Jeremy Corbyn, Welcome to Europe's Fight Against Austerity
The Labour leader and my own party Podemos have one thing in common: a rejection of the neoliberalism that has impoverished our people
How surprising, paradoxical, even ironic, that much of the media are comparing the Labour veteran Jeremy Corbyn to Podemos. What can the new leader of the old political party founded by British trade unions have in common with a movement born barely 18 months ago in Spain? Basically one thing: the failure of the social-liberal "third way".
It is often said of my party that we represent the indignados, the outraged. This is not wrong, but is only half an explanation. This movement in Spain is an expression of the failure of neoliberalism, the political ideology which destroyed social protections, industry and trade unions, produced speculative bubbles and consumption based on credit, and proved unable to deliver acceptable solutions when the financial crisis accelerated the destruction of public services impoverishing both workers and the middle class. When the crisis hit Spain, the Socialist party PSOE, traditionally identified with the welfare state, was in government and failed to provide an alternative.
Not only did the Spanish socialist party not react as socialists, they didn't even dare to reject the policies of austerity and the slashing of public spending or to offer a minimal Keynesian rescue programme. The prime minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero simply surrendered to the crisis, embracing the same measures that a conservative government would have done. He himself acknowledged in a memoir that he knew that the measures he took would cost him elections and the leadership of his party.
This failure contributed to a public perception of the two major Spanish parties as almost identical; they embodied the privileged political elite, while the welfare cuts they imposed impoverished the majority of the population. The biggest social expression of the resulting public disaffection was 15-M, a movement whose main message was the rejection of the political and economic elite. Podemos only became the political-electoral expression of that movement because the Spanish Socialist party seemed to many voters just like the (conservative) People's party.
The story in the UK is not so different. The success of neoliberalism in Britain meant the defeat of Labour and the British working class, a process which played out in many symbolic ways. What moved me most was the defeat that Thatcher inflicted on the miners, who staged a heroic resistance. And what affronted me most was Tony Blair's "third way", a direct successor to Thatcherism, which turned social democracy into a sort of new social liberalism which would eventually become a reference point for all European socialist parties, particularly for the Spanish.
If Podemos is the best expression of the identity crisis in Spanish socialism, Jeremy Corbyn is the best expression of the identity crisis in the British Labour party. The challenge could have come from outside the party (as in Scotland, where traditional Labour voters understood that the SNP would be better defenders of social rights); instead it has arisen from within.
But whether it comes from inside or outside is not important. At last we have an ally in the UK with whom we share a diagnosis of the current political crisis and a plan to fight for the defence of social rights through policies to tackle inequality. Our role is simply to represent the social majority, the masses hit by a financial governance model designed to favour the financial elites and their clientele.
Increasingly socialists are joining us to defend democracy, to fight against austerity and inequality. We can only say: welcome, comrades. Let's walk together.
The smear campaign against Corbyn has already begun. Again we hear the kind of insults that the Greek government received and that we in Podemos have received. And we hear the same kind of condescension in the warnings that he can only ever be a voice of opposition and can never govern. And yet across Europe we are becoming stronger and stronger.
We are at a crossroads
This country and this world are at a monumental crossroads. In a few short weeks, US voters will have an opportunity to beat back the forces of fascism and confront the billionaires who are rigging the economy, our media system, and our democracy, making it increasingly impossible for ordinary people to get by. We’re not just talking about the election. We’re talking about what must be done once these fascist elements are vanquished from power. We need a bolder set of solutions than what either major party has so far been willing to offer and a working-class movement ready to fight like hell for it. Trump didn't emerge from nowhere. The conditions that fueled MAGA authoritarianism were created by decades of radical neoliberal economic policies and a corrupt political system dominated by corporate interests. They slashed taxes on the super-rich, promising that the benefits would trickle down. They said giveaways to the corporate titans would make life more affordable for the rest of us. It was all bullshit. And when a bitter, betrayed populace searches for someone to blame, right-wing demagogues have little trouble finding scapegoats. People know when they're being lied to, but you won't hear any of this from the corporate media. Only independent journalism—powered and funded by people who believe in building a better world—can deliver truly trustworthy daily news. Our Fall Campaign is underway, and we need your help. To power our newsroom through the rest of the year, we need to raise $125,000 by midnight on October 31. So if you share our vision, please contribute whatever you can to sustain our work. |
How surprising, paradoxical, even ironic, that much of the media are comparing the Labour veteran Jeremy Corbyn to Podemos. What can the new leader of the old political party founded by British trade unions have in common with a movement born barely 18 months ago in Spain? Basically one thing: the failure of the social-liberal "third way".
It is often said of my party that we represent the indignados, the outraged. This is not wrong, but is only half an explanation. This movement in Spain is an expression of the failure of neoliberalism, the political ideology which destroyed social protections, industry and trade unions, produced speculative bubbles and consumption based on credit, and proved unable to deliver acceptable solutions when the financial crisis accelerated the destruction of public services impoverishing both workers and the middle class. When the crisis hit Spain, the Socialist party PSOE, traditionally identified with the welfare state, was in government and failed to provide an alternative.
Not only did the Spanish socialist party not react as socialists, they didn't even dare to reject the policies of austerity and the slashing of public spending or to offer a minimal Keynesian rescue programme. The prime minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero simply surrendered to the crisis, embracing the same measures that a conservative government would have done. He himself acknowledged in a memoir that he knew that the measures he took would cost him elections and the leadership of his party.
This failure contributed to a public perception of the two major Spanish parties as almost identical; they embodied the privileged political elite, while the welfare cuts they imposed impoverished the majority of the population. The biggest social expression of the resulting public disaffection was 15-M, a movement whose main message was the rejection of the political and economic elite. Podemos only became the political-electoral expression of that movement because the Spanish Socialist party seemed to many voters just like the (conservative) People's party.
The story in the UK is not so different. The success of neoliberalism in Britain meant the defeat of Labour and the British working class, a process which played out in many symbolic ways. What moved me most was the defeat that Thatcher inflicted on the miners, who staged a heroic resistance. And what affronted me most was Tony Blair's "third way", a direct successor to Thatcherism, which turned social democracy into a sort of new social liberalism which would eventually become a reference point for all European socialist parties, particularly for the Spanish.
If Podemos is the best expression of the identity crisis in Spanish socialism, Jeremy Corbyn is the best expression of the identity crisis in the British Labour party. The challenge could have come from outside the party (as in Scotland, where traditional Labour voters understood that the SNP would be better defenders of social rights); instead it has arisen from within.
But whether it comes from inside or outside is not important. At last we have an ally in the UK with whom we share a diagnosis of the current political crisis and a plan to fight for the defence of social rights through policies to tackle inequality. Our role is simply to represent the social majority, the masses hit by a financial governance model designed to favour the financial elites and their clientele.
Increasingly socialists are joining us to defend democracy, to fight against austerity and inequality. We can only say: welcome, comrades. Let's walk together.
The smear campaign against Corbyn has already begun. Again we hear the kind of insults that the Greek government received and that we in Podemos have received. And we hear the same kind of condescension in the warnings that he can only ever be a voice of opposition and can never govern. And yet across Europe we are becoming stronger and stronger.
How surprising, paradoxical, even ironic, that much of the media are comparing the Labour veteran Jeremy Corbyn to Podemos. What can the new leader of the old political party founded by British trade unions have in common with a movement born barely 18 months ago in Spain? Basically one thing: the failure of the social-liberal "third way".
It is often said of my party that we represent the indignados, the outraged. This is not wrong, but is only half an explanation. This movement in Spain is an expression of the failure of neoliberalism, the political ideology which destroyed social protections, industry and trade unions, produced speculative bubbles and consumption based on credit, and proved unable to deliver acceptable solutions when the financial crisis accelerated the destruction of public services impoverishing both workers and the middle class. When the crisis hit Spain, the Socialist party PSOE, traditionally identified with the welfare state, was in government and failed to provide an alternative.
Not only did the Spanish socialist party not react as socialists, they didn't even dare to reject the policies of austerity and the slashing of public spending or to offer a minimal Keynesian rescue programme. The prime minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero simply surrendered to the crisis, embracing the same measures that a conservative government would have done. He himself acknowledged in a memoir that he knew that the measures he took would cost him elections and the leadership of his party.
This failure contributed to a public perception of the two major Spanish parties as almost identical; they embodied the privileged political elite, while the welfare cuts they imposed impoverished the majority of the population. The biggest social expression of the resulting public disaffection was 15-M, a movement whose main message was the rejection of the political and economic elite. Podemos only became the political-electoral expression of that movement because the Spanish Socialist party seemed to many voters just like the (conservative) People's party.
The story in the UK is not so different. The success of neoliberalism in Britain meant the defeat of Labour and the British working class, a process which played out in many symbolic ways. What moved me most was the defeat that Thatcher inflicted on the miners, who staged a heroic resistance. And what affronted me most was Tony Blair's "third way", a direct successor to Thatcherism, which turned social democracy into a sort of new social liberalism which would eventually become a reference point for all European socialist parties, particularly for the Spanish.
If Podemos is the best expression of the identity crisis in Spanish socialism, Jeremy Corbyn is the best expression of the identity crisis in the British Labour party. The challenge could have come from outside the party (as in Scotland, where traditional Labour voters understood that the SNP would be better defenders of social rights); instead it has arisen from within.
But whether it comes from inside or outside is not important. At last we have an ally in the UK with whom we share a diagnosis of the current political crisis and a plan to fight for the defence of social rights through policies to tackle inequality. Our role is simply to represent the social majority, the masses hit by a financial governance model designed to favour the financial elites and their clientele.
Increasingly socialists are joining us to defend democracy, to fight against austerity and inequality. We can only say: welcome, comrades. Let's walk together.
The smear campaign against Corbyn has already begun. Again we hear the kind of insults that the Greek government received and that we in Podemos have received. And we hear the same kind of condescension in the warnings that he can only ever be a voice of opposition and can never govern. And yet across Europe we are becoming stronger and stronger.