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An attendee holds a sign calling for the impeachment of U.S. president Donald Trump during a rally and press conference at San Francisco City Hall on October 24, 2017 in San Francisco, California. (Photo: Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)
So I Am Done Being Wishy-Washy. Impeach Trump. Now
There is a moral imperative here, a stark question of right and wrong.
Apr 24, 2019
I'll admit that I've been wishy-washy about this.
In May of 2017, shortly after Donald Trump fired FBI Director James Comey and spilled top secret information to the Russians, I took to this space to chide his party for its silence in this monstrosity of a presidency and to demand action. "Impeach him now," I wrote.
By January of this year, my ardor for that remedy had cooled somewhat. I wrote that, while Trump surely deserves impeachment, the politics of the moment would make that futile, as Senate Republicans are unlikely to vote for his removal. Besides, I noted, the process would "fracture an already fractured union" while failing to address the core sickness that made Trump's presidency possible.
"A president is not supposed to ask an FBI director for personal loyalty, not supposed to pressure an FBI director to end an investigation, not supposed to fire an FBI director for refusing to do so, not supposed to intimidate witnesses, not supposed to ask aides to lie and commit dubious acts, not supposed to, in other words, behave like some low-rent Queens thug."
I still believe all that. But I am here to change my mind yet again. Blame the Mueller report. It has given me clarity, helped me appreciate something I didn't appreciate fully enough before. Namely that, in allowing all of this to be framed solely around questions of what is politic and pragmatic, we miss something.
There is a moral imperative here, a stark question of right and wrong. These people keep doing things government officials are simply not supposed to do.
A press secretary is not supposed to flat-out lie, as Sarah Huckabee Sanders admitted to Robert Mueller's investigators that she did when she claimed "countless" members of the FBI told the White House they had lost confidence in Comey. Since the report's release, Sanders has denied that her admission means what it means. In effect, she's now lying about lying.
An attorney general -- the people's lawyer -- is not supposed to act as defense counsel for the president as William Barr has at every step, from the misleading summary of Mueller's report he released in March to giving the White House a sneak peek at Mueller's findings, to defending Trump's behavior on the excuse that he was "frustrated and angered."
And a president is not supposed to ask an FBI director for personal loyalty, not supposed to pressure an FBI director to end an investigation, not supposed to fire an FBI director for refusing to do so, not supposed to intimidate witnesses, not supposed to ask aides to lie and commit dubious acts, not supposed to, in other words, behave like some low-rent Queens thug.
Under Justice Department rules, a president can't be indicted and the special counsel evidently thought it unfair to level a charge that could not be tested in court. But he certainly made his feelings clear: "If we had confidence after a thorough investigation of the facts that the President clearly did not commit obstruction of justice, we would so state. ... However, we are unable to reach that judgment."
But we have a judgment to make, too, and it misreads the moment to base it solely on issues of politics or pragmatism. House Democrats seem more worried about what is strategic than what is right, about the feelings of Trump voters than of the voters who elected them. But this moment is bigger than that. It is about who we are as Americans, and the fact that someday, we will be required to stand before the bar of history and account for what we did -- and failed to do -- with our country on the line.
It is better to lose an election -- to lose the country itself -- than to win the one or save the other on terms that render the "victory" meaningless. This presidency is anathema to everything America is supposed to be. It is a matter of moral necessity -- and country love -- to say that as forcefully as possible.
So I am done being wishy washy. I had it right the first time.
Impeach him. Now.
We are at a crossroads
This country and this world are at a monumental crossroads. US voters have an opportunity to beat back the forces of fascism and confront the billionaires who are rigging the economy, our media system, and our democracy, making it increasingly impossible for ordinary people to get by. We’re not just talking about the election. We’re talking about what must be done once these fascist elements are vanquished from power. We need a bolder set of solutions than what either major party has so far been willing to offer and a working-class movement ready to fight like hell for it. Trump didn't emerge from nowhere. The conditions that fueled MAGA authoritarianism were created by decades of radical neoliberal economic policies and a corrupt political system dominated by corporate interests. They slashed taxes on the super-rich, promising that the benefits would trickle down. They said giveaways to the corporate titans would make life more affordable for the rest of us. It was all bullshit. And when a bitter, betrayed populace searches for someone to blame, right-wing demagogues have little trouble finding scapegoats. People know when they're being lied to, but you won't hear any of this from the corporate media. Only independent journalism—powered and funded by people who believe in building a better world—can deliver truly trustworthy daily news. If you share our vision, please contribute whatever you can to sustain our work. |
© 2023 Miami Herald
Leonard Pitts Jr.
Leonard Pitts Jr. won the Pulitzer Prize for commentary in 2004. His latest book is The Last Thing You Surrender: A Novel of World War II. His column runs every Sunday and Wednesday in the Miami Herald. Forward From This Moment, a collection of his columns, was published in 2009.
I'll admit that I've been wishy-washy about this.
In May of 2017, shortly after Donald Trump fired FBI Director James Comey and spilled top secret information to the Russians, I took to this space to chide his party for its silence in this monstrosity of a presidency and to demand action. "Impeach him now," I wrote.
By January of this year, my ardor for that remedy had cooled somewhat. I wrote that, while Trump surely deserves impeachment, the politics of the moment would make that futile, as Senate Republicans are unlikely to vote for his removal. Besides, I noted, the process would "fracture an already fractured union" while failing to address the core sickness that made Trump's presidency possible.
"A president is not supposed to ask an FBI director for personal loyalty, not supposed to pressure an FBI director to end an investigation, not supposed to fire an FBI director for refusing to do so, not supposed to intimidate witnesses, not supposed to ask aides to lie and commit dubious acts, not supposed to, in other words, behave like some low-rent Queens thug."
I still believe all that. But I am here to change my mind yet again. Blame the Mueller report. It has given me clarity, helped me appreciate something I didn't appreciate fully enough before. Namely that, in allowing all of this to be framed solely around questions of what is politic and pragmatic, we miss something.
There is a moral imperative here, a stark question of right and wrong. These people keep doing things government officials are simply not supposed to do.
A press secretary is not supposed to flat-out lie, as Sarah Huckabee Sanders admitted to Robert Mueller's investigators that she did when she claimed "countless" members of the FBI told the White House they had lost confidence in Comey. Since the report's release, Sanders has denied that her admission means what it means. In effect, she's now lying about lying.
An attorney general -- the people's lawyer -- is not supposed to act as defense counsel for the president as William Barr has at every step, from the misleading summary of Mueller's report he released in March to giving the White House a sneak peek at Mueller's findings, to defending Trump's behavior on the excuse that he was "frustrated and angered."
And a president is not supposed to ask an FBI director for personal loyalty, not supposed to pressure an FBI director to end an investigation, not supposed to fire an FBI director for refusing to do so, not supposed to intimidate witnesses, not supposed to ask aides to lie and commit dubious acts, not supposed to, in other words, behave like some low-rent Queens thug.
Under Justice Department rules, a president can't be indicted and the special counsel evidently thought it unfair to level a charge that could not be tested in court. But he certainly made his feelings clear: "If we had confidence after a thorough investigation of the facts that the President clearly did not commit obstruction of justice, we would so state. ... However, we are unable to reach that judgment."
But we have a judgment to make, too, and it misreads the moment to base it solely on issues of politics or pragmatism. House Democrats seem more worried about what is strategic than what is right, about the feelings of Trump voters than of the voters who elected them. But this moment is bigger than that. It is about who we are as Americans, and the fact that someday, we will be required to stand before the bar of history and account for what we did -- and failed to do -- with our country on the line.
It is better to lose an election -- to lose the country itself -- than to win the one or save the other on terms that render the "victory" meaningless. This presidency is anathema to everything America is supposed to be. It is a matter of moral necessity -- and country love -- to say that as forcefully as possible.
So I am done being wishy washy. I had it right the first time.
Impeach him. Now.
Leonard Pitts Jr.
Leonard Pitts Jr. won the Pulitzer Prize for commentary in 2004. His latest book is The Last Thing You Surrender: A Novel of World War II. His column runs every Sunday and Wednesday in the Miami Herald. Forward From This Moment, a collection of his columns, was published in 2009.
I'll admit that I've been wishy-washy about this.
In May of 2017, shortly after Donald Trump fired FBI Director James Comey and spilled top secret information to the Russians, I took to this space to chide his party for its silence in this monstrosity of a presidency and to demand action. "Impeach him now," I wrote.
By January of this year, my ardor for that remedy had cooled somewhat. I wrote that, while Trump surely deserves impeachment, the politics of the moment would make that futile, as Senate Republicans are unlikely to vote for his removal. Besides, I noted, the process would "fracture an already fractured union" while failing to address the core sickness that made Trump's presidency possible.
"A president is not supposed to ask an FBI director for personal loyalty, not supposed to pressure an FBI director to end an investigation, not supposed to fire an FBI director for refusing to do so, not supposed to intimidate witnesses, not supposed to ask aides to lie and commit dubious acts, not supposed to, in other words, behave like some low-rent Queens thug."
I still believe all that. But I am here to change my mind yet again. Blame the Mueller report. It has given me clarity, helped me appreciate something I didn't appreciate fully enough before. Namely that, in allowing all of this to be framed solely around questions of what is politic and pragmatic, we miss something.
There is a moral imperative here, a stark question of right and wrong. These people keep doing things government officials are simply not supposed to do.
A press secretary is not supposed to flat-out lie, as Sarah Huckabee Sanders admitted to Robert Mueller's investigators that she did when she claimed "countless" members of the FBI told the White House they had lost confidence in Comey. Since the report's release, Sanders has denied that her admission means what it means. In effect, she's now lying about lying.
An attorney general -- the people's lawyer -- is not supposed to act as defense counsel for the president as William Barr has at every step, from the misleading summary of Mueller's report he released in March to giving the White House a sneak peek at Mueller's findings, to defending Trump's behavior on the excuse that he was "frustrated and angered."
And a president is not supposed to ask an FBI director for personal loyalty, not supposed to pressure an FBI director to end an investigation, not supposed to fire an FBI director for refusing to do so, not supposed to intimidate witnesses, not supposed to ask aides to lie and commit dubious acts, not supposed to, in other words, behave like some low-rent Queens thug.
Under Justice Department rules, a president can't be indicted and the special counsel evidently thought it unfair to level a charge that could not be tested in court. But he certainly made his feelings clear: "If we had confidence after a thorough investigation of the facts that the President clearly did not commit obstruction of justice, we would so state. ... However, we are unable to reach that judgment."
But we have a judgment to make, too, and it misreads the moment to base it solely on issues of politics or pragmatism. House Democrats seem more worried about what is strategic than what is right, about the feelings of Trump voters than of the voters who elected them. But this moment is bigger than that. It is about who we are as Americans, and the fact that someday, we will be required to stand before the bar of history and account for what we did -- and failed to do -- with our country on the line.
It is better to lose an election -- to lose the country itself -- than to win the one or save the other on terms that render the "victory" meaningless. This presidency is anathema to everything America is supposed to be. It is a matter of moral necessity -- and country love -- to say that as forcefully as possible.
So I am done being wishy washy. I had it right the first time.
Impeach him. Now.
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