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US hegemony and a neoliberal faith in unfettered markets are noxious to be sure, but don’t be fooled by autocrats championing sovereignty
President Donald Trump hates Antifa. He hates late-night TV hosts, Democratic-controlled cities, and anyone who has ever challenged him in court. As of October, he officially hates the Nobel committee for not giving him a peace prize, despite his efforts to strong-arm its members into voting for him.
The president has gone after everyone he thinks has ever done him wrong. But there is a Venn diagram to his vendettas, an overlap in his circle of obsessions.
Map out his attacks, subtracting the purely personal and the primarily partisan, and you’ll see that they converge on a profound disgust for the liberal international order. That Trump has personally profited from that very global order—his portfolio of international real estate, his business’s reliance on global supply chains, the unacknowledged benefits he’s accrued from the international rule of law—makes no difference.
“Globalists” like Barack Obama, George Soros, and Emmanuel Macron have made fun of him, not fully accepting him into their ranks and refusing to acknowledge his brilliance with medals and awards. In the president’s skewed accounting ledger, the gatekeepers at the global country club who don’t want him as a member must be made to pay.
The dalliance between left and right is taking place at the margins where a mutual disgust for liberalism fuels the romance.
Trump has attacked the liberal international order in seemingly every conceivable way. He’s initiated a global trade war. He’s dismantled US humanitarian assistance to impoverished lands and put pressure on allies to spend more money on war preparations, not welfare programs or foreign aid. He’s destroyed relationships with liberal allies like Canada and the non-Hungarian members of the European Union. He’s levied sanctions against the International Criminal Court (ICC) in an effort to shut it down. He’s gleefully ignored international law by embracing ICC scofflaws like Vladimir Putin and Benjamin Netanyahu. And he’s committed his own crimes, like the extrajudicial murder of the crews of nine boats near the Venezuelan coast and five in the Pacific Ocean.
The United States had long been a pillar of the liberal international order. So, when Trump takes a sledgehammer to its base, he causes potentially irreparable damage to the reputation, power, and global position of the United States. Many Americans, particularly those in the political center, are aghast at the self-inflicted wounds this country is now suffering.
In other quarters, however, there’s celebration.
America’s right wing has long hated everything that shimmers in the distance beyond the territorial waters of this country. The United Nations gives it indigestion. Ditto the European Union, the Third World, and anything connected to universal human rights. The most reactionary elements of the Republican Party have blocked Washington’s ratification of international treaties, undermined global efforts to address threats like climate change, and claimed to spot communist (or Islamist or terrorist) conspiracies behind every international institution and many nationalist movements. Such right-wingers have pushed to eliminate all forms of soft power in favor of beefed-up hard power. The ascendancy of Trump has provided them with an opportunity to force conventional conservatives from their party, while consolidating an America First position.
Elements of the left, too, have rejoiced in Trump’s globalism bashing. The most predictable support has come from unions that believe the president’s tariffs will protect American jobs. But some leftists have also been hesitant to support the work of the now largely shuttered US Agency for International Development (USAID)—even its distribution of AIDS medicines and climate funds—because of its legacy as a “destructive arm of American imperialism.” Some have even joined hands with Trump to deride NATO and echo Kremlin talking points on Ukraine. In the lead-up to the 2024 election, the odd progressive even mistook Trump for an anti-imperialist.
Once upon a time, adventurous theorists imagined that communism and capitalism might both end up adopting some version of democratic socialism, as a reformed Soviet Union and an increasingly welfare-state-oriented United States seemed to be converging on the Swedish model. In the early 1980s, however, the leaders of the two superpowers of that time, Leonid Brezhnev and Ronald Reagan, teamed up to drive a knife through that particular fantasy.
Today, a different convergence is in process and the two poles are not meeting in the middle. Rather, the dalliance between left and right is taking place at the margins where a mutual disgust for liberalism fuels the romance. This courtship has developed its own love language. Both sides love to hate “globalism”—and, of course, the globalists who globalized it.
Trump stands astride that consensus like an angry god, urging his followers to tear down the temples and wreak vengeance on those who worship foreign deities. Meanwhile, some Marxists mutter approvingly of “sharpening the contradictions”—the notion that Trump will make things so bad that the masses will rise up in reaction. Meanwhile, MAGA followers love the spectacle of destruction that clears the way for white people, rich people, or just plain mean people to take over.
The left and the right still maintain very different visions of the future: maximum justice versus maximum injustice. But their odd convergence against the international liberal elite helps to explain MAGA’s success in certain Democratic strongholds. “Throw the globalist bums out” is a tagline that can appeal to both ends of the political spectrum.
As the poet William Butler Yeats observed after the end of the First World War, the center is not holding, while the best lack all conviction. During this second coming of Donald Trump, however, you better believe that it won’t be mere anarchy that is loosed upon the world.
Multipolarism has lately become all the rage. The notion that the world could have multiple centers of power in contrast to the bipolarism of the Cold War or the aspirational unipolarism of the United States after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 is anything but new. Still, with the “rise of the rest” and the ascent of China in particular, the world has begun to look ever less US-centric.
For many, however, multipolarism isn’t just a description, it’s a prescription, too.
On the right, philosophers like Alexander Dugin in Russia and Olavo de Carvalho in Brazil have used the concept as part of their ultra-nationalist projects. For Dugin, Russia must reassert its superpower status as part of a new Eurasian force to block the Anglo-Saxons and their NATO henchmen. For Carvalho, who died in 2022, multipolarism would enable Brazil to move closer to the Christian West, while shrugging off its subservience to global elites.
Some on the left, too, have identified multipolarism as a sign of a more equitable geopolitics—and a potential cudgel against American imperialism. As the Tricontinental editorialized in 2022:
The longed-for Western, globalised capitalist world has not lived up to the expectations of even its most enthusiastic advocates. Today we are witnessing a shift towards a multipolar world, despite the aspirations of neoliberal globalists, neoconservatives, and those who favour the US model of development (‘Americanists’).
If multipolarism seems like a magic elixir to many, today’s vessel of choice for it is the BRICS. Over the years, many multipolar efforts have fallen by the wayside, including the Non-Aligned Movement, the New International Economic Order, the Group of 77, and the World Social Forum. But the institutions created by Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) beginning in 2010 were seen by multipolarists as the inheritors of those earlier movements for non-alignment and so a potential counterforce to US and Western power. According to such a scenario, the BRICS would sooner or later replace the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), dethrone the dollar, and remake the entire global economy.
For some on the left, support for the transformative nature of BRICS recalls arguments used to defend Russia from charges of imperial designs on Ukraine. By supposedly holding the line against the enlargement of the European Union and the expansion of NATO, Russia was seen as standing up to the West. The globalists responded with the same kind of sanctions they’d applied to Cuba, North Korea, and Venezuela. Unlike the leaders of those three countries, however, Vladimir Putin has never pretended to be a man of the left. Instead, as a right-wing authoritarian leader, he’s killed opponents; thrown dissidents in jail; eliminated an independent media in Russia; and imposed a religious, anti-LGBT, misogynistic agenda on its society. He’s also revived Russian imperialism with his invasion of Ukraine, his political meddling in Moldova, and his cyber-interference in the Baltic countries.
The cognitive dissonance required for a progressive to defend Putin carries over to any enthusiasm for BRICS as a whole. After all, a majority of the countries in that 11-member group—Russia, China, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates—are presided over by autocrats. Only Brazil, South Africa, Indonesia, and India are democracies, and the last two come with asterisks, given the autocratic tendencies of their current leaders. Moreover, the anti-imperial credentials of the bloc are suspect, considering Russia’s interference in its “near abroad,” China’s position toward Taiwan, India’s efforts in Kashmir, and the Saudi war in Yemen. At best, many of the BRICS members are sub-imperial, as political economist Patrick Bond has long argued.
As a bloc of mostly authoritarian, eco-unfriendly, and socio-economically conservative countries masquerading as a geopolitical counterbalance, the BRICS represent the multipolarism of fools.
The BRICS also generally have a distinctly regressive position on climate change, which is hardly surprising given that the majority of them are significant fossil-fuel exporters. Brazil has been pushing its fellow members to focus on climate change as a threat to the planet, and a number of BRICS statements do acknowledge the importance of reducing carbon emissions. But China, despite its massive investments in the green energy revolution, remains stunningly dependent on the worst of the fossil fuels, coal, as do India and Indonesia, while carbon neutrality remains a distant goal for Russia (2070). In the latest BRICS statement, the members “acknowledge fossil fuels will still play an important role in the world’s energy mix, particularly for emerging markets and developing economies.”
But the conservative nature of the BRICS is perhaps most strikingly on display in its embrace of the global capitalist economy. Its July 2025 statement enthusiastically endorsed both the IMF and the World Bank, and put the World Trade Organization at the center of the global trading system. The principal BRICS institution, the New Development Bank, has been heralded as a building block for a new economic order, but its focus on financing the same old dirty extraction projects makes it a mirror image of the World Bank.
The BRICS mode of multipolarism has but a single progressive attribute: its potential as a counterbalance to US imperial power. Unfortunately, even a tepid challenge to Washington’s authority has produced a predictable backlash from Donald Trump, a leader committed not just to US unipolarism but to his own unileaderism. To the imaginary threat that the BRICS would actually create a currency to challenge the dollar, Trump has repeatedly warned that “any country aligning themselves with the Anti-American policies of BRICS, will be charged an ADDITIONAL 10% tariff.”
In its BRICS form, multipolarism boils down to, at best, an effort to get a better seat at the table with the big boys. At worst, it’s a repudiation of the progressive parts of internationalism, especially global efforts to rein in abuses of power through higher standards on human rights, the environment, and labor.
To support the regressive multipolarism of the BRICS countries, elements of the right and left trumpet the importance of sovereignty and the notion that a country’s leadership has uncontested control over the territory within its borders. Sovereignty is indeed under attack on all sides. At a territorial level, the most obvious violation is Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. At the economic level, neoliberal globalists want to challenge sovereign economic power through corporate attacks on state regulations and the IMF’s imposition of budget austerity in its loan agreements. Internationalists, by contrast, focus on democratically agreed-upon norms around human rights, while challenging the state’s prerogative to deploy child soldiers, employ child workers, or kill off large parts of the population.
Progressive internationalists should, however, be wary of conservative notions of sovereignty. Sure, we loathe the IMF’s overreach and the way oil companies take countries to court to dismantle their environmental regulations. But we also don’t believe that kings, tyrants, or even democratically elected autocrats should have the freedom to invade other countries or engage in extrajudicial killings. Sovereignty is not a trump card (or a Trump card). Popular sovereignty, where power is in the hands of the people, is certainly indispensable in securing more democratic societies. But as Trump and his friends like Nayib Bukele of El Salvador and Viktor Orbán of Hungary have demonstrated, autocrats often use the language of popular sovereignty to gain office before concentrating power in their own sovereign hands.
It’s a dispiriting irony that just when the world needs more internationalism to address climate change, economic inequality, and pandemics, among other devastating realities, it’s also experiencing an upsurge in nationalism propagated by the sovereignistas. Promoting internationalism these days feels a lot like embracing a Palestinian state when the material basis for such a state is disappearing beneath a rising tide of Israeli settlements and bombs. In both cases, there is a will but not, it seems, a way.
Progressives should not join hands with the right in a misguided attack on “globalists.” US hegemony and a neoliberal faith in unfettered markets are noxious to be sure, but don’t be fooled by autocrats championing sovereignty. As a bloc of mostly authoritarian, eco-unfriendly, and socio-economically conservative countries masquerading as a geopolitical counterbalance, the BRICS represent the multipolarism of fools. The ends do not justify the BRICS.
Call me a globalist, but someone has to stick up for this planet when so many extremists, whatever they may call themselves, have their knives out to carve Earth up into their own fiefdoms of bigotry.
Trump’s actions are not motivated by any real economic or legal factors, but are instead about pushing his authoritarian agenda and doling out favors to Big Tech companies and other corporate cronies.
On July 9, 2025, President Donald Trump announced that the U.S. would impose tariffs of 50% on all imports from Brazil. In line with the latest round of tariffs announced over the past few days, these tariffs are to take effect on August 1, 2025.
Trump also announced the initiation of an investigation by the U.S. Trade Representative (USTR) into Brazil’s digital economy regulations, under Section 301 of the Trade Act.
Trump’s social media post outlines three ostensible reasons for the imposition of such high tariff rates. First, the supposed “Witch Hunt” against his friend Jair Bolsonaro, the right-wing former president of Brazil, who is currently being prosecuted for allegedly initiating a coup following his electoral loss in 2022. Second, recent rulings by Brazil’s Supreme Court have sought to cast greater responsibility for content moderation on social media companies. And, third, a supposed trade deficit with Brazil caused by “many years of Brazil’s Tariff, and Non-Tariff, Policies and Trade Barriers.” However, a cursory analysis of these reasons makes it clear that Trump’s actions are not motivated by any real economic or legal factors, but are instead about pushing his authoritarian agenda and doling out favors to Big Tech companies and other corporate cronies.
President Trump, given his predilection for authoritarian strongmen, has long supported Brazil’s controversial ex-president Jair Bolsonaro, described by some as the “Trump of the tropics.” Notably, Trump hosted Bolsonaro in the White House in 2019, while also endorsing his run for reelection in 2021 and 2022, describing him as “one of the great presidents of any country in the world.” Importantly, however, Bolsonaro, in addition to sharing a scant regard for human rights, also embraced a “strongly neoliberal agenda” during his time in office, initiating many regulatory actions that mirror Trump’s in the U.S., such as weakening environmental protections, gutting labor regulations, and the like. In contrast, Brazil’s current President Luiz Ignacio Lula de Silva has been vocal in calling out Israel’s war on Gaza, while also seeking to strengthen BRICS—something President Trump is not particularly happy about, given the broader geostrategic challenge this represents to the U.S.
Bolsonaro is currently on trial in Brazil for allegedly instigating a coup that led to violent mobs seeking to take over critical institutions following his loss in the 2022 national elections. Trump appears to see parallels in the case against Bolsonaro with the January 6 insurrection of 2021. Trump’s seemingly blatant interference with domestic political and judicial processes has been strongly condemned by President Lula, who quite rightly insists that Brazil’s sovereignty must be respected.
The second reason cited by Trump pertains to Brazil’s recent attempts at regulating the digital ecosystem in the public interest. Brazil has been at the forefront of countries seeking to find new models of regulation for the digital economy. U.S. Big Tech companies hate Brazil’s proposals to implement a network usage fee and a new digital competition law. It also recently enacted a privacy law that has been called out in an annual U.S. government report that lists supposed non-tariff trade barriers (together with privacy laws in a number of other jurisdictions, such as the E.U., India, Vietnam, etc). This report, which Trump waved around at his April 2 tariff announcement event, is essentially “Project 2025” for trade policy.
It’s clear that the Trump administration will continue to threaten tariffs to countries around the world for standing up for their people’s rights on behalf of his billionaire buddies.
More pertinently, Brazil has been engaged in a standoff with a number of social media companies over the last few years, particularly given the problems of misinformation linked to Brazil’s last election cycle. A number of studies demonstrate how the use of misinformation was widespread during Brazilian elections over the last few years, with Bolsonaro supporters in particular said to have been targeted by propaganda. Brazil’s state institutions have been grappling with how best to address this maelstrom of misinformation, including by threatening to ban X, also known as Twitter, for failing to comply with domestic laws.
More recently, however, Brazil’s Supreme Court has ruled that social media companies have a responsibility to police their platforms against unsafe or illegal content. This goes directly in the face of a model the U.S. has long sought to propagate through the rest of the world—one that replicates its laissez-faire attitude to social media regulation under Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act. American law provides a “safe harbor” to platforms for carrying illegal user content, arguably reducing the incentive for social media companies to regulate illicit content (while others argue that the provision reduces privatized censorship). There has been a rigorous debate around Section 230 even in the United States, while a number of countries have or are seeking to move away from this model, as the scale of harm that can be caused by social media becomes more apparent and real. This threatens the profits of big companies such as Meta and X. By directly linking the imposition of tariffs to Brazil’s attempts at regulating social media, Trump is merely helping out his billionaire tech-bro buddies—part of his shakedown on behalf of Big Tech.
We have seen similar demands aimed at a number of countries that are seeking to regulate the digital ecosystem. For example, a number of digital regulations in the E.U., such as the General Data Protection Regulation, Digital Services Act, and Digital Markets Act, are reported to be under threat in trade negotiations between the U.S. and the E.U. Trump also recently strong-armed Canada to revoke its Digital Services Tax under threat of suspending trade negotiations. The tax was estimated to cost Big Tech companies in the region of CAD 7.2 billion over five years.
Most laughably, Trump reproduces language used in tariff letters sent to a number of other countries, claiming that he needed to impose the 50% tariff as Brazil has a trade deficit with the U.S. As pointed out by numerous analysts, this is patently wrong. The New York Times notes that “for years, the United States has generally maintained a trade surplus with Brazil. The two countries had about $92 billion in trade together last year, with the United States enjoying a $7.4 billion surplus in goods.” Brazil was even not on Trump’s own list for higher “reciprocal tariffs” announced in April, as the data published by the USTR noted the U.S. trade surplus with Brazil. Trump’s justification for enacting so-called “reciprocal” tariffs on dozens of countries was that their trade deficits with the U.S. constitute an emergency, granting him sweeping powers. This claim has been rejected by a federal court, with appeals still underway. Brazil’s lack of any deficit, let alone an emergency-justifying one, makes these tariffs on Brazil even more legally questionable.

So, what are Trump’s real motivations for the imposition of these tariffs on Brazil? As indicated above, he is clearly enamoured of Bolsonaro, while he hasn’t been shy of hiding his dislike for Lula. In addition to helping out his authoritarian buddy, Trump is also clearly seeking to repay Big Tech, significant contributors to his inauguration fund. As we have pointed out previously, Trump’s trade policy has essentially been a scheme to bully countries into deregulation, particularly in the tech space. This also accords with the longstanding U.S. policy to see to it that its digital companies are not regulated by foreign countries.
Looking ahead, things are as unclear as they have always been through the course of Trump’s second term in office. While the tariffs on Brazil are scheduled to go into effect this August, Trump appears to have kept the door open to further negotiations. Barring a diplomatic resolution, the USTR’s S 301 investigation will likely find that Brazil created an unjustifiable burden or restricted American interests, though this could take some time. Such a determination could lead to the imposition of new (more legally sound) tariffs or be used to justify the already announced tariffs against Brazil.
Brazil, meanwhile, has already enacted an Economic Reciprocity law that will allow it to take retaliatory action against the U.S., including by imposing tariffs, suspending commercial concessions and investments, and obligations pertaining to intellectual property rights. It would appear that the Brazilian government is prepared to take steps to protect its sovereignty, though it will also be motivated by the need to ensure continued exports to the U.S., which is an important market for a number of Brazilian products, such as energy, aircraft and machinery, and agricultural and livestock products.
While it is difficult to predict what is likely to happen in the days and months ahead, it’s clear that the Trump administration will continue to threaten tariffs to countries around the world for standing up for their people’s rights on behalf of his billionaire buddies. The question, however, remains: Will countries stand up to Trump’s bullying and instead protect their sovereign right to regulate in the public interest and will Congress hold him accountable for his con on American workers?
"We don't want an emperor, we are sovereign countries," said Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.
Campaigners are urging the international community to stand firm against U.S. President Donald Trump as he ramps up trade tensions across the globe, both with traditional American geopolitical rivals and allies.
"Short-term, governments need to stand together to challenge this aggression," said Nick Dearden, director of the U.K.-based advocacy group Global Justice Now. "Long-term, they need to start working towards a fairer trade model, which stops prioritizing the interests of big corporations, and starts putting ordinary people, here and across the world, first."
Dearden's call came after The Independent reported on Tuesday that China is reacting angrily to Trump's threats to level additional tariffs against nations that align with the "BRICS" bloc of nations consisting of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa.
The Chinese government, through its People's Daily state-run newspaper, accused Trump of "bullying" and threatened retaliation against nations that entered into agreements with the U.S. at China's expense. China also insisted that "dialogue and cooperation are the only correct path" to resolving trade disputes.
On the other side of the ledger, Politico reports that U.S. allies Japan and South Korea feel deep frustration at Trump's latest tariff threats despite the fact that they have been engaging in what they say are good-faith efforts to secure new trade deals.
"To give adjectives to the reaction or response, it would be, number one, shock," a former Japanese official told Politico. "Number two, frustration. And number three, anger."
Another official of a foreign government that has been targeted by Trump similarly expressed exasperation with the president and told Politico, "We have no idea what the hell he's sending, who he's sending it to, or how he's sending it."
However, Trump's latest tariff maneuvers have also produced a sense of defiance both among some political leaders and among fair trade advocacy groups. Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva this week made the case that Trump's erratic and capricious trade demands are a good reason for other nations to develop trade partnerships independent of the United States.
"We don't want an emperor, we are sovereign countries," Lula said this week during a BRICS summit in Rio de Janeiro, as reported by NPR. "It's not right for a president of a country the size of the United States to threaten the world online."
Consumer advocacy organization Public Citizen issued a statement this week that made similar points to those made by Lula and cautioned nations against making concessions to Trump in trade talks, especially since many of his demands align with the interests of corporate America.
"During his April 2 'reciprocal tariffs' announcement, Trump waved around the annual National Trade Estimates report, which details the hit list of other countries' policies that large U.S. corporations don’t like," argued Public Citizen. "The Trump team has made clear that this is a blueprint for the 'non-tariff barriers' they seek to eliminate, even though many are public interest laws. The Trump team will continue to bully countries, like he did with Canada on its digital services tax. As the deadline approaches, additional countries may feel pressured to cave to these demands for corporate tax cuts, deregulation of Big Tech, and expanded monopolies for Big Pharma—either explicitly or in under-the-table agreements."
Public Citizen further warned that Trump has shown himself open to pure corruption in his dealings with other nations.
"Trump may continue to punt the deadlines for some countries, claiming progress toward deals—allowing him to continue to extract sweetheart deals for himself and his cronies," the organization wrote. "Potentially endless extensions give Trump more time to push his corporate deregulatory agenda, as well as to accept personal 'gifts' from countries looking to avoid tariffs, like luxury jets, rubber-stamped development projects, and purchases of his meme coin."
Global Justice Now's Dearden also warned nations against letting themselves getting taken advantage of by Trump.
"It's another week of bullying and bluster from Donald Trump, with the U.S. president threatening further economic warfare against a wide range of governments," he said. "Countries such as Bangladesh and Cambodia would be devastated by these tariffs. We simply don't know whether these newly-threatened tariffs will come to pass, but we do know that they are being used to bully governments into handing even more of their sovereignty to some of the biggest corporations in the world."