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Israeli New Right party leader Naftali Bennett. Whoever is the next prime minister, Israel's politics -- particularly on Palestinian rights -- have in the last several years shifted dramatically to the right, and it is the far right wing of this new "coalition" that remains the most powerful. (Photo: Shutterstock)
In Israel's parliament, the Knesset, a broad but shaky new "change coalition" claims it's ready to finally oust Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu -- the right-wing Likud leader who's held the office for the last 12 years.
If approved, the new coalition would anoint as prime minister Naftali Bennett, a former Netanyahu ally who supports settlement expansion and annexation of much of the West Bank, and who is significantly further to the right than Netanyahu himself. In theory, if it stays in power for two years, the more centrist Yair Lapid would then take over as prime minister. But that's a big "if" -- and the new coalition may not even survive its initial vote of confidence next week.
More importantly, whoever is the next prime minister, Israel's politics -- particularly on Palestinian rights -- have in the last several years shifted dramatically to the right, and it is the far right wing of this new "coalition" that remains the most powerful.
Here are four things to know about the government that could replace Netanyahu...
Netanyahu has shown a canny ability and ruthless willingness to use any methods to stay in power -- not least to avoid prison on multiple counts of corruption -- and he's got a whole week to do so. He is expected to use bribes, threats, and punishments to lure at least one member out of the 61-vote bare majority coalition -- and that would be enough to scuttle the deal.
Many anticipated that last month's war against Gaza would increase public support for Netanyahu, but it seems it did not -- at least not enough. But he has never given up using war to gain support, so keep an eye out for potential provocations against the usual targets of Netanyahu's foreign policy, including Gaza, Iran, or perhaps Lebanon.
Bennett was a longtime Netanyahu supporter and remains a staunch backer of illegal Jewish settlement expansion and annexation of huge swathes of Palestinian territory in the West Bank. He's significantly to the right of Netanyahu.
The "change coalition" parties range from Bennett's extremist New Right Party to Yair Lapid's centrist Yesh Atid formation -- and even includes the left-Zionist Meretz party and the Palestinian Ra'am party. Its unity is limited to ousting Netanyahu. Its breadth and political diversity render it completely unstable, which will make any serious political action beyond maybe passing a budget impossible. That means political paralysis as long as it holds on to power.
Despite the (likely short-lived) presence of centrist and left parties and a Palestinian party, the new coalition's political power remains firmly in the center-right to extreme right spectrum that reflects Israeli politics overall. There will almost certainly be no resumption of calls for a "two-state solution," (something long ago rendered impossible anyway because of escalating Israeli expropriation of Palestinian land) since Bennett opposes it even more vociferously than Netanyahu.
As long as the U.S. continues to provide Israel with virtually unlimited economic, military, diplomatic, and political support and protection, regardless of Tel Aviv's violations of international law and the systemic inequality and discrimination with which it treats the Palestinians, Israel has no reason to change.
For years, Netanyahu has claimed that he alone can deliver continued U.S. support and military aid. In fact, if the anti-Netanyahu coalition wins, a new prime minister -- even one actually more extreme in his racist anti-Palestinian views than his predecessor -- might well be seen as a boon for the White House and some in Congress, for whom Netanyahu has become somewhat of a liability.
Those politicians, largely Democrats, may be eager to look like they're responding seriously to rising public opposition to Washington's enabling of Israeli apartheid and human rights violations. Embracing a new prime minister with less well-known baggage in Washington could be just enough to clinch the deal.
This country and this world are at a monumental crossroads. US voters have an opportunity to beat back the forces of fascism and confront the billionaires who are rigging the economy, our media system, and our democracy, making it increasingly impossible for ordinary people to get by. We’re not just talking about the election. We’re talking about what must be done once these fascist elements are vanquished from power. We need a bolder set of solutions than what either major party has so far been willing to offer and a working-class movement ready to fight like hell for it. Trump didn't emerge from nowhere. The conditions that fueled MAGA authoritarianism were created by decades of radical neoliberal economic policies and a corrupt political system dominated by corporate interests. They slashed taxes on the super-rich, promising that the benefits would trickle down. They said giveaways to the corporate titans would make life more affordable for the rest of us. It was all bullshit. And when a bitter, betrayed populace searches for someone to blame, right-wing demagogues have little trouble finding scapegoats. People know when they're being lied to, but you won't hear any of this from the corporate media. Only independent journalism—powered and funded by people who believe in building a better world—can deliver truly trustworthy daily news. If you share our vision, please contribute whatever you can to sustain our work. |
In Israel's parliament, the Knesset, a broad but shaky new "change coalition" claims it's ready to finally oust Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu -- the right-wing Likud leader who's held the office for the last 12 years.
If approved, the new coalition would anoint as prime minister Naftali Bennett, a former Netanyahu ally who supports settlement expansion and annexation of much of the West Bank, and who is significantly further to the right than Netanyahu himself. In theory, if it stays in power for two years, the more centrist Yair Lapid would then take over as prime minister. But that's a big "if" -- and the new coalition may not even survive its initial vote of confidence next week.
More importantly, whoever is the next prime minister, Israel's politics -- particularly on Palestinian rights -- have in the last several years shifted dramatically to the right, and it is the far right wing of this new "coalition" that remains the most powerful.
Here are four things to know about the government that could replace Netanyahu...
Netanyahu has shown a canny ability and ruthless willingness to use any methods to stay in power -- not least to avoid prison on multiple counts of corruption -- and he's got a whole week to do so. He is expected to use bribes, threats, and punishments to lure at least one member out of the 61-vote bare majority coalition -- and that would be enough to scuttle the deal.
Many anticipated that last month's war against Gaza would increase public support for Netanyahu, but it seems it did not -- at least not enough. But he has never given up using war to gain support, so keep an eye out for potential provocations against the usual targets of Netanyahu's foreign policy, including Gaza, Iran, or perhaps Lebanon.
Bennett was a longtime Netanyahu supporter and remains a staunch backer of illegal Jewish settlement expansion and annexation of huge swathes of Palestinian territory in the West Bank. He's significantly to the right of Netanyahu.
The "change coalition" parties range from Bennett's extremist New Right Party to Yair Lapid's centrist Yesh Atid formation -- and even includes the left-Zionist Meretz party and the Palestinian Ra'am party. Its unity is limited to ousting Netanyahu. Its breadth and political diversity render it completely unstable, which will make any serious political action beyond maybe passing a budget impossible. That means political paralysis as long as it holds on to power.
Despite the (likely short-lived) presence of centrist and left parties and a Palestinian party, the new coalition's political power remains firmly in the center-right to extreme right spectrum that reflects Israeli politics overall. There will almost certainly be no resumption of calls for a "two-state solution," (something long ago rendered impossible anyway because of escalating Israeli expropriation of Palestinian land) since Bennett opposes it even more vociferously than Netanyahu.
As long as the U.S. continues to provide Israel with virtually unlimited economic, military, diplomatic, and political support and protection, regardless of Tel Aviv's violations of international law and the systemic inequality and discrimination with which it treats the Palestinians, Israel has no reason to change.
For years, Netanyahu has claimed that he alone can deliver continued U.S. support and military aid. In fact, if the anti-Netanyahu coalition wins, a new prime minister -- even one actually more extreme in his racist anti-Palestinian views than his predecessor -- might well be seen as a boon for the White House and some in Congress, for whom Netanyahu has become somewhat of a liability.
Those politicians, largely Democrats, may be eager to look like they're responding seriously to rising public opposition to Washington's enabling of Israeli apartheid and human rights violations. Embracing a new prime minister with less well-known baggage in Washington could be just enough to clinch the deal.
In Israel's parliament, the Knesset, a broad but shaky new "change coalition" claims it's ready to finally oust Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu -- the right-wing Likud leader who's held the office for the last 12 years.
If approved, the new coalition would anoint as prime minister Naftali Bennett, a former Netanyahu ally who supports settlement expansion and annexation of much of the West Bank, and who is significantly further to the right than Netanyahu himself. In theory, if it stays in power for two years, the more centrist Yair Lapid would then take over as prime minister. But that's a big "if" -- and the new coalition may not even survive its initial vote of confidence next week.
More importantly, whoever is the next prime minister, Israel's politics -- particularly on Palestinian rights -- have in the last several years shifted dramatically to the right, and it is the far right wing of this new "coalition" that remains the most powerful.
Here are four things to know about the government that could replace Netanyahu...
Netanyahu has shown a canny ability and ruthless willingness to use any methods to stay in power -- not least to avoid prison on multiple counts of corruption -- and he's got a whole week to do so. He is expected to use bribes, threats, and punishments to lure at least one member out of the 61-vote bare majority coalition -- and that would be enough to scuttle the deal.
Many anticipated that last month's war against Gaza would increase public support for Netanyahu, but it seems it did not -- at least not enough. But he has never given up using war to gain support, so keep an eye out for potential provocations against the usual targets of Netanyahu's foreign policy, including Gaza, Iran, or perhaps Lebanon.
Bennett was a longtime Netanyahu supporter and remains a staunch backer of illegal Jewish settlement expansion and annexation of huge swathes of Palestinian territory in the West Bank. He's significantly to the right of Netanyahu.
The "change coalition" parties range from Bennett's extremist New Right Party to Yair Lapid's centrist Yesh Atid formation -- and even includes the left-Zionist Meretz party and the Palestinian Ra'am party. Its unity is limited to ousting Netanyahu. Its breadth and political diversity render it completely unstable, which will make any serious political action beyond maybe passing a budget impossible. That means political paralysis as long as it holds on to power.
Despite the (likely short-lived) presence of centrist and left parties and a Palestinian party, the new coalition's political power remains firmly in the center-right to extreme right spectrum that reflects Israeli politics overall. There will almost certainly be no resumption of calls for a "two-state solution," (something long ago rendered impossible anyway because of escalating Israeli expropriation of Palestinian land) since Bennett opposes it even more vociferously than Netanyahu.
As long as the U.S. continues to provide Israel with virtually unlimited economic, military, diplomatic, and political support and protection, regardless of Tel Aviv's violations of international law and the systemic inequality and discrimination with which it treats the Palestinians, Israel has no reason to change.
For years, Netanyahu has claimed that he alone can deliver continued U.S. support and military aid. In fact, if the anti-Netanyahu coalition wins, a new prime minister -- even one actually more extreme in his racist anti-Palestinian views than his predecessor -- might well be seen as a boon for the White House and some in Congress, for whom Netanyahu has become somewhat of a liability.
Those politicians, largely Democrats, may be eager to look like they're responding seriously to rising public opposition to Washington's enabling of Israeli apartheid and human rights violations. Embracing a new prime minister with less well-known baggage in Washington could be just enough to clinch the deal.