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Brazil just finished hosting the FIFA Confederations Cup, a two-week soccer tournament that brings together six regional champions from around the world as well as the reigning World Cup winner. Brazil's shimmering, 3-0 victory over Spain in the cup fin
What started as protests three weeks ago against a hike in bus fares quickly escalated into countrywide actions targeting government corruption and the decision to fund sports mega-events rather than education and health care. Brazil is getting hit with the mega-event double-whammy--it's hosting the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Rio Olympics. Activists have zeroed in on FIFA and the International Olympic Committee, two unaccountable behemoths.
Both the World Cup and Olympics have evolved into corporate juggernauts that are procured with public money. Brazil is dumping $13 billion into the World Cup. The Olympics are slated to cost another $14 billion. Both numbers have vaulted skyward after relatively modest cost estimates during the bid processes. Such bait-and-catapult has become standard practice in hosting mega-events in the twenty-first century. And while the platinum cavalcade zips off to the location of the next big event, the host is saddled with debt.
In responding to the protests, FIFA and the IOC have shown themselves to be tone deaf and tactless. FIFA chief Sepp Blatter--who was jeered at the opening of the Confederations Cup--said, "Brazil asked to host the World Cup. We didn't force it on them." He added, "I can understand that people are not happy, but they should not use football to make their demands heard." Right, that's his job. Meanwhile, one of FIFA's marketing affiliates announced a sponsorship deal for the "official champagne" of the 2014 World Cup.
Such shenanigans should be expected from FIFA and its corporate cronies. After all, back in April FIFA secretary general Jerome Valcke speculated that Brazil suffered from too much democracy. He declared, "less democracy is sometimes better for organizing a World Cup." In response to the protests, Blatter eventually offered Brazil $100 million in World Cup profits. The overture looked more like a clumsy kickback than honest compensation.
The IOC has responded to the popular outburst with a bit more suavity. In a prepared statement it said, "We are always fully supportive of peaceful protest," and it rehearsed boilerplate rhetoric about using sport to improve the world, but the words rung hollow to activists in Brazil witnessing misdirected public spending. The takeaway message from FIFA and the IOC appears to be, "Let them eat sports."
The protests have, however, benefited from a high-profile assist from members of the Brazilian soccer team, the beloved Selecao. Hulk proclaimed, "I see these demonstrators and I know that they are right...We know that Brazil needs to improve in many areas and must let the demonstrators express themselves." Neymar--who was scintillating in the Confederations Cup final--stated, "I'll get on the pitch inspired by this mobilization." A slew of star players spoke out in support, including Dani Alves, David Luiz, and Fred, who notched two brilliant goals in the final.
For activists, the hallowed Estadio Maracana has become a poignant symbol of socializing risk and privatizing reward.
Brazilian soccer great Romario, now a member of Brazil's National Congress, took the analysis a step further, asserting that FIFA was "the real president of Brazil." Critiquing lavish spending on the World Cup, he said, "It's taking the piss with our money, with the public's money, it's a lack of respect, a lack of scruples."
A recent poll found 77 percent in Sao Paulo are on the same wavelength as the players and protesters. Meanwhile, President Dilma Rousseff's popularity is in free fall--her approval rating has plunged from 57 percent to 30 percent over the course of the protests. When Pele--the soccer legend turned credit-card hawker--told Brazilians to "forget the protests," he was roundly rebuked by fans.
Even the very stadium where the final was held, the hallowed Estadio Maracana, was embroiled in controversy. The Brazilian government doled out $560 million to refurbish the stadium, only to hand it over to private entities at bargain-basement prices. In the process, scores of local residents were displaced. This brand of mass eviction has become another standard practice when it comes to hosting mega-events. For activists, the stadium has become a poignant symbol of socializing risk and privatizing reward.
More and more, FIFA and the IOC are looking like supranational parasite states that glom on to hosts to slake their thirst for public funds. Dissident citizens in Brazil have figured this out early and are using the bumbling leviathans to their political advantage. Many who support the protests also supported the Brazilian squad in the Confederations Cup final. The demonstrations are not anti-sport. The Confederations Cup may be over, but in a way the games have just begun.
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What started as protests three weeks ago against a hike in bus fares quickly escalated into countrywide actions targeting government corruption and the decision to fund sports mega-events rather than education and health care. Brazil is getting hit with the mega-event double-whammy--it's hosting the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Rio Olympics. Activists have zeroed in on FIFA and the International Olympic Committee, two unaccountable behemoths.
Both the World Cup and Olympics have evolved into corporate juggernauts that are procured with public money. Brazil is dumping $13 billion into the World Cup. The Olympics are slated to cost another $14 billion. Both numbers have vaulted skyward after relatively modest cost estimates during the bid processes. Such bait-and-catapult has become standard practice in hosting mega-events in the twenty-first century. And while the platinum cavalcade zips off to the location of the next big event, the host is saddled with debt.
In responding to the protests, FIFA and the IOC have shown themselves to be tone deaf and tactless. FIFA chief Sepp Blatter--who was jeered at the opening of the Confederations Cup--said, "Brazil asked to host the World Cup. We didn't force it on them." He added, "I can understand that people are not happy, but they should not use football to make their demands heard." Right, that's his job. Meanwhile, one of FIFA's marketing affiliates announced a sponsorship deal for the "official champagne" of the 2014 World Cup.
Such shenanigans should be expected from FIFA and its corporate cronies. After all, back in April FIFA secretary general Jerome Valcke speculated that Brazil suffered from too much democracy. He declared, "less democracy is sometimes better for organizing a World Cup." In response to the protests, Blatter eventually offered Brazil $100 million in World Cup profits. The overture looked more like a clumsy kickback than honest compensation.
The IOC has responded to the popular outburst with a bit more suavity. In a prepared statement it said, "We are always fully supportive of peaceful protest," and it rehearsed boilerplate rhetoric about using sport to improve the world, but the words rung hollow to activists in Brazil witnessing misdirected public spending. The takeaway message from FIFA and the IOC appears to be, "Let them eat sports."
The protests have, however, benefited from a high-profile assist from members of the Brazilian soccer team, the beloved Selecao. Hulk proclaimed, "I see these demonstrators and I know that they are right...We know that Brazil needs to improve in many areas and must let the demonstrators express themselves." Neymar--who was scintillating in the Confederations Cup final--stated, "I'll get on the pitch inspired by this mobilization." A slew of star players spoke out in support, including Dani Alves, David Luiz, and Fred, who notched two brilliant goals in the final.
For activists, the hallowed Estadio Maracana has become a poignant symbol of socializing risk and privatizing reward.
Brazilian soccer great Romario, now a member of Brazil's National Congress, took the analysis a step further, asserting that FIFA was "the real president of Brazil." Critiquing lavish spending on the World Cup, he said, "It's taking the piss with our money, with the public's money, it's a lack of respect, a lack of scruples."
A recent poll found 77 percent in Sao Paulo are on the same wavelength as the players and protesters. Meanwhile, President Dilma Rousseff's popularity is in free fall--her approval rating has plunged from 57 percent to 30 percent over the course of the protests. When Pele--the soccer legend turned credit-card hawker--told Brazilians to "forget the protests," he was roundly rebuked by fans.
Even the very stadium where the final was held, the hallowed Estadio Maracana, was embroiled in controversy. The Brazilian government doled out $560 million to refurbish the stadium, only to hand it over to private entities at bargain-basement prices. In the process, scores of local residents were displaced. This brand of mass eviction has become another standard practice when it comes to hosting mega-events. For activists, the stadium has become a poignant symbol of socializing risk and privatizing reward.
More and more, FIFA and the IOC are looking like supranational parasite states that glom on to hosts to slake their thirst for public funds. Dissident citizens in Brazil have figured this out early and are using the bumbling leviathans to their political advantage. Many who support the protests also supported the Brazilian squad in the Confederations Cup final. The demonstrations are not anti-sport. The Confederations Cup may be over, but in a way the games have just begun.
What started as protests three weeks ago against a hike in bus fares quickly escalated into countrywide actions targeting government corruption and the decision to fund sports mega-events rather than education and health care. Brazil is getting hit with the mega-event double-whammy--it's hosting the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Rio Olympics. Activists have zeroed in on FIFA and the International Olympic Committee, two unaccountable behemoths.
Both the World Cup and Olympics have evolved into corporate juggernauts that are procured with public money. Brazil is dumping $13 billion into the World Cup. The Olympics are slated to cost another $14 billion. Both numbers have vaulted skyward after relatively modest cost estimates during the bid processes. Such bait-and-catapult has become standard practice in hosting mega-events in the twenty-first century. And while the platinum cavalcade zips off to the location of the next big event, the host is saddled with debt.
In responding to the protests, FIFA and the IOC have shown themselves to be tone deaf and tactless. FIFA chief Sepp Blatter--who was jeered at the opening of the Confederations Cup--said, "Brazil asked to host the World Cup. We didn't force it on them." He added, "I can understand that people are not happy, but they should not use football to make their demands heard." Right, that's his job. Meanwhile, one of FIFA's marketing affiliates announced a sponsorship deal for the "official champagne" of the 2014 World Cup.
Such shenanigans should be expected from FIFA and its corporate cronies. After all, back in April FIFA secretary general Jerome Valcke speculated that Brazil suffered from too much democracy. He declared, "less democracy is sometimes better for organizing a World Cup." In response to the protests, Blatter eventually offered Brazil $100 million in World Cup profits. The overture looked more like a clumsy kickback than honest compensation.
The IOC has responded to the popular outburst with a bit more suavity. In a prepared statement it said, "We are always fully supportive of peaceful protest," and it rehearsed boilerplate rhetoric about using sport to improve the world, but the words rung hollow to activists in Brazil witnessing misdirected public spending. The takeaway message from FIFA and the IOC appears to be, "Let them eat sports."
The protests have, however, benefited from a high-profile assist from members of the Brazilian soccer team, the beloved Selecao. Hulk proclaimed, "I see these demonstrators and I know that they are right...We know that Brazil needs to improve in many areas and must let the demonstrators express themselves." Neymar--who was scintillating in the Confederations Cup final--stated, "I'll get on the pitch inspired by this mobilization." A slew of star players spoke out in support, including Dani Alves, David Luiz, and Fred, who notched two brilliant goals in the final.
For activists, the hallowed Estadio Maracana has become a poignant symbol of socializing risk and privatizing reward.
Brazilian soccer great Romario, now a member of Brazil's National Congress, took the analysis a step further, asserting that FIFA was "the real president of Brazil." Critiquing lavish spending on the World Cup, he said, "It's taking the piss with our money, with the public's money, it's a lack of respect, a lack of scruples."
A recent poll found 77 percent in Sao Paulo are on the same wavelength as the players and protesters. Meanwhile, President Dilma Rousseff's popularity is in free fall--her approval rating has plunged from 57 percent to 30 percent over the course of the protests. When Pele--the soccer legend turned credit-card hawker--told Brazilians to "forget the protests," he was roundly rebuked by fans.
Even the very stadium where the final was held, the hallowed Estadio Maracana, was embroiled in controversy. The Brazilian government doled out $560 million to refurbish the stadium, only to hand it over to private entities at bargain-basement prices. In the process, scores of local residents were displaced. This brand of mass eviction has become another standard practice when it comes to hosting mega-events. For activists, the stadium has become a poignant symbol of socializing risk and privatizing reward.
More and more, FIFA and the IOC are looking like supranational parasite states that glom on to hosts to slake their thirst for public funds. Dissident citizens in Brazil have figured this out early and are using the bumbling leviathans to their political advantage. Many who support the protests also supported the Brazilian squad in the Confederations Cup final. The demonstrations are not anti-sport. The Confederations Cup may be over, but in a way the games have just begun.
Demonstrators yelled at federal agents to "get off our streets" as they set up a police checkpoint on a popular street in the nation's capital.
More than 100 protesters gathered late Wednesday at a checkpoint set up by a combination of local and federal officers on a popular street in Washington, D.C., where U.S. President Donald Trump has taken over the police force and deployed around 800 National Guard members as part of what he hopes will be a long-term occupation of the country's capital—and potentially other major cities.
The officers at the Wednesday night checkpoint reportedly included agents from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, which is also taking part in immigration raids in the city. Some agents were wearing face coverings to conceal their identities.
After law enforcement agents established the checkpoint on 14th Street, protesters gathered and jeered the officers, chanting "get off our streets" and "go home fascists." Some demonstrators yelled at the agents standing at the checkpoint, while others warned oncoming drivers to turn to avoid the police installation.
There was no officially stated purpose for the checkpoint, but it came amid the Trump administration's lawless mass deportation campaign and its broader threats to deploy U.S. troops on the streets of American cities to crush dissent.
At least one person, a Black woman, was arrested at Wednesday's checkpoint. One D.C. resident posted to Reddit that agents were "pulling people out of cars who are 'suspicious' or if they don't like the answers to their questions." The Washington Post reported that a "mix of local and federal authorities pulled over drivers for seat belt violations or broken taillights."
The National Guard troops activated by Trump this week were not seen at the checkpoint, which shut down before midnight.
Wednesday night's protests are expected to be just the start as public anger mounts over Trump's authoritarian actions in the nation's capital—where violent crime fell to a 30-year low last year—and across the country.
Radley Balko, a journalist who has documented the growing militarization of U.S. police, wrote earlier this week that "the motivation for Donald Trump's plan to 'federalize' Washington, D.C., is same as his motivation for sending active-duty troops into Los Angeles, deporting people to the CECOT torture prison in El Salvador, his politicization of the Department of Justice, and nearly every other authoritarian overreach of the last six months: He is testing the limits of his power—and, by extension, of our democracy."
"He's feeling out what the Supreme Court, Congress, and the public will let him get away with. And so far, he's been able to do what he pleases," Balko wrote. "We are now past the point of crisis. Trump has long dreamed of presiding over a police state. He has openly admired and been reluctant to criticize foreign leaders who helm one. He has now appointed people who have expressed their willingness to help him achieve one to the very positions with the power to make one happen. And both he and his highest-ranking advisers have both openly spoken about and written out their plans to implement one."
"It's time to believe them," Balko added.
One critic accused the president of "testing the limits of his power, hoping to intimidate other cities into submission to his every vengeful whim."
The Trump administration's military occupation of Washington, D.C. is expected to expand, a White House official said Wednesday, with President Donald Trump also saying he will ask Congress to approve a "long-term" extension of federal control over local police in the nation's capital.
The unnamed Trump official told CNN that a "significantly higher" number of National Guard troops are expected on the ground in Washington later Wednesday to support law enforcement patrols in the city.
"The National Guard is not arresting people," the official said, adding that troops are tasked with creating "a safe environment" for the hundreds of federal officers and agents from over a dozen agencies who are fanning out across the city over the strong objection of local officials.
Trump dubiously declared a public safety emergency Monday in order to take control of Washington police under Section 740 of the District of Columbia Self-Government and Governmental Reorganization Act. The president said Wednesday that he would ask the Republican-controlled Congress to authorize an extension of his federal takeover of local police beyond the 30 days allowed under Section 740.
"Already they're saying, 'He's a dictator,'" Trump said of his critics during remarks at the Kennedy Center in Washington. "The place is going to hell. We've got to stop it. So instead of saying, 'He's a dictator,' they should say, 'We're going to join him and make Washington safe.'"
According to official statistics, violent crime in Washington is down 26% from a year ago, when it was at its second-lowest level since 1966,
House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) and Senate Majority Leader John Thune (R-S.D.) have both expressed support for Trump's actions. However, any legislation authorizing an extension of federal control over local police would face an uphill battle in the Senate, where Democratic lawmakers can employ procedural rules to block the majority's effort.
Trump also said any congressional authorization could open the door to targeting other cities in his crosshairs, including Baltimore, Chicago, Los Angeles, New York, and Oakland. Official statistics show violent crime trending downward in all of those cities—with some registering historically low levels.
While some critics have called Trump's actions in Washington a distraction from his administration's mishandling of the Jeffrey Epstein scandal, others say his occupation of the nation's capital is a test case to see what he can get away with in other cities.
Kat Abughazaleh, a Democratic candidate for Congress in Illinois, said Monday that the president's D.C. takeover "is another telltale sign of his authoritarian ambitions."
Some opponents also said Trump's actions are intended to intimidate Democrat-controlled cities, pointing to his June order to deploy thousands of National Guard troops to Los Angeles in response to protests against his administration's mass deportation campaign.
Testifying Wednesday at a San Francisco trial to determine whether Trump violated the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878—which generally prohibits use of the military for domestic law enforcement—by sending troops to Los Angeles, California Deputy Attorney General Meghan Strong argued that the president wanted to "strike fear into the hearts of Californians."
Roosevelt University political science professor and Newsweek contributor David Faris wrote Wednesday that "deploying the National Guard to Washington, D.C. is an unconscionable abuse of federal power and another worrisome signpost on our road to autocracy."
"Using the military to bring big, blue cities to heel, exactly as 'alarmists' predicted during the 2024 campaign, isn't about a crisis in D.C.—violent crime is actually at a 30-year low," he added. "President Trump is, once again, testing the limits of his power, hoping to intimidate other cities into submission to his every vengeful whim by making the once unimaginable—an American tyrant ordering a military occupation of our own capital—a terrifying reality."
"Underneath shiny motherhood medals and promises of baby bonuses is a movement intent on elevating white supremacist ideology and forcing women out of the workplace," said one advocate.
The Trump administration's push for Americans to have more children has been well documented, from Vice President JD Vance's insults aimed at "childless cat ladies" to officials' meetings with "pronatalist" advocates who want to boost U.S. birth rates, which have been declining since 2007.
But a report released by the National Women's Law Center (NWLC) on Wednesday details how the methods the White House have reportedly considered to convince Americans to procreate moremay be described by the far right as "pro-family," but are actually being pushed by a eugenicist, misogynist movement that has little interest in making it any easier to raise a family in the United States.
The proposals include bestowing a "National Medal of Motherhood" on women who have more than six children, giving a $5,000 "baby bonus" to new parents, and prioritizing federal projects in areas with high birth rates.
"Underneath shiny motherhood medals and promises of baby bonuses is a movement intent on elevating white supremacist ideology and forcing women out of the workplace," said Emily Martin, chief program officer of the National Women's Law Center.
The report describes how "Silicon Valley tech elites" and traditional conservatives who oppose abortion rights and even a woman's right to work outside the home have converged to push for "preserving the traditional family structure while encouraging women to have a lot of children."
With pronatalists often referring to "declining genetic quality" in the U.S. and promoting the idea that Americans must produce "good quality children," in the words of evolutionary psychologist Diana Fleischman, the pronatalist movement "is built on racist, sexist, and anti-immigrant ideologies."
If conservatives are concerned about population loss in the U.S., the report points out, they would "make it easier for immigrants to come to the United States to live and work. More immigrants mean more workers, which would address some of the economic concerns raised by declining birth rates."
But pronatalists "only want to see certain populations increase (i.e., white people), and there are many immigrants who don't fit into that narrow qualification."
The report, titled "Baby Bonuses and Motherhood Medals: Why We Shouldn't Trust the Pronatalist Movement," describes how President Donald Trump has enlisted a "pronatalist army" that's been instrumental both in pushing a virulently anti-immigrant, mass deportation agenda and in demanding that more straight couples should marry and have children, as the right-wing policy playbook Project 2025 demands.
Trump's former adviser and benefactor, billionaire tech mogul Elon Musk, has spoken frequently about the need to prevent a collapse of U.S. society and civilization by raising birth rates, and has pushed misinformation fearmongering about birth control.
Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy proposed rewarding areas with high birth rates by prioritizing infrastructure projects, and like Vance has lobbed insults at single women while also deriding the use of contraception.
The report was released days after CNN detailed the close ties the Trump administration has with self-described Christian nationalist pastor Doug Wilson, who heads the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches, preaches that women should not vote, and suggested in an interview with correspondent Pamela Brown that women's primary function is birthing children, saying they are "the kind of people that people come out of."
Wilson has ties to Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, whose children attend schools founded by the pastor and who shared the video online with the tagline of Wilson's church, "All of Christ for All of Life."
But the NWLC noted, no amount of haranguing women over their relationship status, plans for childbearing, or insistence that they are primarily meant to stay at home with "four or five children," as Wilson said, can reverse the impact the Trump administration's policies have had on families.
"While the Trump administration claims to be pursuing a pro-baby agenda, their actions tell a different story," the report notes. "Rather than advancing policies that would actually support families—like lowering costs, expanding access to housing and food, or investing in child care—they've prioritized dismantling basic need supports, rolling back longstanding civil rights protections, and ripping away people's bodily autonomy."
The report was published weeks after Trump signed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act into law—making pregnancy more expensive and more dangerous for millions of low-income women by slashing Medicaid funding and "endangering the 42 million women and children" who rely on the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program for their daily meals.
While demanding that women have more children, said the NWLC, Trump has pushed an "anti-women, anti-family agenda."
Martin said that unlike the pronatalist movement, "a real pro-family agenda would include protecting reproductive healthcare, investing in childcare as a public good, promoting workplace policies that enable parents to succeed, and ensuring that all children have the resources that they need to thrive not just at birth, but throughout their lives."
"The administration's deep hostility toward these pro-family policies," said Martin, "tells you all that you need to know about pronatalists' true motives.”