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With Trump, it’s always best to assume the worst.
“No person shall be elected to the office of the president more than twice….”
The 22nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution restored the two-term tradition that President George Washington established. Except for Franklin D. Roosevelt during World War II, every president since Washington has followed it. President Donald Trump talks about breaking it.
Is he just waiving another shiny object at all of us? Or is he previewing his ultimate power play? With Trump, it’s always best to assume the worst.
Distraction is a classic Trump strategy. He draws attention away from his failures. And a little more than two months into his second term, there have already been plenty. Examples:
But it’s been a bust: persistent inflation, plunging stock market, falling consumer confidence, global trade war, a looming “Trumpcession.”
But he’s gutting it: decimated worker morale, devastating spending cuts undermining public health and safety, allowing his family and friends to exploit personal conflicts of interest for private gain.
But his advisers are a clown car of incompetent loyalists: national security team using a commercial app for top-secret discussions; vaccine-denier secretary of health and human services willfully ignorant of science gutting public health agencies; a hatchet-man terminating federal workers who safeguard America’s nuclear arsenal.
But he destroyed our standing as a leader of the free world: undermining NATO; alienating America’s friends; taking Russia’s side in the brutal war that it launched against a democratic nation; inflicting massive economic pain on our closest allies; dismantling “soft power” diplomatic weapons—USAID and Voice of America—that won hearts and minds for decades.
Trump benefits from anything that moves the spotlight away from the ongoing disasters he is inflicting on America and the world.
Even so, Trump’s talk about a third term is more than a distraction.
As a lame duck president, his power has a limited shelf life. But holding out the possibility of remaining in office past 2028 stops the erosion of his influence. He can maintain control of his MAGA base, silence potential GOP critics, and retain his grip on congressional Republicans. Trump’s threat to remain in office is as important as his ability to execute it.
Some scholars argue that the 22nd Amendment barring a twice-elected president from being elected for a third term does not prevent him from serving another term if he reaches the office through a different path. They offer this hypothetical: In 2028 Trump runs for vice president with JD Vance at the top of the ticket. The ticket wins, President Vance resigns, and Trump becomes president again.
But the 12th Amendment provides that “no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of president shall be eligible to that of vice president of the United States.” Because Trump will have served two terms and be “constitutionally ineligible” to serve again, he would not be “eligible” to run for vice president either.
With his conservative majority, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts rewrote the Constitution to place Trump above the law. Would the court stop Trump’s ultimate power grab or crown him king for life?
“Since you’re not electable as president, you’re not eligible to be president, and therefore you’re not eligible to be vice president,” said Yale University constitutional law professor Akhil Reed Amar.
Northeastern professor Jeremy Paul declared that using the vice presidency as a back door to a third term is “ridiculous.”
Likewise, according to Princeton professor Deborah Pearlstein, “Trump is constitutionally ineligible to serve a third term. End of story.”
Except Fairleigh Dickinson professor Bruce G. Peabody doesn’t think it’s the end of the story: “[T]he weight of legal, historical, and policy argument still falls on the side of permitting a twice-elected president to lead the executive branch once again.”
Peabody’s argument goes something like this: The Constitution elsewhere defines presidential “eligibility” as anyone who is a natural-born citizen, at least 35 years old, and a U.S. resident for at least 14 years. If that definition merely establishes the minimum requirements for running, a twice-elected President Trump would still be “eligible” to seek the vice presidency.
Whatever ambiguity might exist surrounding a presidential third term, the obvious resolution is to adopt a new constitutional amendment repealing the 22nd Amendment. But that’s where the academic debate yields to the real world. A new amendment would never gain the requisite approval—two-thirds of both houses of Congress and two-thirds of the states.
Ultimately, other real-world questions are even more important:
With his conservative majority, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts rewrote the Constitution to place Trump above the law. Would the court stop Trump’s ultimate power grab or crown him king for life?
Asking for forebears who died on battlefields to preserve my freedom.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
“No person shall be elected to the office of the president more than twice….”
The 22nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution restored the two-term tradition that President George Washington established. Except for Franklin D. Roosevelt during World War II, every president since Washington has followed it. President Donald Trump talks about breaking it.
Is he just waiving another shiny object at all of us? Or is he previewing his ultimate power play? With Trump, it’s always best to assume the worst.
Distraction is a classic Trump strategy. He draws attention away from his failures. And a little more than two months into his second term, there have already been plenty. Examples:
But it’s been a bust: persistent inflation, plunging stock market, falling consumer confidence, global trade war, a looming “Trumpcession.”
But he’s gutting it: decimated worker morale, devastating spending cuts undermining public health and safety, allowing his family and friends to exploit personal conflicts of interest for private gain.
But his advisers are a clown car of incompetent loyalists: national security team using a commercial app for top-secret discussions; vaccine-denier secretary of health and human services willfully ignorant of science gutting public health agencies; a hatchet-man terminating federal workers who safeguard America’s nuclear arsenal.
But he destroyed our standing as a leader of the free world: undermining NATO; alienating America’s friends; taking Russia’s side in the brutal war that it launched against a democratic nation; inflicting massive economic pain on our closest allies; dismantling “soft power” diplomatic weapons—USAID and Voice of America—that won hearts and minds for decades.
Trump benefits from anything that moves the spotlight away from the ongoing disasters he is inflicting on America and the world.
Even so, Trump’s talk about a third term is more than a distraction.
As a lame duck president, his power has a limited shelf life. But holding out the possibility of remaining in office past 2028 stops the erosion of his influence. He can maintain control of his MAGA base, silence potential GOP critics, and retain his grip on congressional Republicans. Trump’s threat to remain in office is as important as his ability to execute it.
Some scholars argue that the 22nd Amendment barring a twice-elected president from being elected for a third term does not prevent him from serving another term if he reaches the office through a different path. They offer this hypothetical: In 2028 Trump runs for vice president with JD Vance at the top of the ticket. The ticket wins, President Vance resigns, and Trump becomes president again.
But the 12th Amendment provides that “no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of president shall be eligible to that of vice president of the United States.” Because Trump will have served two terms and be “constitutionally ineligible” to serve again, he would not be “eligible” to run for vice president either.
With his conservative majority, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts rewrote the Constitution to place Trump above the law. Would the court stop Trump’s ultimate power grab or crown him king for life?
“Since you’re not electable as president, you’re not eligible to be president, and therefore you’re not eligible to be vice president,” said Yale University constitutional law professor Akhil Reed Amar.
Northeastern professor Jeremy Paul declared that using the vice presidency as a back door to a third term is “ridiculous.”
Likewise, according to Princeton professor Deborah Pearlstein, “Trump is constitutionally ineligible to serve a third term. End of story.”
Except Fairleigh Dickinson professor Bruce G. Peabody doesn’t think it’s the end of the story: “[T]he weight of legal, historical, and policy argument still falls on the side of permitting a twice-elected president to lead the executive branch once again.”
Peabody’s argument goes something like this: The Constitution elsewhere defines presidential “eligibility” as anyone who is a natural-born citizen, at least 35 years old, and a U.S. resident for at least 14 years. If that definition merely establishes the minimum requirements for running, a twice-elected President Trump would still be “eligible” to seek the vice presidency.
Whatever ambiguity might exist surrounding a presidential third term, the obvious resolution is to adopt a new constitutional amendment repealing the 22nd Amendment. But that’s where the academic debate yields to the real world. A new amendment would never gain the requisite approval—two-thirds of both houses of Congress and two-thirds of the states.
Ultimately, other real-world questions are even more important:
With his conservative majority, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts rewrote the Constitution to place Trump above the law. Would the court stop Trump’s ultimate power grab or crown him king for life?
Asking for forebears who died on battlefields to preserve my freedom.
“No person shall be elected to the office of the president more than twice….”
The 22nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution restored the two-term tradition that President George Washington established. Except for Franklin D. Roosevelt during World War II, every president since Washington has followed it. President Donald Trump talks about breaking it.
Is he just waiving another shiny object at all of us? Or is he previewing his ultimate power play? With Trump, it’s always best to assume the worst.
Distraction is a classic Trump strategy. He draws attention away from his failures. And a little more than two months into his second term, there have already been plenty. Examples:
But it’s been a bust: persistent inflation, plunging stock market, falling consumer confidence, global trade war, a looming “Trumpcession.”
But he’s gutting it: decimated worker morale, devastating spending cuts undermining public health and safety, allowing his family and friends to exploit personal conflicts of interest for private gain.
But his advisers are a clown car of incompetent loyalists: national security team using a commercial app for top-secret discussions; vaccine-denier secretary of health and human services willfully ignorant of science gutting public health agencies; a hatchet-man terminating federal workers who safeguard America’s nuclear arsenal.
But he destroyed our standing as a leader of the free world: undermining NATO; alienating America’s friends; taking Russia’s side in the brutal war that it launched against a democratic nation; inflicting massive economic pain on our closest allies; dismantling “soft power” diplomatic weapons—USAID and Voice of America—that won hearts and minds for decades.
Trump benefits from anything that moves the spotlight away from the ongoing disasters he is inflicting on America and the world.
Even so, Trump’s talk about a third term is more than a distraction.
As a lame duck president, his power has a limited shelf life. But holding out the possibility of remaining in office past 2028 stops the erosion of his influence. He can maintain control of his MAGA base, silence potential GOP critics, and retain his grip on congressional Republicans. Trump’s threat to remain in office is as important as his ability to execute it.
Some scholars argue that the 22nd Amendment barring a twice-elected president from being elected for a third term does not prevent him from serving another term if he reaches the office through a different path. They offer this hypothetical: In 2028 Trump runs for vice president with JD Vance at the top of the ticket. The ticket wins, President Vance resigns, and Trump becomes president again.
But the 12th Amendment provides that “no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of president shall be eligible to that of vice president of the United States.” Because Trump will have served two terms and be “constitutionally ineligible” to serve again, he would not be “eligible” to run for vice president either.
With his conservative majority, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts rewrote the Constitution to place Trump above the law. Would the court stop Trump’s ultimate power grab or crown him king for life?
“Since you’re not electable as president, you’re not eligible to be president, and therefore you’re not eligible to be vice president,” said Yale University constitutional law professor Akhil Reed Amar.
Northeastern professor Jeremy Paul declared that using the vice presidency as a back door to a third term is “ridiculous.”
Likewise, according to Princeton professor Deborah Pearlstein, “Trump is constitutionally ineligible to serve a third term. End of story.”
Except Fairleigh Dickinson professor Bruce G. Peabody doesn’t think it’s the end of the story: “[T]he weight of legal, historical, and policy argument still falls on the side of permitting a twice-elected president to lead the executive branch once again.”
Peabody’s argument goes something like this: The Constitution elsewhere defines presidential “eligibility” as anyone who is a natural-born citizen, at least 35 years old, and a U.S. resident for at least 14 years. If that definition merely establishes the minimum requirements for running, a twice-elected President Trump would still be “eligible” to seek the vice presidency.
Whatever ambiguity might exist surrounding a presidential third term, the obvious resolution is to adopt a new constitutional amendment repealing the 22nd Amendment. But that’s where the academic debate yields to the real world. A new amendment would never gain the requisite approval—two-thirds of both houses of Congress and two-thirds of the states.
Ultimately, other real-world questions are even more important:
With his conservative majority, U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts rewrote the Constitution to place Trump above the law. Would the court stop Trump’s ultimate power grab or crown him king for life?
Asking for forebears who died on battlefields to preserve my freedom.