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Julian Assange has made himself a difficult figure to love. The organization he created, WikiLeaks, has spilled secrets that infuriate the right and, more recently, the left side of the political aisle. He burns all bridges, alienates friends, and sees enemies everywhere. Mounting evidence suggests he even allowed his organization to serve as a leak-laundering service for Kremlin hackers seeking to swing a US election.
But if the US Department of Justice prosecutes Assange, as it reportedly may soon, he could become something else: the first journalist in modern history to be criminally charged by American courts for publishing classified information. WikiLeaks may not look like a traditional journalism outlet, but it shares the same ends--publishing true information from its sources. And that means legal action against Assange could threaten the freedom of the press as a whole.
"Any prosecution would be incredibly dangerous for the First Amendment and pretty much every reporter in the United States," says Trevor Timm, executive director of the Freedom of the Press Foundation. "You can hate WikiLeaks all you want, but if they're prosecuted, that precedent can be turned around and used on all the reporters you do like."
On Thursday afternoon, the Washington Post and CNN separately reported that the Department of Justice is considering charges against Assange or other "members" of the small, secret-spilling group that constitutes WikiLeaks. Those charges would reportedly stem not only from WikiLeaks' recent publications of classified CIA materials that include highly secret hacking tools and techniques, but also the seven-year-old publication of 250,000 State Department communications, known as Cablegate, that WikiLeaks received from now-pardoned Army private Chelsea Manning. In remarks just last week, CIA director Mike Pompeo decried WikiLeaks as a "non-state, hostile intelligence agency."
But as controversial as its publications have been, WikiLeaks and its defenders have argued they were also the work of journalists--albeit ones with a radical adherence to principles of transparency, and new tools for soliciting material from sensitive sources. That journalistic work, in theory, qualifies for protection under the free speech guarantees of the First Amendment.
For decades, the US Justice Department has restrained itself from testing that protection. Instead, it has limited its prosecutions to the press's sources, charging many--including Manning--as spies under the Espionage Act.
If the Trump administration prosecutes Assange and WikiLeaks under that same hundred-year-old law, it could represent a new and serious crack in the government's de facto policy of respecting reporters' First Amendment protections.
Read the full article at Wired.com
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Julian Assange has made himself a difficult figure to love. The organization he created, WikiLeaks, has spilled secrets that infuriate the right and, more recently, the left side of the political aisle. He burns all bridges, alienates friends, and sees enemies everywhere. Mounting evidence suggests he even allowed his organization to serve as a leak-laundering service for Kremlin hackers seeking to swing a US election.
But if the US Department of Justice prosecutes Assange, as it reportedly may soon, he could become something else: the first journalist in modern history to be criminally charged by American courts for publishing classified information. WikiLeaks may not look like a traditional journalism outlet, but it shares the same ends--publishing true information from its sources. And that means legal action against Assange could threaten the freedom of the press as a whole.
"Any prosecution would be incredibly dangerous for the First Amendment and pretty much every reporter in the United States," says Trevor Timm, executive director of the Freedom of the Press Foundation. "You can hate WikiLeaks all you want, but if they're prosecuted, that precedent can be turned around and used on all the reporters you do like."
On Thursday afternoon, the Washington Post and CNN separately reported that the Department of Justice is considering charges against Assange or other "members" of the small, secret-spilling group that constitutes WikiLeaks. Those charges would reportedly stem not only from WikiLeaks' recent publications of classified CIA materials that include highly secret hacking tools and techniques, but also the seven-year-old publication of 250,000 State Department communications, known as Cablegate, that WikiLeaks received from now-pardoned Army private Chelsea Manning. In remarks just last week, CIA director Mike Pompeo decried WikiLeaks as a "non-state, hostile intelligence agency."
But as controversial as its publications have been, WikiLeaks and its defenders have argued they were also the work of journalists--albeit ones with a radical adherence to principles of transparency, and new tools for soliciting material from sensitive sources. That journalistic work, in theory, qualifies for protection under the free speech guarantees of the First Amendment.
For decades, the US Justice Department has restrained itself from testing that protection. Instead, it has limited its prosecutions to the press's sources, charging many--including Manning--as spies under the Espionage Act.
If the Trump administration prosecutes Assange and WikiLeaks under that same hundred-year-old law, it could represent a new and serious crack in the government's de facto policy of respecting reporters' First Amendment protections.
Read the full article at Wired.com
Julian Assange has made himself a difficult figure to love. The organization he created, WikiLeaks, has spilled secrets that infuriate the right and, more recently, the left side of the political aisle. He burns all bridges, alienates friends, and sees enemies everywhere. Mounting evidence suggests he even allowed his organization to serve as a leak-laundering service for Kremlin hackers seeking to swing a US election.
But if the US Department of Justice prosecutes Assange, as it reportedly may soon, he could become something else: the first journalist in modern history to be criminally charged by American courts for publishing classified information. WikiLeaks may not look like a traditional journalism outlet, but it shares the same ends--publishing true information from its sources. And that means legal action against Assange could threaten the freedom of the press as a whole.
"Any prosecution would be incredibly dangerous for the First Amendment and pretty much every reporter in the United States," says Trevor Timm, executive director of the Freedom of the Press Foundation. "You can hate WikiLeaks all you want, but if they're prosecuted, that precedent can be turned around and used on all the reporters you do like."
On Thursday afternoon, the Washington Post and CNN separately reported that the Department of Justice is considering charges against Assange or other "members" of the small, secret-spilling group that constitutes WikiLeaks. Those charges would reportedly stem not only from WikiLeaks' recent publications of classified CIA materials that include highly secret hacking tools and techniques, but also the seven-year-old publication of 250,000 State Department communications, known as Cablegate, that WikiLeaks received from now-pardoned Army private Chelsea Manning. In remarks just last week, CIA director Mike Pompeo decried WikiLeaks as a "non-state, hostile intelligence agency."
But as controversial as its publications have been, WikiLeaks and its defenders have argued they were also the work of journalists--albeit ones with a radical adherence to principles of transparency, and new tools for soliciting material from sensitive sources. That journalistic work, in theory, qualifies for protection under the free speech guarantees of the First Amendment.
For decades, the US Justice Department has restrained itself from testing that protection. Instead, it has limited its prosecutions to the press's sources, charging many--including Manning--as spies under the Espionage Act.
If the Trump administration prosecutes Assange and WikiLeaks under that same hundred-year-old law, it could represent a new and serious crack in the government's de facto policy of respecting reporters' First Amendment protections.
Read the full article at Wired.com