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France is continuously rocked by debates around the meaning of the Enlightenment ideals of liberty, equality and solidarity that predate the French Revolution.
Some important notions are widely shared. Most French citizens expect governments to meet the basic needs of all and promote individual expansion of talents and abilities.
It is generally agreed France should offer educational, cultural and recreational facilities to every child.
How the Enlightenment ideals should apply in the workplace is a matter of fierce dispute.
Unlike Canada, the U.K. or the U.S., France has not consistently favoured employers over labour.
Rather than forcing trade unions to win concessions from companies, the French state has legislated employment protection for labour. Resenting this, employer associations work continuously to reverse constraints on business.
Today, French society is convulsed by confrontations between police and citizens protesting against reforms to employment law. For over two months, major cities have been the scene of mass demonstrations. Students have put their schools under occupation.
In Paris, La Place de la Republique with its statue of Marianne -- symbol of French values -- is occupied by young protesters in Nuit Debout (Up All Night), echoing May '68 with a call to put imagination into power.
French citizens expect legally protected job security. Employers' rights to dismiss employees are strictly curtailed by laws approved by Gaullist and Socialist governments. The workweek is limited to 35 hours. Overtime pay and workplace benefits are legislated, not subject to negotiation.
Saying it wants to reduce unemployment, the French Socialist government drew up legislation to weaken employment protection. The governments wants to make reforms that would see hours worked go up, make job termination simpler, and facilitate creation of insecure jobs for young workers. About 70 per cent of the population is opposed to these reforms.
A series of rotating strikes is occurring this week in transport sectors to protest the French Socialists' use of special powers to ram employment law reform through the National Assembly, without it being subject to a vote.
The French Socialist government argues that employers need to know they can fire workers in order to hire them. The public reaction is that the law will facilitate moving jobs offshore.
Business profits represent the difference between what workers are paid and what they produce for the employer. This is why employers try to pay workers as little as possible, and in France, as elsewhere, have been delocalizing production.
When replacing nationals with cheaper workers abroad is not enough, there is always the reserve army of the domestically unemployed to keep wages in line.
Many of the ideas about freeing up the so-called labour market peddled by the OECD, and embedded in European Commission policies, have been accepted by the Socialist government of Francois Hollande.
Conventional economics talks about the labour "market," and envisages wages and salaries being set by bids in a competitive situation, where neither sellers (workers) or buyers (employers) can control the outcome.
Making the world conform to supply and demand diagrams is at odds with the French Enlightenment tradition. People need to work to live and fluctuating prices for work are incompatible with meeting human needs in a sustainable fashion.
Karl Polanyi referred to labour in a capitalist society as one of three fictitious commodities (the others being money and land).
What people do for a living is not something to be negotiated daily through sealed bids. Workers are not so many potatoes being bought and sold at the morning market.
In the work world, contracts, not flexible prices, govern employment.
In some instances, self-governing associations set professional employment standards for their own membership. Trade unions negotiate contracts for work and social benefits. Unorganized workers fare poorly unless protected by national laws.
In reality, businesses control employment creation, and want to throw out French law which requires them to respect Enlightenment values. Private business owners think freedom grows through the exercise of private property rights.
Arguments about the need to reduce wages run up against support for equality and solidarity. French citizens mobilize on the streets. What little credibility remained is being taken from the French Socialists by marches against them across the country.
The French Socialist government has failed to crack the unemployment problem, and by adopting the arguments of its right-wing opponents has discredited itself with its own supporters.
Social solidarity requires investing in each other's capacities to create, produce and invent for daily life. Employment conditions need to be measured by workers themselves. How much freedom to get on with their lives do citizens enjoy?
This country and this world are at a monumental crossroads. US voters have an opportunity to beat back the forces of fascism and confront the billionaires who are rigging the economy, our media system, and our democracy, making it increasingly impossible for ordinary people to get by. We’re not just talking about the election. We’re talking about what must be done once these fascist elements are vanquished from power. We need a bolder set of solutions than what either major party has so far been willing to offer and a working-class movement ready to fight like hell for it. Trump didn't emerge from nowhere. The conditions that fueled MAGA authoritarianism were created by decades of radical neoliberal economic policies and a corrupt political system dominated by corporate interests. They slashed taxes on the super-rich, promising that the benefits would trickle down. They said giveaways to the corporate titans would make life more affordable for the rest of us. It was all bullshit. And when a bitter, betrayed populace searches for someone to blame, right-wing demagogues have little trouble finding scapegoats. People know when they're being lied to, but you won't hear any of this from the corporate media. Only independent journalism—powered and funded by people who believe in building a better world—can deliver truly trustworthy daily news. If you share our vision, please contribute whatever you can to sustain our work. |
France is continuously rocked by debates around the meaning of the Enlightenment ideals of liberty, equality and solidarity that predate the French Revolution.
Some important notions are widely shared. Most French citizens expect governments to meet the basic needs of all and promote individual expansion of talents and abilities.
It is generally agreed France should offer educational, cultural and recreational facilities to every child.
How the Enlightenment ideals should apply in the workplace is a matter of fierce dispute.
Unlike Canada, the U.K. or the U.S., France has not consistently favoured employers over labour.
Rather than forcing trade unions to win concessions from companies, the French state has legislated employment protection for labour. Resenting this, employer associations work continuously to reverse constraints on business.
Today, French society is convulsed by confrontations between police and citizens protesting against reforms to employment law. For over two months, major cities have been the scene of mass demonstrations. Students have put their schools under occupation.
In Paris, La Place de la Republique with its statue of Marianne -- symbol of French values -- is occupied by young protesters in Nuit Debout (Up All Night), echoing May '68 with a call to put imagination into power.
French citizens expect legally protected job security. Employers' rights to dismiss employees are strictly curtailed by laws approved by Gaullist and Socialist governments. The workweek is limited to 35 hours. Overtime pay and workplace benefits are legislated, not subject to negotiation.
Saying it wants to reduce unemployment, the French Socialist government drew up legislation to weaken employment protection. The governments wants to make reforms that would see hours worked go up, make job termination simpler, and facilitate creation of insecure jobs for young workers. About 70 per cent of the population is opposed to these reforms.
A series of rotating strikes is occurring this week in transport sectors to protest the French Socialists' use of special powers to ram employment law reform through the National Assembly, without it being subject to a vote.
The French Socialist government argues that employers need to know they can fire workers in order to hire them. The public reaction is that the law will facilitate moving jobs offshore.
Business profits represent the difference between what workers are paid and what they produce for the employer. This is why employers try to pay workers as little as possible, and in France, as elsewhere, have been delocalizing production.
When replacing nationals with cheaper workers abroad is not enough, there is always the reserve army of the domestically unemployed to keep wages in line.
Many of the ideas about freeing up the so-called labour market peddled by the OECD, and embedded in European Commission policies, have been accepted by the Socialist government of Francois Hollande.
Conventional economics talks about the labour "market," and envisages wages and salaries being set by bids in a competitive situation, where neither sellers (workers) or buyers (employers) can control the outcome.
Making the world conform to supply and demand diagrams is at odds with the French Enlightenment tradition. People need to work to live and fluctuating prices for work are incompatible with meeting human needs in a sustainable fashion.
Karl Polanyi referred to labour in a capitalist society as one of three fictitious commodities (the others being money and land).
What people do for a living is not something to be negotiated daily through sealed bids. Workers are not so many potatoes being bought and sold at the morning market.
In the work world, contracts, not flexible prices, govern employment.
In some instances, self-governing associations set professional employment standards for their own membership. Trade unions negotiate contracts for work and social benefits. Unorganized workers fare poorly unless protected by national laws.
In reality, businesses control employment creation, and want to throw out French law which requires them to respect Enlightenment values. Private business owners think freedom grows through the exercise of private property rights.
Arguments about the need to reduce wages run up against support for equality and solidarity. French citizens mobilize on the streets. What little credibility remained is being taken from the French Socialists by marches against them across the country.
The French Socialist government has failed to crack the unemployment problem, and by adopting the arguments of its right-wing opponents has discredited itself with its own supporters.
Social solidarity requires investing in each other's capacities to create, produce and invent for daily life. Employment conditions need to be measured by workers themselves. How much freedom to get on with their lives do citizens enjoy?
France is continuously rocked by debates around the meaning of the Enlightenment ideals of liberty, equality and solidarity that predate the French Revolution.
Some important notions are widely shared. Most French citizens expect governments to meet the basic needs of all and promote individual expansion of talents and abilities.
It is generally agreed France should offer educational, cultural and recreational facilities to every child.
How the Enlightenment ideals should apply in the workplace is a matter of fierce dispute.
Unlike Canada, the U.K. or the U.S., France has not consistently favoured employers over labour.
Rather than forcing trade unions to win concessions from companies, the French state has legislated employment protection for labour. Resenting this, employer associations work continuously to reverse constraints on business.
Today, French society is convulsed by confrontations between police and citizens protesting against reforms to employment law. For over two months, major cities have been the scene of mass demonstrations. Students have put their schools under occupation.
In Paris, La Place de la Republique with its statue of Marianne -- symbol of French values -- is occupied by young protesters in Nuit Debout (Up All Night), echoing May '68 with a call to put imagination into power.
French citizens expect legally protected job security. Employers' rights to dismiss employees are strictly curtailed by laws approved by Gaullist and Socialist governments. The workweek is limited to 35 hours. Overtime pay and workplace benefits are legislated, not subject to negotiation.
Saying it wants to reduce unemployment, the French Socialist government drew up legislation to weaken employment protection. The governments wants to make reforms that would see hours worked go up, make job termination simpler, and facilitate creation of insecure jobs for young workers. About 70 per cent of the population is opposed to these reforms.
A series of rotating strikes is occurring this week in transport sectors to protest the French Socialists' use of special powers to ram employment law reform through the National Assembly, without it being subject to a vote.
The French Socialist government argues that employers need to know they can fire workers in order to hire them. The public reaction is that the law will facilitate moving jobs offshore.
Business profits represent the difference between what workers are paid and what they produce for the employer. This is why employers try to pay workers as little as possible, and in France, as elsewhere, have been delocalizing production.
When replacing nationals with cheaper workers abroad is not enough, there is always the reserve army of the domestically unemployed to keep wages in line.
Many of the ideas about freeing up the so-called labour market peddled by the OECD, and embedded in European Commission policies, have been accepted by the Socialist government of Francois Hollande.
Conventional economics talks about the labour "market," and envisages wages and salaries being set by bids in a competitive situation, where neither sellers (workers) or buyers (employers) can control the outcome.
Making the world conform to supply and demand diagrams is at odds with the French Enlightenment tradition. People need to work to live and fluctuating prices for work are incompatible with meeting human needs in a sustainable fashion.
Karl Polanyi referred to labour in a capitalist society as one of three fictitious commodities (the others being money and land).
What people do for a living is not something to be negotiated daily through sealed bids. Workers are not so many potatoes being bought and sold at the morning market.
In the work world, contracts, not flexible prices, govern employment.
In some instances, self-governing associations set professional employment standards for their own membership. Trade unions negotiate contracts for work and social benefits. Unorganized workers fare poorly unless protected by national laws.
In reality, businesses control employment creation, and want to throw out French law which requires them to respect Enlightenment values. Private business owners think freedom grows through the exercise of private property rights.
Arguments about the need to reduce wages run up against support for equality and solidarity. French citizens mobilize on the streets. What little credibility remained is being taken from the French Socialists by marches against them across the country.
The French Socialist government has failed to crack the unemployment problem, and by adopting the arguments of its right-wing opponents has discredited itself with its own supporters.
Social solidarity requires investing in each other's capacities to create, produce and invent for daily life. Employment conditions need to be measured by workers themselves. How much freedom to get on with their lives do citizens enjoy?