

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.

The path to taking back the General Assembly majority and flipping North Carolina blue again runs through just a small number of close, competitive districts. (Photo: Susan Melkisethian/flickr/cc)
For much of the last decade, the state of North Carolina has not truly been a representative democracy.
That's a pretty dramatic statement, and one that the average American has a difficult time computing. Yet it's true, and the national spectacle of the Old North State's lurch rightward since 2011 bears it out. When North Carolina Republicans won a majority in our state's General Assembly in 2010, one of their very first acts was to redraw themselves a supermajority of the legislature. This has plunged the state into years of bitter litigation with the federal government that was not resolved (kind of) until just last year at the Supreme Court.
During that time, Republicans have ruled North Carolina with a more or less free hand. The results have been alarming, but standard fare for today's GOP: homophobic and transphobic social policy, curtailing abortion rights, shredding gun regulation, cutting taxes for corporations and the wealthy. But their chief priority has been entrenching their political power from democratic accountability. And in this way, the North Carolina GOP is an ominous sign of how purple state Republicans are reacting to demographic and generational change across the Sun Belt.
In short, they've decided to simply deny Democrats, especially people of color, the franchise entirely.
With their control of state government, North Carolina Republicans didn't stop at gerrymandering a Congressional map that sent 10 Republicans and 3 Democrats to Washington, in a state that is mostly 50/50. In developing their voter ID law, they collected information on racial differences in voting behavior, and then wrote the law to disproportionately disqualify blacks on the basis of their conclusions. Their actions "targeted African Americans with surgical precision," said one federal judge in striking down the law. They eliminated same-day voter registration. Purged registration lists. Shortened early voting periods and closed poll sites in majority black areas. And this, from the party that does not have a single person of color in their entire legislative caucus. (By contrast, people of color make up 47% of the Democratic House caucus and 41% in the Senate.)
That's what the last near-decade here in North Carolina has been: a steady erosion of voting rights, and with them, our democracy.
Ask any North Carolina progressive, and they'll tell you that the last nine years has been an exhausting, dispiriting and frustrating era in our state. The sense of dismay in our once-moderate state being hijacked by right-wing radicals who've insulated themselves from voter accountability has been alarming to see in modern America.
It has been especially galling to see these measures change the whole course of national politics. You have the North Carolina GOP to thank for the unhinged radicalism of Congressman Mark Meadows, for example. The legislature "cracked" the deep-blue city of Asheville, running a district boundary right through the campus of UNC-Asheville (even through a dorm hallway!), to create two safely deep-red districts and ensure that Asheville's Democrats wouldn't be a threat. North Carolina's 15 electoral votes went to Donald Trump in 2016 by just 3.5 points, much of which is attributable to widespread voter suppression.
But finally, there's good news.
Under new court-ordered maps in 2018, the Democratic "Blue Wave" election flipped districts across our state, breaking the supermajority and giving Governor Cooper's veto teeth again. And this year, in 2020, we have yet newer legislative maps. They're still tilted towards the Republicans--after all, the Republicans drew them--but there is, finally, a viable path for Democrats to take back the majority.
Can you imagine the relief and swell of angry and frustrated hope that North Carolina progressives are feeling these days?
Our path to taking back the General Assembly majority and flipping North Carolina blue again runs through just a small number of close, competitive districts. Democrats need to flip just 6 seats in the House and 5 in the Senate to take control of either chamber, and they are ready. We've recruited strong candidates in all of these races and more, and they are hitting the campaign trail to end this sad chapter in North Carolina history.
This is why, this week, I launched the Long Leaf Pine Slate.
The Long Leaf Pine Slate is a site that profiles the handful of candidates--5 women and 4 men--whose races will determine whether Democrats can put the adults back in charge. It's not a PAC, but connects to an ActBlue dashboard where contributions are sent directly to candidates themselves. When we launched this week, we raised several thousand dollars for our candidates in just the first 48 hours. Prominent national and state Democrats boosted the effort, and I'm optimistic more will follow.
The battle to bring democracy back to North Carolina is a microcosm of a battle going on across the Sun Belt. Stopping Republican misrule and putting our state, like our country, back on track starts with the grassroots--small donors, and voters like you and me, choosing to step up and back candidates ready to do the right thing. The Old North State needs your help. Thank you, in advance.
Donald Trump’s attacks on democracy, justice, and a free press are escalating — putting everything we stand for at risk. We believe a better world is possible, but we can’t get there without your support. Common Dreams stands apart. We answer only to you — our readers, activists, and changemakers — not to billionaires or corporations. Our independence allows us to cover the vital stories that others won’t, spotlighting movements for peace, equality, and human rights. Right now, our work faces unprecedented challenges. Misinformation is spreading, journalists are under attack, and financial pressures are mounting. As a reader-supported, nonprofit newsroom, your support is crucial to keep this journalism alive. Whatever you can give — $10, $25, or $100 — helps us stay strong and responsive when the world needs us most. Together, we’ll continue to build the independent, courageous journalism our movement relies on. Thank you for being part of this community. |
For much of the last decade, the state of North Carolina has not truly been a representative democracy.
That's a pretty dramatic statement, and one that the average American has a difficult time computing. Yet it's true, and the national spectacle of the Old North State's lurch rightward since 2011 bears it out. When North Carolina Republicans won a majority in our state's General Assembly in 2010, one of their very first acts was to redraw themselves a supermajority of the legislature. This has plunged the state into years of bitter litigation with the federal government that was not resolved (kind of) until just last year at the Supreme Court.
During that time, Republicans have ruled North Carolina with a more or less free hand. The results have been alarming, but standard fare for today's GOP: homophobic and transphobic social policy, curtailing abortion rights, shredding gun regulation, cutting taxes for corporations and the wealthy. But their chief priority has been entrenching their political power from democratic accountability. And in this way, the North Carolina GOP is an ominous sign of how purple state Republicans are reacting to demographic and generational change across the Sun Belt.
In short, they've decided to simply deny Democrats, especially people of color, the franchise entirely.
With their control of state government, North Carolina Republicans didn't stop at gerrymandering a Congressional map that sent 10 Republicans and 3 Democrats to Washington, in a state that is mostly 50/50. In developing their voter ID law, they collected information on racial differences in voting behavior, and then wrote the law to disproportionately disqualify blacks on the basis of their conclusions. Their actions "targeted African Americans with surgical precision," said one federal judge in striking down the law. They eliminated same-day voter registration. Purged registration lists. Shortened early voting periods and closed poll sites in majority black areas. And this, from the party that does not have a single person of color in their entire legislative caucus. (By contrast, people of color make up 47% of the Democratic House caucus and 41% in the Senate.)
That's what the last near-decade here in North Carolina has been: a steady erosion of voting rights, and with them, our democracy.
Ask any North Carolina progressive, and they'll tell you that the last nine years has been an exhausting, dispiriting and frustrating era in our state. The sense of dismay in our once-moderate state being hijacked by right-wing radicals who've insulated themselves from voter accountability has been alarming to see in modern America.
It has been especially galling to see these measures change the whole course of national politics. You have the North Carolina GOP to thank for the unhinged radicalism of Congressman Mark Meadows, for example. The legislature "cracked" the deep-blue city of Asheville, running a district boundary right through the campus of UNC-Asheville (even through a dorm hallway!), to create two safely deep-red districts and ensure that Asheville's Democrats wouldn't be a threat. North Carolina's 15 electoral votes went to Donald Trump in 2016 by just 3.5 points, much of which is attributable to widespread voter suppression.
But finally, there's good news.
Under new court-ordered maps in 2018, the Democratic "Blue Wave" election flipped districts across our state, breaking the supermajority and giving Governor Cooper's veto teeth again. And this year, in 2020, we have yet newer legislative maps. They're still tilted towards the Republicans--after all, the Republicans drew them--but there is, finally, a viable path for Democrats to take back the majority.
Can you imagine the relief and swell of angry and frustrated hope that North Carolina progressives are feeling these days?
Our path to taking back the General Assembly majority and flipping North Carolina blue again runs through just a small number of close, competitive districts. Democrats need to flip just 6 seats in the House and 5 in the Senate to take control of either chamber, and they are ready. We've recruited strong candidates in all of these races and more, and they are hitting the campaign trail to end this sad chapter in North Carolina history.
This is why, this week, I launched the Long Leaf Pine Slate.
The Long Leaf Pine Slate is a site that profiles the handful of candidates--5 women and 4 men--whose races will determine whether Democrats can put the adults back in charge. It's not a PAC, but connects to an ActBlue dashboard where contributions are sent directly to candidates themselves. When we launched this week, we raised several thousand dollars for our candidates in just the first 48 hours. Prominent national and state Democrats boosted the effort, and I'm optimistic more will follow.
The battle to bring democracy back to North Carolina is a microcosm of a battle going on across the Sun Belt. Stopping Republican misrule and putting our state, like our country, back on track starts with the grassroots--small donors, and voters like you and me, choosing to step up and back candidates ready to do the right thing. The Old North State needs your help. Thank you, in advance.
For much of the last decade, the state of North Carolina has not truly been a representative democracy.
That's a pretty dramatic statement, and one that the average American has a difficult time computing. Yet it's true, and the national spectacle of the Old North State's lurch rightward since 2011 bears it out. When North Carolina Republicans won a majority in our state's General Assembly in 2010, one of their very first acts was to redraw themselves a supermajority of the legislature. This has plunged the state into years of bitter litigation with the federal government that was not resolved (kind of) until just last year at the Supreme Court.
During that time, Republicans have ruled North Carolina with a more or less free hand. The results have been alarming, but standard fare for today's GOP: homophobic and transphobic social policy, curtailing abortion rights, shredding gun regulation, cutting taxes for corporations and the wealthy. But their chief priority has been entrenching their political power from democratic accountability. And in this way, the North Carolina GOP is an ominous sign of how purple state Republicans are reacting to demographic and generational change across the Sun Belt.
In short, they've decided to simply deny Democrats, especially people of color, the franchise entirely.
With their control of state government, North Carolina Republicans didn't stop at gerrymandering a Congressional map that sent 10 Republicans and 3 Democrats to Washington, in a state that is mostly 50/50. In developing their voter ID law, they collected information on racial differences in voting behavior, and then wrote the law to disproportionately disqualify blacks on the basis of their conclusions. Their actions "targeted African Americans with surgical precision," said one federal judge in striking down the law. They eliminated same-day voter registration. Purged registration lists. Shortened early voting periods and closed poll sites in majority black areas. And this, from the party that does not have a single person of color in their entire legislative caucus. (By contrast, people of color make up 47% of the Democratic House caucus and 41% in the Senate.)
That's what the last near-decade here in North Carolina has been: a steady erosion of voting rights, and with them, our democracy.
Ask any North Carolina progressive, and they'll tell you that the last nine years has been an exhausting, dispiriting and frustrating era in our state. The sense of dismay in our once-moderate state being hijacked by right-wing radicals who've insulated themselves from voter accountability has been alarming to see in modern America.
It has been especially galling to see these measures change the whole course of national politics. You have the North Carolina GOP to thank for the unhinged radicalism of Congressman Mark Meadows, for example. The legislature "cracked" the deep-blue city of Asheville, running a district boundary right through the campus of UNC-Asheville (even through a dorm hallway!), to create two safely deep-red districts and ensure that Asheville's Democrats wouldn't be a threat. North Carolina's 15 electoral votes went to Donald Trump in 2016 by just 3.5 points, much of which is attributable to widespread voter suppression.
But finally, there's good news.
Under new court-ordered maps in 2018, the Democratic "Blue Wave" election flipped districts across our state, breaking the supermajority and giving Governor Cooper's veto teeth again. And this year, in 2020, we have yet newer legislative maps. They're still tilted towards the Republicans--after all, the Republicans drew them--but there is, finally, a viable path for Democrats to take back the majority.
Can you imagine the relief and swell of angry and frustrated hope that North Carolina progressives are feeling these days?
Our path to taking back the General Assembly majority and flipping North Carolina blue again runs through just a small number of close, competitive districts. Democrats need to flip just 6 seats in the House and 5 in the Senate to take control of either chamber, and they are ready. We've recruited strong candidates in all of these races and more, and they are hitting the campaign trail to end this sad chapter in North Carolina history.
This is why, this week, I launched the Long Leaf Pine Slate.
The Long Leaf Pine Slate is a site that profiles the handful of candidates--5 women and 4 men--whose races will determine whether Democrats can put the adults back in charge. It's not a PAC, but connects to an ActBlue dashboard where contributions are sent directly to candidates themselves. When we launched this week, we raised several thousand dollars for our candidates in just the first 48 hours. Prominent national and state Democrats boosted the effort, and I'm optimistic more will follow.
The battle to bring democracy back to North Carolina is a microcosm of a battle going on across the Sun Belt. Stopping Republican misrule and putting our state, like our country, back on track starts with the grassroots--small donors, and voters like you and me, choosing to step up and back candidates ready to do the right thing. The Old North State needs your help. Thank you, in advance.
"The children wept, as no parents were there to share the moment—their parents had been killed by the Israeli army," said one observer.
More than 1,000 Palestinians children orphaned by Israel's genocidal assault on Gaza took part in a bittersweet graduation ceremony Monday at a special school in the south of the embattled enclave as Israeli forces continued their US-backed campaign of annihilation and ethnic cleansing nearby.
Dressed in caps and gowns and waving Palestinian flags, graduates of the school at al-Wafa Orphan Village in Khan Younis—opened earlier this year by speech pathologist Wafaa Abu Jalala—received diplomas as students and staff proudly looked on. It was a remarkable event given the tremendous suffering of Palestinians in Gaza, especially the children, and Israel's obliteration of the strip's educational infrastructure, often referred to as scholasticide.
Organizers said the event was the largest of its kind since Israel began leveling Gaza after the Hamas-led attack of October 7, 2023. Israel's assault and siege, which are the subject of an International Court of Justice genocide case, have left more than 62,000 Palestinians dead, including over 18,500 children—official death tolls that are likely to be a severe undercount.
The Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics reported in April that nearly 40,000 children in Gaza have lost one or more of their parents to Israeli bombs and bullets in what the agency called the world's "largest orphan crisis" in modern history. Other independent groups say the number of orphans is even higher during a war in which medical professionals have coined a grim new acronym: WCNSF—wounded child, no surviving family.
Hundreds of thousands of other Palestinians are starving in what Amnesty International on Monday called a "deliberate campaign." Thousands of Gazan children are treated for malnutrition each month, and at least 122 have starved to death, according to local officials.
Early in the war, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) called Gaza "the world's most dangerous place to be a child." Last year, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres for the first time added Israel to his so-called "List of Shame" of countries that kill and injure children during wars and other armed conflicts. Doctors and others including volunteers from the United States have documented many cases in which they've concluded Israeli snipers and other troops have deliberately shot children in the head and chest.

There are also more child amputees in Gaza than anywhere else in the world, with UN agencies estimating earlier this year that 3,000-4,000 Palestinian children have had one or more limbs removed, sometimes without anesthesia. The administration of US President Donald Trump—which provides Israel with many of the weapons used to kill and maim Palestinian children—recently stopped issuing visas to amputees and other victims seeking medical treatment in the United States.
All of the above have wrought what one Gaza mother called the "complete psychological destruction" of children in the embattled enclave.
Indeed, a 2024 survey of more than 500 Palestinian children in Gaza revealed that 96% of them fear imminent death, 92% are not accepting of reality, 79% suffer from nightmares, 77% avoid discussing traumatic events, 73% display signs of aggression, 49% wish to die because of the war, and many more "show signs of withdrawal and severe anxiety, alongside a pervasive sense of hopelessness."
Iain Overton, executive director of the UK-based group Action on Armed Violence, said at the time of the survey's publication that "the world's failure to protect Gaza's children is a moral failing on a monumental scale."
"No state should be above the law," said Younis Alkhatib of the Palestine Red Crescent Society. "The international community is obliged to protect humanitarians and to stop impunity."
The United Nations humanitarian affairs office said Tuesday that the new record of 383 aid workers killed last year while performing their lifesaving jobs was "shocking"—but considering Israel's relentless attacks on civilians, medical staff, journalists, and relief workers in Gaza, it was no surprise that the bombardment of the enclave was a major driver of the rise in aid worker deaths in 2024.
Nearly half of the aid workers killed last year—181 of them—were killed in Israeli attacks in Gaza, while 60 died in Sudan amid the civil war there.
The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) recorded a 31% increase in aid worker killings compared to 2023, the agency said as it marked World Humanitarian Day.
"Even one attack against a humanitarian colleague is an attack on all of us and on the people we serve," said Tom Fletcher, the UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs. "Attacks on this scale, with zero accountability, are a shameful indictment of international inaction and apathy."
Israel and its top allies, including the United States, have persisted in claiming it is targeting Hamas in its attacks on Gaza, which have killed more than 62,000 people—likely a significant undercount by the Gaza Health Ministry. It has also repeatedly claimed that its attacks on aid workers and other people protected under international law were "accidental."
"Every attack is a grave betrayal of humanity, and the rules designed to protect them and the communities they serve. Each killing sends a dangerous message that their lives were expendable. They were not."
"As the humanitarian community, we demand—again—that those with power and influence act for humanity, protect civilians and aid workers, and hold perpetrators to account," said Fletcher.
The UN Security Council adopted a resolution in May 2024 reaffirming that humanitarian staff must be protected in conflict zones—a month after the Israel Defense Forces struck a convoy including seven workers from the US-based charity World Central Kitchen, killing all of them.
More than a year later, said OCHA, "the lack of accountability remains pervasive."
The UN-backed Aid Worker Security Database's provisional numbers for 2025 so far show that at least 265 aid workers have been killed this year, with one of the deadliest attacks perpetrated by the IDF against medics and emergency responders in clearly marked vehicles in Gaza. Eight of the workers were with the Palestine Red Crescent Society, which on Tuesday noted that "Palestinian humanitarian workers have been deliberately targeted more than anywhere else."
"No state should be above the law," said Younis Alkhatib, president of the humanitarian group. "The international community is obliged to protect humanitarians and to stop impunity."
UN Secretary-General António Guterres said Tuesday that humanitarian workers around the world "are the last lifeline for over 300 million people" living in conflict and disaster zones.
What is missing as advocates demand protection for aid workers and as "red lines are crossed with impunity," said Guterres, is "political will—and moral courage."
"Humanitarians must be respected and protected," he said. "They can never be targeted."
Olga Cherevko of OCHA emphasized that despite Israel's continued bombardment of Gaza's healthcare systemsystem and its attacks at aid hubs, humanitarian workers continue their efforts to save lives "day in and day out."
"I think as a humanitarian, I feel powerless sometimes in Gaza because I know what it is that we can do as humanitarians when we're enabled to do so, both here in Gaza and in any other humanitarian crisis," said Cherevko. "We continue to face massive impediments for delivering aid at scale, when our missions are delayed, when our missions lasted 12, 14, 18 hours; the routes that we're given are dangerous, impassible, or inaccessible."
Israel has blocked the United Nations and other established aid agencies that have worked for years in the occupied Palestinian territories from delivering lifesaving aid in recent months, pushing the entire enclave towards famine.
The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) added in a statement that "our colleagues continue to show up not because they are fearless, but because the suffering is too urgent to ignore. Yet, courage is not protection, and dedication does not deflect bullets."
"The rules of war are clear: Humanitarian personnel must be respected and protected," said the ICRC. "Every attack is a grave betrayal of humanity, and the rules designed to protect them and the communities they serve. Each killing sends a dangerous message that their lives were expendable. They were not."
Along with the aid workers who were killed worldwide last year, 308 were injured, 125 were kidnapped, and 45 were detained for their work.
"Violence against aid workers is not inevitable," said Fletcher. "It must end."
"Equipment manufacturers like John Deere have lost millions, but let's remember that working people are hit hardest by the president's disastrous economic policies," said one lawmaker.
US President Donald Trump has pitched his tariffs on foreign goods as a way to bring more manufacturing jobs back into the United States.
However, it now appears as though the tariffs are hurting the manufacturing jobs that are already here.
As reported by Des Moines Register, iconic American machinery company John Deere announced on Monday that it is laying off 71 workers in Waterloo, Iowa, as well as 115 people in East Moline, Illinois, and 52 workers in Moline, Illinois. The paper noted that John Deere has laid off more than 2,000 employees since April 2024.
In its announcement of the layoffs, the company said that "the struggling [agriculture] economy continues to impact orders" for its equipment.
"This is a challenging time for many farmers, growers, and producers, and directly impacts our business in the near term," the company emphasized.
According to The New Republic, Cory Reed, president of John Deere's Worldwide Agriculture and Turf Division, said during the company's most recent earnings call that the uncertainty surrounding Trump's tariffs has led to many farmers putting off investments in farm equipment.
"If you have customers that are concerned about what their end markets are going to look like in a tariff environment, they're waiting to see the outcomes of what these trade deals look like," he explained.
Josh Beal, John Deere's director of investor relations, similarly said that "the primary drivers" for the company's negative outlook from the prior quarter "are increased tariff rates on Europe, India, and steel and aluminum."
The news of the layoffs drew a scathing rebuke from Nathan Sage, an Iowa Democrat running for the US Senate to unseat Sen. Joni Ernst (R-Iowa), who has praised the president's tariff policies.
"John Deere is once again laying off Iowans—a clear sign economic uncertainty hits the working class hardest, not the CEOs at the top," he wrote in a post on X. "Cheered on by Joni Ernst, Republicans in Washington want to play games with tariffs and give tax cuts to billionaires while Iowa families continue to struggle. It's time to stop protecting the top 1% and fight for the working people who keep our economy strong."
Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) also ripped Trump's trade policies for hurting blue-collar jobs.
"Because of Trump's tariffs, farmers can't afford to buy what they need to make a living," he said. "Equipment manufacturers like John Deere have lost millions, but let's remember that working people are hit hardest by the president's disastrous economic policies. Tired of 'winning' yet?"
John Deere is not the only big-name American manufacturer to be harmed by the Trump tariffs, as all three of the country's major auto manufacturers in recent months have announced they expect to take significant financial hits from them.
Ford last month said that its profit could plunge by up to 36% this year as it expects to take a $2 billion hit from the president's tariffs on key inputs such as steel and aluminum, as well as taxes on car components manufactured in Canada and Mexico.
General Motors last month also cited the Trump tariffs as a major reason why its profits fell by $3 billion the previous quarter. Making matters worse, GM said that the impact of the tariffs would be even more significant in the coming quarter when its profits could tumble by as much as $5 billion.
GM's warning came shortly after Jeep manufacturer Stellantis projected that the Trump tariffs would directly lead to $350 million in losses in the first half of 2025.