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An abortion rights activist flies an upside-down U.S. flag outside of the U.S. Supreme Court on June 26, 2022. (Photo: Samuel Corum/AFP via Getty Images)
Since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade this summer, red states have rolled out a series of ever-harsher anti-abortion laws.
Islamophobia has become so institutionalized that even when an issue does not remotely pertain to Islam, as in the reversal of Roe, Americans find the need to bring up Muslims.
The justices who overturned Roe and the lawmakers who are rushing to restrict people's bodily autonomy are almost all conservative Christians. Yet some liberal commentators have condemned these restrictions by likening their perpetrators to Muslims.
Since the ruling, social media platforms like Twitter have been flooded with political cartoons and tweets depicting the Supreme Court justices as Muslims or members of the Taliban. Several media organizations published pieces making the same Taliban comparison, which was also echoed by liberal celebrities like Barbra Streisand and progressives including Mark Ruffalo.
As a matter of fact, Islam does not condemn abortion in a clean-cut way. Like other communities in the U.S., Muslim Americans' views on abortion are diverse and divergent. Many Muslims are pro-choice -- and feel justifiably frustrated when people use lazy and careless Islamophobic rhetoric to condemn Christian nationalism in the United States.
It's important to address why Americans often bring up Islam when conservative legislation involving gender rights is debated in the United States.
The post-9/11 era brought about a massive onslaught against Muslims in the United States and globally. "War on Terror" enthusiasts strategically crafted stereotypes that demonized Muslim men as terrorists and Muslim women as hopeless damsels in distress, in turn making military operations in Afghanistan appealing to some American liberals and progressives by casting it as necessary to "protect" Afghan women.
These perceptions have consequences: Islamophobic policies enacted and supported by both liberal and conservative politicians. While it's true that institutionalized Islamophobia in the United States is more rooted in the right, liberal politicians are not immune from the influence of our often racist, Islamophobic society either.
Islamophobia has become so institutionalized that even when an issue does not remotely pertain to Islam, as in the reversal of Roe, Americans find the need to bring up Muslims. Along with stripping the right to reproductive freedom from all pregnant people, including Muslims, the Christian right's attack on abortion rights is somehow also solidifying stereotypes about Muslims as the standard for religious extremism.
As far back as the Oklahoma City bombing, when early reports spread suspicion that the perpetrator was an Arab American man, there's been a tendency for the press to leap to conclusions about Muslims without evidence. Gradually, the press has become more careful about making such assumptions. The Black Lives Matter uprisings in 2020, greater concerns about representation, and the rise in white far-right terrorism post 9/11 may have contributed to this shift.
But clearly, the shift is incomplete.
Islamophobia should not have been a go-to response to the reversal of Roe. Instead, the Supreme Court and extremist lawmakers can be criticized for their Christian extremism -- something which also threatens Muslims.
In fact, apart from harsh new abortion restrictions, we have seen the rise of Christian nationalism through the election of racist, Islamophobic politicians like Lauren Boebert and the Conservative Political Action Conference welcoming anti-Muslim populist and president of Hungary Viktor Orban as a speaker this year.
There's more at stake here than microaggressions. Islamophobic stereotypes were key to securing some center-left support for disastrous decisions like the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq and the broader "War on Terror." Innocent Muslims around the world have suffered the consequences.
As the right's Islamophobia becomes ever more dangerous, we must address this often careless and lazy Islamophobia on the left as well.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade this summer, red states have rolled out a series of ever-harsher anti-abortion laws.
Islamophobia has become so institutionalized that even when an issue does not remotely pertain to Islam, as in the reversal of Roe, Americans find the need to bring up Muslims.
The justices who overturned Roe and the lawmakers who are rushing to restrict people's bodily autonomy are almost all conservative Christians. Yet some liberal commentators have condemned these restrictions by likening their perpetrators to Muslims.
Since the ruling, social media platforms like Twitter have been flooded with political cartoons and tweets depicting the Supreme Court justices as Muslims or members of the Taliban. Several media organizations published pieces making the same Taliban comparison, which was also echoed by liberal celebrities like Barbra Streisand and progressives including Mark Ruffalo.
As a matter of fact, Islam does not condemn abortion in a clean-cut way. Like other communities in the U.S., Muslim Americans' views on abortion are diverse and divergent. Many Muslims are pro-choice -- and feel justifiably frustrated when people use lazy and careless Islamophobic rhetoric to condemn Christian nationalism in the United States.
It's important to address why Americans often bring up Islam when conservative legislation involving gender rights is debated in the United States.
The post-9/11 era brought about a massive onslaught against Muslims in the United States and globally. "War on Terror" enthusiasts strategically crafted stereotypes that demonized Muslim men as terrorists and Muslim women as hopeless damsels in distress, in turn making military operations in Afghanistan appealing to some American liberals and progressives by casting it as necessary to "protect" Afghan women.
These perceptions have consequences: Islamophobic policies enacted and supported by both liberal and conservative politicians. While it's true that institutionalized Islamophobia in the United States is more rooted in the right, liberal politicians are not immune from the influence of our often racist, Islamophobic society either.
Islamophobia has become so institutionalized that even when an issue does not remotely pertain to Islam, as in the reversal of Roe, Americans find the need to bring up Muslims. Along with stripping the right to reproductive freedom from all pregnant people, including Muslims, the Christian right's attack on abortion rights is somehow also solidifying stereotypes about Muslims as the standard for religious extremism.
As far back as the Oklahoma City bombing, when early reports spread suspicion that the perpetrator was an Arab American man, there's been a tendency for the press to leap to conclusions about Muslims without evidence. Gradually, the press has become more careful about making such assumptions. The Black Lives Matter uprisings in 2020, greater concerns about representation, and the rise in white far-right terrorism post 9/11 may have contributed to this shift.
But clearly, the shift is incomplete.
Islamophobia should not have been a go-to response to the reversal of Roe. Instead, the Supreme Court and extremist lawmakers can be criticized for their Christian extremism -- something which also threatens Muslims.
In fact, apart from harsh new abortion restrictions, we have seen the rise of Christian nationalism through the election of racist, Islamophobic politicians like Lauren Boebert and the Conservative Political Action Conference welcoming anti-Muslim populist and president of Hungary Viktor Orban as a speaker this year.
There's more at stake here than microaggressions. Islamophobic stereotypes were key to securing some center-left support for disastrous decisions like the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq and the broader "War on Terror." Innocent Muslims around the world have suffered the consequences.
As the right's Islamophobia becomes ever more dangerous, we must address this often careless and lazy Islamophobia on the left as well.
Since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade this summer, red states have rolled out a series of ever-harsher anti-abortion laws.
Islamophobia has become so institutionalized that even when an issue does not remotely pertain to Islam, as in the reversal of Roe, Americans find the need to bring up Muslims.
The justices who overturned Roe and the lawmakers who are rushing to restrict people's bodily autonomy are almost all conservative Christians. Yet some liberal commentators have condemned these restrictions by likening their perpetrators to Muslims.
Since the ruling, social media platforms like Twitter have been flooded with political cartoons and tweets depicting the Supreme Court justices as Muslims or members of the Taliban. Several media organizations published pieces making the same Taliban comparison, which was also echoed by liberal celebrities like Barbra Streisand and progressives including Mark Ruffalo.
As a matter of fact, Islam does not condemn abortion in a clean-cut way. Like other communities in the U.S., Muslim Americans' views on abortion are diverse and divergent. Many Muslims are pro-choice -- and feel justifiably frustrated when people use lazy and careless Islamophobic rhetoric to condemn Christian nationalism in the United States.
It's important to address why Americans often bring up Islam when conservative legislation involving gender rights is debated in the United States.
The post-9/11 era brought about a massive onslaught against Muslims in the United States and globally. "War on Terror" enthusiasts strategically crafted stereotypes that demonized Muslim men as terrorists and Muslim women as hopeless damsels in distress, in turn making military operations in Afghanistan appealing to some American liberals and progressives by casting it as necessary to "protect" Afghan women.
These perceptions have consequences: Islamophobic policies enacted and supported by both liberal and conservative politicians. While it's true that institutionalized Islamophobia in the United States is more rooted in the right, liberal politicians are not immune from the influence of our often racist, Islamophobic society either.
Islamophobia has become so institutionalized that even when an issue does not remotely pertain to Islam, as in the reversal of Roe, Americans find the need to bring up Muslims. Along with stripping the right to reproductive freedom from all pregnant people, including Muslims, the Christian right's attack on abortion rights is somehow also solidifying stereotypes about Muslims as the standard for religious extremism.
As far back as the Oklahoma City bombing, when early reports spread suspicion that the perpetrator was an Arab American man, there's been a tendency for the press to leap to conclusions about Muslims without evidence. Gradually, the press has become more careful about making such assumptions. The Black Lives Matter uprisings in 2020, greater concerns about representation, and the rise in white far-right terrorism post 9/11 may have contributed to this shift.
But clearly, the shift is incomplete.
Islamophobia should not have been a go-to response to the reversal of Roe. Instead, the Supreme Court and extremist lawmakers can be criticized for their Christian extremism -- something which also threatens Muslims.
In fact, apart from harsh new abortion restrictions, we have seen the rise of Christian nationalism through the election of racist, Islamophobic politicians like Lauren Boebert and the Conservative Political Action Conference welcoming anti-Muslim populist and president of Hungary Viktor Orban as a speaker this year.
There's more at stake here than microaggressions. Islamophobic stereotypes were key to securing some center-left support for disastrous decisions like the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq and the broader "War on Terror." Innocent Muslims around the world have suffered the consequences.
As the right's Islamophobia becomes ever more dangerous, we must address this often careless and lazy Islamophobia on the left as well.