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In this time of crisis, any support for corporations should encourage executives to treat their workers well, trim their own fat paychecks -- and pay for their own lunch. (Photo by mark peterson/Corbis via Getty Images)
While the world is reeling from the pandemic, corporate lobbyists have been focused on making taxpayers subsidize lavish lunches for wealthy executives.
And their work has paid off in the new Covid relief deal. Buried in the details of this modest aid plan is a provision to give executives unlimited tax deductions for their business meals for two years.
That's how it worked back in the 1970s, when Presidential candidate George McGovern had this to say about it: "There's something fundamentally wrong with the tax system," he said, "when it allows a corporate executive to deduct his $20 martini lunch while a workingman cannot deduct the price of his bologna sandwich."
"There's something fundamentally wrong with the tax system when it allows a corporate executive to deduct his $20 martini lunch while a workingman cannot deduct the price of his bologna sandwich."-George Mcgovern
President Ronald Reagan, of all people, actually agreed with McGovern. His 1986 tax-code overhaul, best remembered today for lowering overall rates, reduced the deductibility of business meals from 100 to 80 percent. In 1993, the Clinton administration pushed that deductibility rate down to 50 percent, where it has stayed ever since.
Now corporate lobbyists have managed to restore that 1970s-era perk - claiming, of course, that bigger tax write-offs for business meals would help struggling restaurants and the people they employ.
That's the same argument they used in their opposition to the Clinton-era reform. It was flawed then and it's even more preposterous now.
Back in 1993, the National Restaurant Association predicted that if businesses were able to write off only half the cost of their business meals (instead of 80 percent), restaurant industry sales would plummet by $3.8 billion and 165,000 jobs would be lost in just the first year.
The opposite occurred. In the year after the reform went into effect on January 1, 1994, sales at full-service restaurants grew by 3.5 percent, outstripping overall U.S. economic growth, according to Census and Labor Department data. And instead of the NRA's predicted loss of 165,000 jobs, full-service restaurant payrolls grew by 132,300. That was a 4-percent increase, compared to only 3.5 percent growth in national employment.
Today, when the real problem is a public health crisis that's keeping people at home, it's even more laughable that lowering taxes on business meals will do anything to help struggling restaurant owners and employees.
In this time of crisis, any support for corporations should encourage executives to treat their workers well, trim their own fat paychecks -- and pay for their own lunch.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
While the world is reeling from the pandemic, corporate lobbyists have been focused on making taxpayers subsidize lavish lunches for wealthy executives.
And their work has paid off in the new Covid relief deal. Buried in the details of this modest aid plan is a provision to give executives unlimited tax deductions for their business meals for two years.
That's how it worked back in the 1970s, when Presidential candidate George McGovern had this to say about it: "There's something fundamentally wrong with the tax system," he said, "when it allows a corporate executive to deduct his $20 martini lunch while a workingman cannot deduct the price of his bologna sandwich."
"There's something fundamentally wrong with the tax system when it allows a corporate executive to deduct his $20 martini lunch while a workingman cannot deduct the price of his bologna sandwich."-George Mcgovern
President Ronald Reagan, of all people, actually agreed with McGovern. His 1986 tax-code overhaul, best remembered today for lowering overall rates, reduced the deductibility of business meals from 100 to 80 percent. In 1993, the Clinton administration pushed that deductibility rate down to 50 percent, where it has stayed ever since.
Now corporate lobbyists have managed to restore that 1970s-era perk - claiming, of course, that bigger tax write-offs for business meals would help struggling restaurants and the people they employ.
That's the same argument they used in their opposition to the Clinton-era reform. It was flawed then and it's even more preposterous now.
Back in 1993, the National Restaurant Association predicted that if businesses were able to write off only half the cost of their business meals (instead of 80 percent), restaurant industry sales would plummet by $3.8 billion and 165,000 jobs would be lost in just the first year.
The opposite occurred. In the year after the reform went into effect on January 1, 1994, sales at full-service restaurants grew by 3.5 percent, outstripping overall U.S. economic growth, according to Census and Labor Department data. And instead of the NRA's predicted loss of 165,000 jobs, full-service restaurant payrolls grew by 132,300. That was a 4-percent increase, compared to only 3.5 percent growth in national employment.
Today, when the real problem is a public health crisis that's keeping people at home, it's even more laughable that lowering taxes on business meals will do anything to help struggling restaurant owners and employees.
In this time of crisis, any support for corporations should encourage executives to treat their workers well, trim their own fat paychecks -- and pay for their own lunch.
While the world is reeling from the pandemic, corporate lobbyists have been focused on making taxpayers subsidize lavish lunches for wealthy executives.
And their work has paid off in the new Covid relief deal. Buried in the details of this modest aid plan is a provision to give executives unlimited tax deductions for their business meals for two years.
That's how it worked back in the 1970s, when Presidential candidate George McGovern had this to say about it: "There's something fundamentally wrong with the tax system," he said, "when it allows a corporate executive to deduct his $20 martini lunch while a workingman cannot deduct the price of his bologna sandwich."
"There's something fundamentally wrong with the tax system when it allows a corporate executive to deduct his $20 martini lunch while a workingman cannot deduct the price of his bologna sandwich."-George Mcgovern
President Ronald Reagan, of all people, actually agreed with McGovern. His 1986 tax-code overhaul, best remembered today for lowering overall rates, reduced the deductibility of business meals from 100 to 80 percent. In 1993, the Clinton administration pushed that deductibility rate down to 50 percent, where it has stayed ever since.
Now corporate lobbyists have managed to restore that 1970s-era perk - claiming, of course, that bigger tax write-offs for business meals would help struggling restaurants and the people they employ.
That's the same argument they used in their opposition to the Clinton-era reform. It was flawed then and it's even more preposterous now.
Back in 1993, the National Restaurant Association predicted that if businesses were able to write off only half the cost of their business meals (instead of 80 percent), restaurant industry sales would plummet by $3.8 billion and 165,000 jobs would be lost in just the first year.
The opposite occurred. In the year after the reform went into effect on January 1, 1994, sales at full-service restaurants grew by 3.5 percent, outstripping overall U.S. economic growth, according to Census and Labor Department data. And instead of the NRA's predicted loss of 165,000 jobs, full-service restaurant payrolls grew by 132,300. That was a 4-percent increase, compared to only 3.5 percent growth in national employment.
Today, when the real problem is a public health crisis that's keeping people at home, it's even more laughable that lowering taxes on business meals will do anything to help struggling restaurant owners and employees.
In this time of crisis, any support for corporations should encourage executives to treat their workers well, trim their own fat paychecks -- and pay for their own lunch.