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Hard work, we're told, always pays off. Sure it does -- ask a farmworker, a roofer, or a home health aide. In our economy, those doing the hardest work get the worst pay, the weakest job protections, the least respect and zero say in the way things work. Such laborers are the downest and outest people in our country's workforce, totally vulnerable to the boss' whims and not even allowed the legal right to organize for better treatment.
So what can they do? Organize!
Hard work, we're told, always pays off. Sure it does -- ask a farmworker, a roofer, or a home health aide. In our economy, those doing the hardest work get the worst pay, the weakest job protections, the least respect and zero say in the way things work. Such laborers are the downest and outest people in our country's workforce, totally vulnerable to the boss' whims and not even allowed the legal right to organize for better treatment.
So what can they do? Organize!
To hell with taking "no" for an answer. Although these workers are poorly paid and treated, they're rich in spirit. Told they weren't allowed to organize, they went out and did it anyway. Groups such as the Coalition of Immokalee Workers in Florida's vast agribusiness fields, the National Day Laborer Organizing Network and the National Domestic Workers Alliance have formed within occupational categories to rally and be advocates for millions of the hard-hit, previously voiceless and largely invisible people who do the back-breaking, sweaty, insecure, exhausting and thankless -- yet essential -- labor in our society.
Just bonding together as common laborers in this field or that has been a remarkable achievement. More remarkable, the bonds have held and attracted others to join, because the groups' actions have produced results -- from wage increases and bargaining rights to republic recognition and some respect.
Now comes the most remarkable advance by these groups of "powerless" workers: They have recognized the greater power of coalition -- a lesson that the larger, richer, established progressive groups need to learn, pronto. Four years ago at a gathering in Detroit, a "group of groups" organized themselves into the United Workers Congress, including nine occupational sectors: day laborers, domestic workers, farm workers, restaurant workers, formerly incarcerated workers, guest workers, restaurant workers, workers in right-to-work states, taxi drivers and workfare workers.
What they have in common is that all are excluded, either by complicit government policy or duplicitous employers, from the right to organize and bargain collectively for just treatment on the job.
Instead of demanding that this right be extended to them as a legal matter, the coalition has elevated its demand to a moral level, reframing the right to organize as a fundamental human right that belongs to everyone and cannot be abrogated by law.
The human rights construct lets UWC members take their campaigns directly to the public, where their calls for justice resonate and get better support than they would inside a courtroom or legislative hall. After all, as the coalition notes, "The problems facing excluded workers are not theirs alone. The struggles they face -- low wages, unstable employment and no labor protections to speak of -- are the struggles of growing numbers of working class people in the United States.
With a dash of gumption and a sharp sense of old-time labor outrage, the "un-organizable" are organizing. Then, with no phony hang-ups about protecting "our turf," these young insurgent groups recognized the obvious: By teaming up, they could, in their words, "leverage power and resources that would otherwise be impossible with one sector or alliance on their own." While that's obvious, most progressive groups have seemed allergic to doing it, so there's another lesson the young are teaching.
Also, UWC is reaching beyond our borders to strengthen their coalition. Knowing that New Deal labor law will not protect them and that relentless, low-wage globalization by multinational corporations won't be stopped by appeals to corporate patriotism, the groups are forging global alliances with unions, students, human rights organizations and others. For example, they helped create a Wal-Mart Supply Chain Organizing Committee that links to activists wherever Wal-Mart goes; UWC joined the Asia Floor Wage Alliance to help gain a minimum standard of pay for garment workers across Asia; the coalition organized a massive Global Day of Action against McDonald's last year in more than 30 countries. Whether here at home or around the globe, UWC organizes its campaigns on the moral high ground of basic human rights.
Those who are wondering how we build a full-fledged Populist movement to contend with the overall rise of oligarchic corporate power in our country would be smart to go to school with the United Workers Congress (unitedworkerscongress.org).
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Hard work, we're told, always pays off. Sure it does -- ask a farmworker, a roofer, or a home health aide. In our economy, those doing the hardest work get the worst pay, the weakest job protections, the least respect and zero say in the way things work. Such laborers are the downest and outest people in our country's workforce, totally vulnerable to the boss' whims and not even allowed the legal right to organize for better treatment.
So what can they do? Organize!
To hell with taking "no" for an answer. Although these workers are poorly paid and treated, they're rich in spirit. Told they weren't allowed to organize, they went out and did it anyway. Groups such as the Coalition of Immokalee Workers in Florida's vast agribusiness fields, the National Day Laborer Organizing Network and the National Domestic Workers Alliance have formed within occupational categories to rally and be advocates for millions of the hard-hit, previously voiceless and largely invisible people who do the back-breaking, sweaty, insecure, exhausting and thankless -- yet essential -- labor in our society.
Just bonding together as common laborers in this field or that has been a remarkable achievement. More remarkable, the bonds have held and attracted others to join, because the groups' actions have produced results -- from wage increases and bargaining rights to republic recognition and some respect.
Now comes the most remarkable advance by these groups of "powerless" workers: They have recognized the greater power of coalition -- a lesson that the larger, richer, established progressive groups need to learn, pronto. Four years ago at a gathering in Detroit, a "group of groups" organized themselves into the United Workers Congress, including nine occupational sectors: day laborers, domestic workers, farm workers, restaurant workers, formerly incarcerated workers, guest workers, restaurant workers, workers in right-to-work states, taxi drivers and workfare workers.
What they have in common is that all are excluded, either by complicit government policy or duplicitous employers, from the right to organize and bargain collectively for just treatment on the job.
Instead of demanding that this right be extended to them as a legal matter, the coalition has elevated its demand to a moral level, reframing the right to organize as a fundamental human right that belongs to everyone and cannot be abrogated by law.
The human rights construct lets UWC members take their campaigns directly to the public, where their calls for justice resonate and get better support than they would inside a courtroom or legislative hall. After all, as the coalition notes, "The problems facing excluded workers are not theirs alone. The struggles they face -- low wages, unstable employment and no labor protections to speak of -- are the struggles of growing numbers of working class people in the United States.
With a dash of gumption and a sharp sense of old-time labor outrage, the "un-organizable" are organizing. Then, with no phony hang-ups about protecting "our turf," these young insurgent groups recognized the obvious: By teaming up, they could, in their words, "leverage power and resources that would otherwise be impossible with one sector or alliance on their own." While that's obvious, most progressive groups have seemed allergic to doing it, so there's another lesson the young are teaching.
Also, UWC is reaching beyond our borders to strengthen their coalition. Knowing that New Deal labor law will not protect them and that relentless, low-wage globalization by multinational corporations won't be stopped by appeals to corporate patriotism, the groups are forging global alliances with unions, students, human rights organizations and others. For example, they helped create a Wal-Mart Supply Chain Organizing Committee that links to activists wherever Wal-Mart goes; UWC joined the Asia Floor Wage Alliance to help gain a minimum standard of pay for garment workers across Asia; the coalition organized a massive Global Day of Action against McDonald's last year in more than 30 countries. Whether here at home or around the globe, UWC organizes its campaigns on the moral high ground of basic human rights.
Those who are wondering how we build a full-fledged Populist movement to contend with the overall rise of oligarchic corporate power in our country would be smart to go to school with the United Workers Congress (unitedworkerscongress.org).
Hard work, we're told, always pays off. Sure it does -- ask a farmworker, a roofer, or a home health aide. In our economy, those doing the hardest work get the worst pay, the weakest job protections, the least respect and zero say in the way things work. Such laborers are the downest and outest people in our country's workforce, totally vulnerable to the boss' whims and not even allowed the legal right to organize for better treatment.
So what can they do? Organize!
To hell with taking "no" for an answer. Although these workers are poorly paid and treated, they're rich in spirit. Told they weren't allowed to organize, they went out and did it anyway. Groups such as the Coalition of Immokalee Workers in Florida's vast agribusiness fields, the National Day Laborer Organizing Network and the National Domestic Workers Alliance have formed within occupational categories to rally and be advocates for millions of the hard-hit, previously voiceless and largely invisible people who do the back-breaking, sweaty, insecure, exhausting and thankless -- yet essential -- labor in our society.
Just bonding together as common laborers in this field or that has been a remarkable achievement. More remarkable, the bonds have held and attracted others to join, because the groups' actions have produced results -- from wage increases and bargaining rights to republic recognition and some respect.
Now comes the most remarkable advance by these groups of "powerless" workers: They have recognized the greater power of coalition -- a lesson that the larger, richer, established progressive groups need to learn, pronto. Four years ago at a gathering in Detroit, a "group of groups" organized themselves into the United Workers Congress, including nine occupational sectors: day laborers, domestic workers, farm workers, restaurant workers, formerly incarcerated workers, guest workers, restaurant workers, workers in right-to-work states, taxi drivers and workfare workers.
What they have in common is that all are excluded, either by complicit government policy or duplicitous employers, from the right to organize and bargain collectively for just treatment on the job.
Instead of demanding that this right be extended to them as a legal matter, the coalition has elevated its demand to a moral level, reframing the right to organize as a fundamental human right that belongs to everyone and cannot be abrogated by law.
The human rights construct lets UWC members take their campaigns directly to the public, where their calls for justice resonate and get better support than they would inside a courtroom or legislative hall. After all, as the coalition notes, "The problems facing excluded workers are not theirs alone. The struggles they face -- low wages, unstable employment and no labor protections to speak of -- are the struggles of growing numbers of working class people in the United States.
With a dash of gumption and a sharp sense of old-time labor outrage, the "un-organizable" are organizing. Then, with no phony hang-ups about protecting "our turf," these young insurgent groups recognized the obvious: By teaming up, they could, in their words, "leverage power and resources that would otherwise be impossible with one sector or alliance on their own." While that's obvious, most progressive groups have seemed allergic to doing it, so there's another lesson the young are teaching.
Also, UWC is reaching beyond our borders to strengthen their coalition. Knowing that New Deal labor law will not protect them and that relentless, low-wage globalization by multinational corporations won't be stopped by appeals to corporate patriotism, the groups are forging global alliances with unions, students, human rights organizations and others. For example, they helped create a Wal-Mart Supply Chain Organizing Committee that links to activists wherever Wal-Mart goes; UWC joined the Asia Floor Wage Alliance to help gain a minimum standard of pay for garment workers across Asia; the coalition organized a massive Global Day of Action against McDonald's last year in more than 30 countries. Whether here at home or around the globe, UWC organizes its campaigns on the moral high ground of basic human rights.
Those who are wondering how we build a full-fledged Populist movement to contend with the overall rise of oligarchic corporate power in our country would be smart to go to school with the United Workers Congress (unitedworkerscongress.org).