead, he justified decertifying Iranian compliance with a combination of exaggerations, complaints about actions that have nothing to do with the actual terms of the deal, and outright lies.
In remarks announcing his action, Trump claimed that "the Iranian regime has committed multiple violations of the agreement -- for example, they exceeded the 130 metric ton limit of heavy water." As the Guardian pointed out, that statement was "misleading at best. On two occasions, Iran's stockpile of heavy water flowed over the ceiling imposed by the deal, but the situation was quickly rectified and Iran's reserve is now below the limit. Nor is heavy water a direct proliferation threat."
He also tossed out the line, without a shred of evidence, that "many people believe Iran is dealing with North Korea."
He lied about Iran getting "paid up front" when the deal was signed, "rather than at the end of the deal when they have shown they've played by the rules." Trump implied this was a payout from the West to Iran, but didn't mention this was Iran's own money, long frozen by the United States and its allies. And in point of fact, those funds weren't released until the UN nuclear inspectors had determined that Tehran was indeed complying with the rules.
Finally, Trump lied about conditions inside Iran, claiming that the deal resulted in sanctions being lifted "just before what would have been the total collapse of the Iranian regime." Despite U.S. threats and crippling sanctions (which had far more impact on Iran's civilian population than on the government), the Iranian regime was and remains very far from "total collapse."
Trump also refused to acknowledge that Iran and the United States are actually fighting on the same side across the region. Washington and Tehran support the same governments in Afghanistan and Iraq. And both have deployed troops and planes to fight against ISIS in Syria and Iraq. (Of course, this isn't particularly good news -- both the Afghan and Iraqi governments are deeply corrupt, and the U.S. and Iran have each been responsible for war crimes in Syria -- but it shows the hypocrisy in Trump's deeply oppositional view of Iran.)
Furthermore, while they support different sides in the Syrian civil war, U.S. and Iranian military forces are often close together, and remain in constant communication to prevent any friendly fire attacks on each other. Indeed, while Trump announced new sanctions against the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps for their alleged support for terrorism, he was careful not to add the IRGC to Washington's list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations, because that would threaten U.S. soldiers fighting near IRGC troops in Syria.
Because Trump couldn't point to any actual violations of the terms of JCPOA by Iran, he claimed instead that Tehran "is not living up to the spirit of the deal." He condemned Iran's missile developments, bemoaning the deal's "failure" to deal with them. But of course, it wasn't a deal about missile technology -- it was a deal about nuclear enrichment. That was the only way to get all sides on board, and scuttling it when Iran's in compliance will inevitably make it more difficult to strike a deal on missiles or anything else in the future.
Rogue State Behavior
Trump's new Iran position doesn't end the multi-party Iran deal; it doesn't even pull the United States out of the deal or end U.S. obligations under the deal -- yet.
Instead, it tosses the decision back to Congress. The JCPOA is a multi-lateral agreement, not a treaty, and so didn't have to be ratified by the Senate. But to prevent political problems, Obama negotiated a separate deal with Congress, which requires the president to certify every 90 days that Iran is still in compliance with the deal.
If the president refuses to do so, as Trump just did, Congress then has 60 days to decide whether or not to re-impose nuclear-related sanctions on Iran. That decision would indeed violate Washington's obligations (which included ending nuclear sanctions), and Iran and the other signatories would rightly blame the U.S. for wrecking the deal.
Trump's "America First" actions have seriously damaged Washington's already-dubious standing in the world. This latest move goes further, gravely weakening international cooperation, concern for civilian populations, efforts towards non-proliferation and disarmament, respect for international law, and the credibility of the United Nations, which endorsed the deal.
It's dangerous because it tells Iran, Washington's negotiating partners, and the world that the United States isn't committed to the deal it signed, and is looking for a way out. It's dangerous because it tells North Korea that they may as well not bother negotiating with Washington, because the United States can't be counted on to abide by its agreements.
It's dangerous because there's already strong anti-Iran and anti-JCPOA sentiment in Congress, as well as strong outside pressure (from Israel's supporters, among others) on legislators to follow Trump's reckless decision with an equally reckless move of their own. If Congress imposes new nuclear sanctions on Iran, that would threaten the real collapse of the deal -- unless, as has happened before, the Iranian government shows more restraint and more political maturity than its U.S. counterpart.
Abandoning the nuclear deal shows utter disdain for our negotiating partners in China, France, Germany, Russia, and the UK, which together helped craft the deal, as well as for Iran itself. It also slaps the unanimous UN Security Council Resolution 2231 endorsing the deal, which reminded signatories that they were obligated under international law "to accept and carry out the Security Council's decisions," including by carrying out the "full implementation" of the JCPOA.
As Iran's UN Ambassador Javad Zarif told CBS:
"You know, the United States is a permanent member of the Security Council. And if it's not going to uphold a resolution, that not only it voted for but it sponsored, then the credibility of the institution that the United States considers to be very important would be at stake. Nobody else will trust any U.S. administration to engage in any long-term negotiation because the length of any commitment, the duration of any commitment from now on with any U.S. administration would be the remainder of the term of that president."
Trump's cascading recklessness in his Iran policy continues to put the United States, Iran, the Middle East, and indeed the world at great peril. His actions make the threat of war far more likely. And if Congress doesn't fall into Trump's trap, and instead rejects his demand to impose new nuclear sanctions, Trump will come face-to-face with his promise to cancel the agreement himself.
Such an act would indeed prove, to anyone not yet convinced, that the United States is a rogue state.
Despite heavy competition, Trump's latest Iran move ranks near the top of the list of the most reckless actions of this ever-so-reckless presidency. The president announced recently that he was refusing to certify Iran's compliance with the landmark nuclear agreement it reached with the U.S. and several other world powers during the Obama administration.
This dangerous move won't scuttle the deal entirely -- at least not yet -- but it undermines the strength of the international agreement and ultimately increases the threat of war. While Trump has said he's not pulling out of the deal just now, he's threatening to do so if Congress doesn't pass new sanctions .
With virtually every Iran expert on the planet in agreement that Tehran is keeping its end of the nuclear deal, it's clear that Trump's motives are purely political. But if anything that makes his decision only more dangerous.
Outright Lies
The Iran nuclear deal -- officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA -- is widely recognized as one of President Obama's most important diplomatic successes. And it's working exactly as it was designed to do.
The UN nuclear inspection agency, the U.S. intelligence community, and every serious expert on Iran's nuclear program from across the globe all agree that Iran is complying with the requirements of the deal. That means, among other things, that Iran's supply of low enriched uranium is now about 1 percent of what it used to be, it has no highly enriched uranium, and its nuclear program is under tight international inspection.
Yet Trump scorned pleas from key U.S. allies, members of Congress from both parties, and his own top security advisers, all of whom urged him to maintain the deal.
In withdrawing from a deal that Iran was keeping in good faith, Trump abandoned any pretense of maintaining U.S. credibility as a reliable negotiating partner. Instead, he justified decertifying Iranian compliance with a combination of exaggerations, complaints about actions that have nothing to do with the actual terms of the deal, and outright lies.
In remarks announcing his action, Trump claimed that "the Iranian regime has committed multiple violations of the agreement -- for example, they exceeded the 130 metric ton limit of heavy water." As the Guardian pointed out, that statement was "misleading at best. On two occasions, Iran's stockpile of heavy water flowed over the ceiling imposed by the deal, but the situation was quickly rectified and Iran's reserve is now below the limit. Nor is heavy water a direct proliferation threat."
He also tossed out the line, without a shred of evidence, that "many people believe Iran is dealing with North Korea."
He lied about Iran getting "paid up front" when the deal was signed, "rather than at the end of the deal when they have shown they've played by the rules." Trump implied this was a payout from the West to Iran, but didn't mention this was Iran's own money, long frozen by the United States and its allies. And in point of fact, those funds weren't released until the UN nuclear inspectors had determined that Tehran was indeed complying with the rules.
Finally, Trump lied about conditions inside Iran, claiming that the deal resulted in sanctions being lifted "just before what would have been the total collapse of the Iranian regime." Despite U.S. threats and crippling sanctions (which had far more impact on Iran's civilian population than on the government), the Iranian regime was and remains very far from "total collapse."
Trump also refused to acknowledge that Iran and the United States are actually fighting on the same side across the region. Washington and Tehran support the same governments in Afghanistan and Iraq. And both have deployed troops and planes to fight against ISIS in Syria and Iraq. (Of course, this isn't particularly good news -- both the Afghan and Iraqi governments are deeply corrupt, and the U.S. and Iran have each been responsible for war crimes in Syria -- but it shows the hypocrisy in Trump's deeply oppositional view of Iran.)
Furthermore, while they support different sides in the Syrian civil war, U.S. and Iranian military forces are often close together, and remain in constant communication to prevent any friendly fire attacks on each other. Indeed, while Trump announced new sanctions against the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps for their alleged support for terrorism, he was careful not to add the IRGC to Washington's list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations, because that would threaten U.S. soldiers fighting near IRGC troops in Syria.
Because Trump couldn't point to any actual violations of the terms of JCPOA by Iran, he claimed instead that Tehran "is not living up to the spirit of the deal." He condemned Iran's missile developments, bemoaning the deal's "failure" to deal with them. But of course, it wasn't a deal about missile technology -- it was a deal about nuclear enrichment. That was the only way to get all sides on board, and scuttling it when Iran's in compliance will inevitably make it more difficult to strike a deal on missiles or anything else in the future.
Rogue State Behavior
Trump's new Iran position doesn't end the multi-party Iran deal; it doesn't even pull the United States out of the deal or end U.S. obligations under the deal -- yet.
Instead, it tosses the decision back to Congress. The JCPOA is a multi-lateral agreement, not a treaty, and so didn't have to be ratified by the Senate. But to prevent political problems, Obama negotiated a separate deal with Congress, which requires the president to certify every 90 days that Iran is still in compliance with the deal.
If the president refuses to do so, as Trump just did, Congress then has 60 days to decide whether or not to re-impose nuclear-related sanctions on Iran. That decision would indeed violate Washington's obligations (which included ending nuclear sanctions), and Iran and the other signatories would rightly blame the U.S. for wrecking the deal.
Trump's "America First" actions have seriously damaged Washington's already-dubious standing in the world. This latest move goes further, gravely weakening international cooperation, concern for civilian populations, efforts towards non-proliferation and disarmament, respect for international law, and the credibility of the United Nations, which endorsed the deal.
It's dangerous because it tells Iran, Washington's negotiating partners, and the world that the United States isn't committed to the deal it signed, and is looking for a way out. It's dangerous because it tells North Korea that they may as well not bother negotiating with Washington, because the United States can't be counted on to abide by its agreements.
It's dangerous because there's already strong anti-Iran and anti-JCPOA sentiment in Congress, as well as strong outside pressure (from Israel's supporters, among others) on legislators to follow Trump's reckless decision with an equally reckless move of their own. If Congress imposes new nuclear sanctions on Iran, that would threaten the real collapse of the deal -- unless, as has happened before, the Iranian government shows more restraint and more political maturity than its U.S. counterpart.
Abandoning the nuclear deal shows utter disdain for our negotiating partners in China, France, Germany, Russia, and the UK, which together helped craft the deal, as well as for Iran itself. It also slaps the unanimous UN Security Council Resolution 2231 endorsing the deal, which reminded signatories that they were obligated under international law "to accept and carry out the Security Council's decisions," including by carrying out the "full implementation" of the JCPOA.
As Iran's UN Ambassador Javad Zarif told CBS:
"You know, the United States is a permanent member of the Security Council. And if it's not going to uphold a resolution, that not only it voted for but it sponsored, then the credibility of the institution that the United States considers to be very important would be at stake. Nobody else will trust any U.S. administration to engage in any long-term negotiation because the length of any commitment, the duration of any commitment from now on with any U.S. administration would be the remainder of the term of that president."
Trump's cascading recklessness in his Iran policy continues to put the United States, Iran, the Middle East, and indeed the world at great peril. His actions make the threat of war far more likely. And if Congress doesn't fall into Trump's trap, and instead rejects his demand to impose new nuclear sanctions, Trump will come face-to-face with his promise to cancel the agreement himself.
Such an act would indeed prove, to anyone not yet convinced, that the United States is a rogue state.
The senator said the negotiations could be "a positive step forward" after three and a half years of war.
Echoing the concerns of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and European leaders about an upcoming summit between U.S. President Donald Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin, Sen. Bernie Sanders on Sunday said the interests of Ukrainians must be represented in any talks regarding an end to the fighting between the two countries—but expressed hope that the negotiations planned for August 15 will be "a positive step forward."
On CNN's "State of the Union," Sanders (I-Vt.) told anchor Dana Bash that Ukraine "has got to be part of the discussion" regarding a potential cease-fire between Russia and Ukraine, which Putin said last week he would agree to in exchange for major land concessions in Eastern Ukraine.
Putin reportedly proposed a deal in which Ukraine would withdraw its armed forces from the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, giving Russia full control of the two areas along with Crimea, which it annexed in 2014.
On Friday, Trump said a peace deal could include "some swapping of territories"—but did not mention potential security guarantees for Ukraine, or what territories the country might gain control of—and announced that talks had been scheduled between the White House and Putin in Alaska this coming Friday.
As Trump announced the meeting, a deadline he had set earlier for Putin to agree to a cease-fire or face "secondary sanctions" targeting countries that buy oil from Russia passed.
Zelenskyy on Saturday rejected the suggestion that Ukraine would accept any deal brokered by the U.S. and Russia without the input of his government—especially one that includes land concessions. In a video statement on the social media platform X, Zelenskyy said that "Ukraine is ready for real decisions that can bring peace."
"Any decisions that are against us, any decisions that are without Ukraine, are at the same time decisions against peace," he said. "Ukrainians will not give their land to the occupier."
Sanders on Sunday agreed that "it can't be Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump" deciding the terms of a peace deal to end the war that the United Nations says has killed more than 13,000 Ukrainian civilians since Russia began its invasion in February 2022.
"If in fact an agreement can be negotiated which does not compromise what the Ukrainians feel they need, I think that's a positive step forward. We all want to see an end to the bloodshed," said Sanders. "The people of Ukraine obviously have got to have a significant say. It is their country, so if the people of Ukraine feel it is a positive agreement, that's good. If not, that's another story."
A senior White House official told NewsNation that the president is "open to a trilateral summit with both leaders."
"Right now, the White House is planning the bilateral meeting requested by President Putin," they said.
On Saturday, Vice President JD Vance took part in talks with European Union and Ukrainian officials in the United Kingdom, where Andriy Yermak, head of the Office of the President in Ukraine, said the country's positions were made "clear: a reliable, lasting peace is only possible with Ukraine at the negotiating table, with full respect for our sovereignty and without recognizing the occupation."
European leaders pushed for the inclusion of Zelenskyy in talks in a statement Saturday, saying Ukraine's vital interests "include the need for robust and credible security guarantees that enable Ukraine to effectively defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity."
"Meaningful negotiations can only take place in the context of a cease-fire or reduction of hostilities," said the leaders, including French President Emmanuel Macron, German Cancellor Friedrich Merz, and U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer. "The path to peace in Ukraine cannot be decided without Ukraine. We remain committed to the principle that international borders must not be changed by force."
At the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, British journalist and analyst Anatol Lieven wrote Saturday that the talks scheduled for next week are "an essential first step" toward ending the bloodshed in Ukraine, even though they include proposed land concessions that would be "painful" for Kyiv.
If Ukraine were to ultimately agree to ceding land to Russia, said Lieven, "Russia will need drastically to scale back its demands for Ukrainian 'denazification' and 'demilitarization,' which in their extreme form would mean Ukrainian regime change and disarmament—which no government in Kyiv could or should accept."
A recent Gallup poll showed 69% of Ukrainians now favor a negotiated end to the war as soon as possible. In 2022, more than 70% believed the country should continue fighting until it achieved victory.
Suleiman Al-Obeid was killed by the Israel Defense Forces while seeking humanitarian aid.
Mohamed Salah, the Egyptian soccer star who plays for Liverpool's Premiere League club and serves as captain of Egypt's national team, had three questions for the Union of European Football Associations on Saturday after the governing body acknowledged the death of another venerated former player.
"Can you tell us how he died, where, and why?" asked Salah in response to the UEFA's vague tribute to Suleiman Al-Obeid, who was nicknamed the "Palestinian Pelé" during his career with the Palestinian National Team.
The soccer organization had written a simple 21-word "farewell" message to Al-Obeid, calling him "a talent who gave hope to countless children, even in the darkest of times."
The UEFA made no mention of reports from the Palestine Football Association that Al-Obeid last week became one of the nearly 1,400 Palestinians who have been killed while seeking aid since the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), an Israel- and U.S.-backed, privatized organization, began operating aid hubs in Gaza.
As with the Israel Defense Forces' killings of aid workers and bombings of so-called "safe zones" since Israel began bombarding Gaza in October 2023, the IDF has claimed its killings of Palestinians seeking desperately-needed food have been inadvertent—but Israeli soldiers themselves have described being ordered to shoot at civilians who approach the aid sites.
Salah has been an outspoken advocate for Palestinians since Israel began its attacks, which have killed more than 61,000 people, and imposed a near-total blockade that has caused an "unfolding" famine, according to the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification. At least 217 Palestinians have now starved to death, including at least 100 children.
The Peace and Justice Project, founded by British Parliament member Jeremy Corbyn, applauded Salah's criticism of UEFA.
The Palestine Football Association released a statement saying, "Former national team player and star of the Khadamat al-Shati team, Suleiman Al-Obeid, was martyred after the occupation forces targeted those waiting for humanitarian aid in the southern Gaza Strip on Wednesday."
Al-Obeid represented the Palestinian team 24 times internationally and scored a famous goal against Yemen's National Team in the East Asian Federation's 2010 cup.
He is survived by his wife and five children, Al Jazeera reported.
Bassil Mikdadi, the founder of Football Palestine, told the outlet that he was surprised the UEFA acknowledged Al-Obeid's killing at all, considering the silence of international soccer federations regarding Israel's assault on Gaza, which is the subject of a genocide case at the International Court of Justice and has been called a genocide by numerous Holocaust scholars and human rights groups.
As Jules Boykoff wrote in a column at Common Dreams in June, the International Federation of Association Football (FIFA) has mostly "looked the other way when it comes to Israel's attacks on Palestinians," and although the group joined the UEFA in expressing solidarity with Ukrainian players and civilians when Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, "no such solidarity has been forthcoming for Palestinians."
Mikdadi noted that Al-Obeid "is not the first Palestinian footballer to perish in this genocide—there's been over 400—but he's by far the most prominent as of now."
Al-Obeid was killed days before Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu approved a plan to take over Gaza City—believed to be the first step in the eventual occupation of all of Gaza.
The United Nations Security Council was holding an emergency meeting Sunday to discuss Israel's move, with U.N. Assistant Secretary-General for Europe, Central Asia, and the Americas Miroslav Jenca warning the council that a full takeover would risk "igniting another horrific chapter in this conflict."
"We are already witnessing a humanitarian catastrophe of unimaginable scale in Gaza," said Jenca. "If these plans are implemented, they will likely trigger another calamity in Gaza, reverberating across the region and causing further forced displacement, killings, and destruction, compounding the unbearable suffering of the population."
"Whoever said West Virginia was a conservative state?" Sanders asked the crowd in Wheeling. "Somebody got it wrong."
On the latest leg of his Fighting Oligarchy Tour, U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders headed to West Virginia for rallies on Friday and Saturday where he continued to speak out against the billionaire class's control over the political system and the Republican Party's cuts to healthcare, food assistance, and other social programs for millions of Americans—and prove that his message resonates with working people even in solidly red districts.
"Whoever said West Virginia was a conservative state?" Sanders (I-Vt.) asked a roaring, standing-room-only crowd at the Capitol Theater in Wheeling. "Somebody got it wrong."
As the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette reported, some in the crowd sported red bandanas around their necks—a nod to the state's long history of labor organizing and the thousands of coal mine workers who formed a multiracial coalition in 1921 and marched wearing bandanas for the right to join a union with fair pay and safety protections.
Sanders spoke to the crowd about how President Donald Trump's One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which was supported by all five Republican lawmakers who represent the districts Sanders is visiting this weekend, could impact their families and neighbors.
"Fifteen million Americans, including 50,000 right here in West Virginia, are going to lose their healthcare," Sanders said of the Medicaid cuts that are projected to amount to more than $1 trillion over the next decade. "Cuts to nutrition—literally taking food out of the mouths of hungry kids."
Seven hospitals are expected to shut down in the state as a result of the law's Medicaid cuts, and 84,000 West Virginians will lose Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits, according to estimates.
Sanders continued his West Virginia tour with a stop in the small town of Lenore on Saturday afternoon and was scheduled to address a crowd in Charleston Saturday evening before heading to North Carolina for more rallies on Sunday.
The event in Lenore was a town hall, where the senator heard from residents of the area—which Trump won with 74% of the vote in 2024. Anna Bahr, Sanders' communications director, said more than 400 people came to hear the senator speak—equivalent to about a third of Lenore's population.
Sanders invited one young attendee on stage after she asked how Trump's domestic policy law's cuts to education are likely to affect poverty rates in West Virginia, which are some of the highest in the nation.
The One Big Beautiful Bill Act includes a federal voucher program which education advocates warn will further drain funding from public schools, and the loss of Medicaid funding for states could lead to staff cuts in K-12 schools. The law also impacts higher education, imposing new limits for federal student loans.
"Sometimes I am attacked by my opponents for being far-left, fringe, out of touch with where America is," said Sanders. "Actually, much of what I talk about is exactly where America is... You are living in the wealthiest country in the history of the world, and if we had good policy and the courage to take on the billionaire class, there is no reason that every kid in this country could not get an excellent higher education, regardless of his or her income. That is not a radical idea."
Sanders' events scheduled for Sunday in North Carolina include a rally at 2:00 pm ET at the Steven Tanger Center for the Performing Arts in Greensboro and one at 6:00 pm ET at the Harrah Cherokee Center in Asheville.