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Barr was also George H.W. Bush's Attorney General and has been a long-time defender of executive branch lawlessness. (Photo: AP)
Many Senate Democrats are throwing in the towel on the nomination of William Barr for Trump's Attorney General (a prospect assured by Senate minority leader, Chuck Schumer, declaring his personal vote against Barr). Let's ask why?
One would think that Senate Democrats would be appalled at Barr's long-time unyielding conduct and writings asserting that the President can start any wars he wants even if Congress votes against it! An example of this is the constitutionally undeclared criminal invasion of Iraq by George W. Bush. Barr was also George H.W. Bush's Attorney General and has been a long-time defender of executive branch lawlessness.
One would think that Barr's insupportable drive for more corporate prisons and more mass incarceration would upset these Senators.
One would think that Barr's view of the separation of powers, which has meant separating Congress from its constitutional powers and handing them over to the "unitary presidency," would alarm these Senators. (Didn't James Madison believe that Congress would jealously guard its authority vis-a-vis any new emergence of a modern King George III?)
One would think that Barr's inflexible position giving Presidents--including the embattled Donald Trump--effective immunities for obstructing justice and from blocking ongoing investigations, including limitless pardons even of himself and his family, would infuriate the Democrats.
One would think that this champion of corporate immunities--otherwise known as the deregulation of EPA, FDA, FTC, and OSHA--would anger Senate Democrats who tell their voters that such agencies are protecting our health and safety.
Needless to say, Barr's legal positions are distinctly minority ones among legal scholars and practitioners, especially his fanatical argument, The New York Times points out, that "Congress has no authority in the area of foreign affairs."
Barr's view of the President as King ignores the clear meaning of article II, section 3 of the Constitution that obliges the president to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed." Barr and other right-wing ideologues defend the actions of Trump's outspoken deregulators, exercising complete discretion to shut down law enforcement, not to mention the present government shut-down. The Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee spent much time on what Barr would do regarding the Mueller investigation. Barr tried to disarm them by saying that Mueller was a great friend going back many years in the federal government and that he would certainly let Mueller complete his investigation and report. Big deal!
Would he make the report public, as supported by the overwhelming majority of Americans, and as urged by Republican Senator Chuck Grassley of Iowa? Would he censor parts of it? Backed into a corner by Senator Mazie Hirono (D-HI), Barr admitted the Mueller Report would be treated like any other "prosecutive memo" with its full text kept secret. Really?
There is no broad presidential power of executive privilege to withhold information from Congressional Committees--subject to conditions of confidentiality--according to many constitutional law scholars who differ from Barr.
Keeping the Mueller report secret cannot stop a Congressional Committee from issuing a subpoena to Barr and Mueller to testify and leave the entire report in the Committee's hands. If Mueller resists Barr's opposition and appears as a witness, this conflict may end up in federal courts.
There is much more in Barr's secretive, corporatist, anti-consumer, labor, and environmental record to get the Senate Democrats' dander up and throw down the gauntlet. But, no, they prefer to be polite and in so doing let the American people down. Please note the comment from the ranking Democrat on the Committee, California Senator Dianne Feinstein, during a break in the hearing: She said the hearing was "going very well" and expected Barr to be easily confirmed by the full Senate.
See why I've called the Republican and Democratic parties an inbred duopoly? Expect the further decay of a Department of Injustice, shielding a chronically lawless President and turning the rule of law on its head.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Many Senate Democrats are throwing in the towel on the nomination of William Barr for Trump's Attorney General (a prospect assured by Senate minority leader, Chuck Schumer, declaring his personal vote against Barr). Let's ask why?
One would think that Senate Democrats would be appalled at Barr's long-time unyielding conduct and writings asserting that the President can start any wars he wants even if Congress votes against it! An example of this is the constitutionally undeclared criminal invasion of Iraq by George W. Bush. Barr was also George H.W. Bush's Attorney General and has been a long-time defender of executive branch lawlessness.
One would think that Barr's insupportable drive for more corporate prisons and more mass incarceration would upset these Senators.
One would think that Barr's view of the separation of powers, which has meant separating Congress from its constitutional powers and handing them over to the "unitary presidency," would alarm these Senators. (Didn't James Madison believe that Congress would jealously guard its authority vis-a-vis any new emergence of a modern King George III?)
One would think that Barr's inflexible position giving Presidents--including the embattled Donald Trump--effective immunities for obstructing justice and from blocking ongoing investigations, including limitless pardons even of himself and his family, would infuriate the Democrats.
One would think that this champion of corporate immunities--otherwise known as the deregulation of EPA, FDA, FTC, and OSHA--would anger Senate Democrats who tell their voters that such agencies are protecting our health and safety.
Needless to say, Barr's legal positions are distinctly minority ones among legal scholars and practitioners, especially his fanatical argument, The New York Times points out, that "Congress has no authority in the area of foreign affairs."
Barr's view of the President as King ignores the clear meaning of article II, section 3 of the Constitution that obliges the president to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed." Barr and other right-wing ideologues defend the actions of Trump's outspoken deregulators, exercising complete discretion to shut down law enforcement, not to mention the present government shut-down. The Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee spent much time on what Barr would do regarding the Mueller investigation. Barr tried to disarm them by saying that Mueller was a great friend going back many years in the federal government and that he would certainly let Mueller complete his investigation and report. Big deal!
Would he make the report public, as supported by the overwhelming majority of Americans, and as urged by Republican Senator Chuck Grassley of Iowa? Would he censor parts of it? Backed into a corner by Senator Mazie Hirono (D-HI), Barr admitted the Mueller Report would be treated like any other "prosecutive memo" with its full text kept secret. Really?
There is no broad presidential power of executive privilege to withhold information from Congressional Committees--subject to conditions of confidentiality--according to many constitutional law scholars who differ from Barr.
Keeping the Mueller report secret cannot stop a Congressional Committee from issuing a subpoena to Barr and Mueller to testify and leave the entire report in the Committee's hands. If Mueller resists Barr's opposition and appears as a witness, this conflict may end up in federal courts.
There is much more in Barr's secretive, corporatist, anti-consumer, labor, and environmental record to get the Senate Democrats' dander up and throw down the gauntlet. But, no, they prefer to be polite and in so doing let the American people down. Please note the comment from the ranking Democrat on the Committee, California Senator Dianne Feinstein, during a break in the hearing: She said the hearing was "going very well" and expected Barr to be easily confirmed by the full Senate.
See why I've called the Republican and Democratic parties an inbred duopoly? Expect the further decay of a Department of Injustice, shielding a chronically lawless President and turning the rule of law on its head.
Many Senate Democrats are throwing in the towel on the nomination of William Barr for Trump's Attorney General (a prospect assured by Senate minority leader, Chuck Schumer, declaring his personal vote against Barr). Let's ask why?
One would think that Senate Democrats would be appalled at Barr's long-time unyielding conduct and writings asserting that the President can start any wars he wants even if Congress votes against it! An example of this is the constitutionally undeclared criminal invasion of Iraq by George W. Bush. Barr was also George H.W. Bush's Attorney General and has been a long-time defender of executive branch lawlessness.
One would think that Barr's insupportable drive for more corporate prisons and more mass incarceration would upset these Senators.
One would think that Barr's view of the separation of powers, which has meant separating Congress from its constitutional powers and handing them over to the "unitary presidency," would alarm these Senators. (Didn't James Madison believe that Congress would jealously guard its authority vis-a-vis any new emergence of a modern King George III?)
One would think that Barr's inflexible position giving Presidents--including the embattled Donald Trump--effective immunities for obstructing justice and from blocking ongoing investigations, including limitless pardons even of himself and his family, would infuriate the Democrats.
One would think that this champion of corporate immunities--otherwise known as the deregulation of EPA, FDA, FTC, and OSHA--would anger Senate Democrats who tell their voters that such agencies are protecting our health and safety.
Needless to say, Barr's legal positions are distinctly minority ones among legal scholars and practitioners, especially his fanatical argument, The New York Times points out, that "Congress has no authority in the area of foreign affairs."
Barr's view of the President as King ignores the clear meaning of article II, section 3 of the Constitution that obliges the president to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed." Barr and other right-wing ideologues defend the actions of Trump's outspoken deregulators, exercising complete discretion to shut down law enforcement, not to mention the present government shut-down. The Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee spent much time on what Barr would do regarding the Mueller investigation. Barr tried to disarm them by saying that Mueller was a great friend going back many years in the federal government and that he would certainly let Mueller complete his investigation and report. Big deal!
Would he make the report public, as supported by the overwhelming majority of Americans, and as urged by Republican Senator Chuck Grassley of Iowa? Would he censor parts of it? Backed into a corner by Senator Mazie Hirono (D-HI), Barr admitted the Mueller Report would be treated like any other "prosecutive memo" with its full text kept secret. Really?
There is no broad presidential power of executive privilege to withhold information from Congressional Committees--subject to conditions of confidentiality--according to many constitutional law scholars who differ from Barr.
Keeping the Mueller report secret cannot stop a Congressional Committee from issuing a subpoena to Barr and Mueller to testify and leave the entire report in the Committee's hands. If Mueller resists Barr's opposition and appears as a witness, this conflict may end up in federal courts.
There is much more in Barr's secretive, corporatist, anti-consumer, labor, and environmental record to get the Senate Democrats' dander up and throw down the gauntlet. But, no, they prefer to be polite and in so doing let the American people down. Please note the comment from the ranking Democrat on the Committee, California Senator Dianne Feinstein, during a break in the hearing: She said the hearing was "going very well" and expected Barr to be easily confirmed by the full Senate.
See why I've called the Republican and Democratic parties an inbred duopoly? Expect the further decay of a Department of Injustice, shielding a chronically lawless President and turning the rule of law on its head.