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How surprising, paradoxical, even ironic, that much of the media are comparing the Labour veteran Jeremy Corbyn to Podemos. What can the new leader of the old political party founded by British trade unions have in common with a movement born barely 18 months ago in Spain? Basically one thing: the failure of the social-liberal "third way".
It is often said of my party that we represent the indignados, the outraged. This is not wrong, but is only half an explanation. This movement in Spain is an expression of the failure of neoliberalism, the political ideology which destroyed social protections, industry and trade unions, produced speculative bubbles and consumption based on credit, and proved unable to deliver acceptable solutions when the financial crisis accelerated the destruction of public services impoverishing both workers and the middle class. When the crisis hit Spain, the Socialist party PSOE, traditionally identified with the welfare state, was in government and failed to provide an alternative.
Not only did the Spanish socialist party not react as socialists, they didn't even dare to reject the policies of austerity and the slashing of public spending or to offer a minimal Keynesian rescue programme. The prime minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero simply surrendered to the crisis, embracing the same measures that a conservative government would have done. He himself acknowledged in a memoir that he knew that the measures he took would cost him elections and the leadership of his party.
This failure contributed to a public perception of the two major Spanish parties as almost identical; they embodied the privileged political elite, while the welfare cuts they imposed impoverished the majority of the population. The biggest social expression of the resulting public disaffection was 15-M, a movement whose main message was the rejection of the political and economic elite. Podemos only became the political-electoral expression of that movement because the Spanish Socialist party seemed to many voters just like the (conservative) People's party.
The story in the UK is not so different. The success of neoliberalism in Britain meant the defeat of Labour and the British working class, a process which played out in many symbolic ways. What moved me most was the defeat that Thatcher inflicted on the miners, who staged a heroic resistance. And what affronted me most was Tony Blair's "third way", a direct successor to Thatcherism, which turned social democracy into a sort of new social liberalism which would eventually become a reference point for all European socialist parties, particularly for the Spanish.
If Podemos is the best expression of the identity crisis in Spanish socialism, Jeremy Corbyn is the best expression of the identity crisis in the British Labour party. The challenge could have come from outside the party (as in Scotland, where traditional Labour voters understood that the SNP would be better defenders of social rights); instead it has arisen from within.
But whether it comes from inside or outside is not important. At last we have an ally in the UK with whom we share a diagnosis of the current political crisis and a plan to fight for the defence of social rights through policies to tackle inequality. Our role is simply to represent the social majority, the masses hit by a financial governance model designed to favour the financial elites and their clientele.
Increasingly socialists are joining us to defend democracy, to fight against austerity and inequality. We can only say: welcome, comrades. Let's walk together.
The smear campaign against Corbyn has already begun. Again we hear the kind of insults that the Greek government received and that we in Podemos have received. And we hear the same kind of condescension in the warnings that he can only ever be a voice of opposition and can never govern. And yet across Europe we are becoming stronger and stronger.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
How surprising, paradoxical, even ironic, that much of the media are comparing the Labour veteran Jeremy Corbyn to Podemos. What can the new leader of the old political party founded by British trade unions have in common with a movement born barely 18 months ago in Spain? Basically one thing: the failure of the social-liberal "third way".
It is often said of my party that we represent the indignados, the outraged. This is not wrong, but is only half an explanation. This movement in Spain is an expression of the failure of neoliberalism, the political ideology which destroyed social protections, industry and trade unions, produced speculative bubbles and consumption based on credit, and proved unable to deliver acceptable solutions when the financial crisis accelerated the destruction of public services impoverishing both workers and the middle class. When the crisis hit Spain, the Socialist party PSOE, traditionally identified with the welfare state, was in government and failed to provide an alternative.
Not only did the Spanish socialist party not react as socialists, they didn't even dare to reject the policies of austerity and the slashing of public spending or to offer a minimal Keynesian rescue programme. The prime minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero simply surrendered to the crisis, embracing the same measures that a conservative government would have done. He himself acknowledged in a memoir that he knew that the measures he took would cost him elections and the leadership of his party.
This failure contributed to a public perception of the two major Spanish parties as almost identical; they embodied the privileged political elite, while the welfare cuts they imposed impoverished the majority of the population. The biggest social expression of the resulting public disaffection was 15-M, a movement whose main message was the rejection of the political and economic elite. Podemos only became the political-electoral expression of that movement because the Spanish Socialist party seemed to many voters just like the (conservative) People's party.
The story in the UK is not so different. The success of neoliberalism in Britain meant the defeat of Labour and the British working class, a process which played out in many symbolic ways. What moved me most was the defeat that Thatcher inflicted on the miners, who staged a heroic resistance. And what affronted me most was Tony Blair's "third way", a direct successor to Thatcherism, which turned social democracy into a sort of new social liberalism which would eventually become a reference point for all European socialist parties, particularly for the Spanish.
If Podemos is the best expression of the identity crisis in Spanish socialism, Jeremy Corbyn is the best expression of the identity crisis in the British Labour party. The challenge could have come from outside the party (as in Scotland, where traditional Labour voters understood that the SNP would be better defenders of social rights); instead it has arisen from within.
But whether it comes from inside or outside is not important. At last we have an ally in the UK with whom we share a diagnosis of the current political crisis and a plan to fight for the defence of social rights through policies to tackle inequality. Our role is simply to represent the social majority, the masses hit by a financial governance model designed to favour the financial elites and their clientele.
Increasingly socialists are joining us to defend democracy, to fight against austerity and inequality. We can only say: welcome, comrades. Let's walk together.
The smear campaign against Corbyn has already begun. Again we hear the kind of insults that the Greek government received and that we in Podemos have received. And we hear the same kind of condescension in the warnings that he can only ever be a voice of opposition and can never govern. And yet across Europe we are becoming stronger and stronger.
How surprising, paradoxical, even ironic, that much of the media are comparing the Labour veteran Jeremy Corbyn to Podemos. What can the new leader of the old political party founded by British trade unions have in common with a movement born barely 18 months ago in Spain? Basically one thing: the failure of the social-liberal "third way".
It is often said of my party that we represent the indignados, the outraged. This is not wrong, but is only half an explanation. This movement in Spain is an expression of the failure of neoliberalism, the political ideology which destroyed social protections, industry and trade unions, produced speculative bubbles and consumption based on credit, and proved unable to deliver acceptable solutions when the financial crisis accelerated the destruction of public services impoverishing both workers and the middle class. When the crisis hit Spain, the Socialist party PSOE, traditionally identified with the welfare state, was in government and failed to provide an alternative.
Not only did the Spanish socialist party not react as socialists, they didn't even dare to reject the policies of austerity and the slashing of public spending or to offer a minimal Keynesian rescue programme. The prime minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero simply surrendered to the crisis, embracing the same measures that a conservative government would have done. He himself acknowledged in a memoir that he knew that the measures he took would cost him elections and the leadership of his party.
This failure contributed to a public perception of the two major Spanish parties as almost identical; they embodied the privileged political elite, while the welfare cuts they imposed impoverished the majority of the population. The biggest social expression of the resulting public disaffection was 15-M, a movement whose main message was the rejection of the political and economic elite. Podemos only became the political-electoral expression of that movement because the Spanish Socialist party seemed to many voters just like the (conservative) People's party.
The story in the UK is not so different. The success of neoliberalism in Britain meant the defeat of Labour and the British working class, a process which played out in many symbolic ways. What moved me most was the defeat that Thatcher inflicted on the miners, who staged a heroic resistance. And what affronted me most was Tony Blair's "third way", a direct successor to Thatcherism, which turned social democracy into a sort of new social liberalism which would eventually become a reference point for all European socialist parties, particularly for the Spanish.
If Podemos is the best expression of the identity crisis in Spanish socialism, Jeremy Corbyn is the best expression of the identity crisis in the British Labour party. The challenge could have come from outside the party (as in Scotland, where traditional Labour voters understood that the SNP would be better defenders of social rights); instead it has arisen from within.
But whether it comes from inside or outside is not important. At last we have an ally in the UK with whom we share a diagnosis of the current political crisis and a plan to fight for the defence of social rights through policies to tackle inequality. Our role is simply to represent the social majority, the masses hit by a financial governance model designed to favour the financial elites and their clientele.
Increasingly socialists are joining us to defend democracy, to fight against austerity and inequality. We can only say: welcome, comrades. Let's walk together.
The smear campaign against Corbyn has already begun. Again we hear the kind of insults that the Greek government received and that we in Podemos have received. And we hear the same kind of condescension in the warnings that he can only ever be a voice of opposition and can never govern. And yet across Europe we are becoming stronger and stronger.