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As a fan of the zombie genre, perhaps I should welcome the resurrection of George W Bush. The former president has been largely discreet and absent since his calamitous reign ended more than seven years ago: perhaps hoping that, if temporarily forgotten, we would all forget his misdeeds, and history would eventually look at his presidency more kindly. But as he takes to the stump in an effort to re-energise his brother's flagging presidential campaign, there is little doubt that Jeb Bush is a victim of the political polarisation his elder sibling helped unleash.
Not that it's as simple as to say we live in the world Dubya built. A US foreign policy that, all too often, engaged in disastrous wars and backed dictatorships and terror groups predates his reign: so does the stagnation of living standards for millions of Americans. US power - after its temporary post-Soviet boost - was already in relative decline. And faced with the ranting demagoguery of Donald Trump, a certain nostalgia for Bush's refutation of anti-Muslim bigotry is almost understandable.
But if history ever does one of those "Ah, was he really all that bad?" revisions, the answer has to be: "Yes, he was."
One reason Barack Obama hasn't always received the scrutiny he deserves - there would be justifiable howls of fury if the horror show that is the Libya war had taken place with Bush in the White House - is because of the sheer relief at Bush's departure. From the orange jumpsuits of Guantanamo Bay to the foreclosures of the subprime mortgage crisis, from piles of prisoners surrounded by sickly grinning soldiers at Abu Ghraib to the white phosphorus dropped over Fallujah, the world remains stalked by Bush's demons.
Bush proclaimed a "war on terror" in 2001 with the mission of eradicating terrorism: more than 14 years later, terrorist and fundamentalist extremist groups are more powerful than they have ever been. The incalculable reputational damage suffered by the United States because of his policies - Guantanamo has still not closed, the use of torture and the illegal invasion of Iraq - has not dissipated. He bequeathed his successor the most disastrous economic situation since the 1930s, and we still remain in the aftermath.
With US power severely weakened, and the living standards of Americans continuing to fall, no wonder there is such appetite for radical solutions: on the one hand, the optimistic vision of a socially just US offered by Bernie Sanders, on the other, the miserable, immigrant-blaming, Muslim-bashing politics of fear propagated by Trump. But the rise of both owes so much to the legacy of Bush, allowing Trump - a Republican candidate - to bash the former president with such abandon.
In some parts of Republican America Bush is remembered with affection. But few presidencies can claim such a disastrous legacy. We live with the misery he inflicted. Loyalty may be compel him to champion his brother. But if this is the beginning of an attempt to rehabilitate his pernicious reign, it must - and will - be resisted.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
As a fan of the zombie genre, perhaps I should welcome the resurrection of George W Bush. The former president has been largely discreet and absent since his calamitous reign ended more than seven years ago: perhaps hoping that, if temporarily forgotten, we would all forget his misdeeds, and history would eventually look at his presidency more kindly. But as he takes to the stump in an effort to re-energise his brother's flagging presidential campaign, there is little doubt that Jeb Bush is a victim of the political polarisation his elder sibling helped unleash.
Not that it's as simple as to say we live in the world Dubya built. A US foreign policy that, all too often, engaged in disastrous wars and backed dictatorships and terror groups predates his reign: so does the stagnation of living standards for millions of Americans. US power - after its temporary post-Soviet boost - was already in relative decline. And faced with the ranting demagoguery of Donald Trump, a certain nostalgia for Bush's refutation of anti-Muslim bigotry is almost understandable.
But if history ever does one of those "Ah, was he really all that bad?" revisions, the answer has to be: "Yes, he was."
One reason Barack Obama hasn't always received the scrutiny he deserves - there would be justifiable howls of fury if the horror show that is the Libya war had taken place with Bush in the White House - is because of the sheer relief at Bush's departure. From the orange jumpsuits of Guantanamo Bay to the foreclosures of the subprime mortgage crisis, from piles of prisoners surrounded by sickly grinning soldiers at Abu Ghraib to the white phosphorus dropped over Fallujah, the world remains stalked by Bush's demons.
Bush proclaimed a "war on terror" in 2001 with the mission of eradicating terrorism: more than 14 years later, terrorist and fundamentalist extremist groups are more powerful than they have ever been. The incalculable reputational damage suffered by the United States because of his policies - Guantanamo has still not closed, the use of torture and the illegal invasion of Iraq - has not dissipated. He bequeathed his successor the most disastrous economic situation since the 1930s, and we still remain in the aftermath.
With US power severely weakened, and the living standards of Americans continuing to fall, no wonder there is such appetite for radical solutions: on the one hand, the optimistic vision of a socially just US offered by Bernie Sanders, on the other, the miserable, immigrant-blaming, Muslim-bashing politics of fear propagated by Trump. But the rise of both owes so much to the legacy of Bush, allowing Trump - a Republican candidate - to bash the former president with such abandon.
In some parts of Republican America Bush is remembered with affection. But few presidencies can claim such a disastrous legacy. We live with the misery he inflicted. Loyalty may be compel him to champion his brother. But if this is the beginning of an attempt to rehabilitate his pernicious reign, it must - and will - be resisted.
As a fan of the zombie genre, perhaps I should welcome the resurrection of George W Bush. The former president has been largely discreet and absent since his calamitous reign ended more than seven years ago: perhaps hoping that, if temporarily forgotten, we would all forget his misdeeds, and history would eventually look at his presidency more kindly. But as he takes to the stump in an effort to re-energise his brother's flagging presidential campaign, there is little doubt that Jeb Bush is a victim of the political polarisation his elder sibling helped unleash.
Not that it's as simple as to say we live in the world Dubya built. A US foreign policy that, all too often, engaged in disastrous wars and backed dictatorships and terror groups predates his reign: so does the stagnation of living standards for millions of Americans. US power - after its temporary post-Soviet boost - was already in relative decline. And faced with the ranting demagoguery of Donald Trump, a certain nostalgia for Bush's refutation of anti-Muslim bigotry is almost understandable.
But if history ever does one of those "Ah, was he really all that bad?" revisions, the answer has to be: "Yes, he was."
One reason Barack Obama hasn't always received the scrutiny he deserves - there would be justifiable howls of fury if the horror show that is the Libya war had taken place with Bush in the White House - is because of the sheer relief at Bush's departure. From the orange jumpsuits of Guantanamo Bay to the foreclosures of the subprime mortgage crisis, from piles of prisoners surrounded by sickly grinning soldiers at Abu Ghraib to the white phosphorus dropped over Fallujah, the world remains stalked by Bush's demons.
Bush proclaimed a "war on terror" in 2001 with the mission of eradicating terrorism: more than 14 years later, terrorist and fundamentalist extremist groups are more powerful than they have ever been. The incalculable reputational damage suffered by the United States because of his policies - Guantanamo has still not closed, the use of torture and the illegal invasion of Iraq - has not dissipated. He bequeathed his successor the most disastrous economic situation since the 1930s, and we still remain in the aftermath.
With US power severely weakened, and the living standards of Americans continuing to fall, no wonder there is such appetite for radical solutions: on the one hand, the optimistic vision of a socially just US offered by Bernie Sanders, on the other, the miserable, immigrant-blaming, Muslim-bashing politics of fear propagated by Trump. But the rise of both owes so much to the legacy of Bush, allowing Trump - a Republican candidate - to bash the former president with such abandon.
In some parts of Republican America Bush is remembered with affection. But few presidencies can claim such a disastrous legacy. We live with the misery he inflicted. Loyalty may be compel him to champion his brother. But if this is the beginning of an attempt to rehabilitate his pernicious reign, it must - and will - be resisted.