

SUBSCRIBE TO OUR FREE NEWSLETTER
Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
5
#000000
#FFFFFF
To donate by check, phone, or other method, see our More Ways to Give page.


Daily news & progressive opinion—funded by the people, not the corporations—delivered straight to your inbox.
Let's get one thing straight: The United States doesn't have a public debt problem. Net interest payments on the federal public debt are less than 1 percent of GDP [PDF], which is about as low as they have been in the post-World War II era. In the long run, projected debt problems are a result of rising health care costs - driven by the private sector - and would disappear if we were to reduce these costs to the level of other high-income countries.

Unfortunately, the lavishly financed debt-scare crowd has the upper hand for now and is threatening to cut vital programs such as Social Security and Medicare. For that reason, and because in the long run our government will need more revenue for long-underfunded spending such as education and infrastructure, it is worth considering progressive measures to increase federal revenue.
One great idea is a very small tax on financial transactions, otherwise known as a financial speculation tax. Senator Tom Harkin and Congressman Peter DeFazio have introduced a bill in both chambers of Congress, "The Wall Street Trading and Speculation Tax Act of 2013." It would levy a tiny tax - just 3 cents per $100 - on trading of stocks and bonds as well as futures, options, and other derivatives. According to the non-partisan congressional Joint Tax Committee, based on a very similar bill, this would raise about $352 billion over the next decade.
The tax is nothing very new or different - we had a higher tax on stock trades until the 1960s. There is no obvious down side. It wouldn't apply to new issues of stocks or bonds, but just trades. Most investors would barely notice it. Ordinary savers might actually gain because the tax would reduce the volume of trading, which ends up being a cost to savers holding mutual funds.
Of course the tax wouldn't affect any goods or services like checking accounts or credit cards. It would hit big financial firms who are collectively trading trillions of dollars a day, often to the detriment of the general public - as the world learned painfully in the financial crisis of 2008. High-speed computer trading of the kind that caused the "flash crash" of May 2010 - in which the stock market plummeted nearly 10 percent in one day - might become less popular. If the tax had any effect on financial markets, it would likely be a stabilizing one, by reducing speculative trading.
A bigger tax would be better: Eleven European countries are about to approve a similar tax that is more than three times as large as that proposed by the Harkin-Defazio bill. But their bill would be a good start.
Despite widespread support from economists, there is one powerful force that is blocking this tax: you guessed it, Wall Street. The financial sector has doubled as a share of our economy since the mid-1970s, and it took 40 percent of domestic profits at its peak before the Great Recession. It has become bloated far beyond any recognition of its ostensible purpose, which is to channel private savings into productive investment. And even worse, it has become an enormous corrupting influence that further hollows out our democracy, not only blocking reform of the financial sector, but intervening against the public interest in fiscal and other policies.
Still, Europe has a banking sector much larger than ours, and they are moving forward on this tax. Americans have defeated other powerful lobbies in the past, such as tobacco. This tax on financial speculation would be a very nice step forward not only in raising revenue and reducing speculation; it would also advance the process of bringing the dangerous Wall Street beast under control.
Dear Common Dreams reader, It’s been nearly 30 years since I co-founded Common Dreams with my late wife, Lina Newhouser. We had the radical notion that journalism should serve the public good, not corporate profits. It was clear to us from the outset what it would take to build such a project. No paid advertisements. No corporate sponsors. No millionaire publisher telling us what to think or do. Many people said we wouldn't last a year, but we proved those doubters wrong. Together with a tremendous team of journalists and dedicated staff, we built an independent media outlet free from the constraints of profits and corporate control. Our mission has always been simple: To inform. To inspire. To ignite change for the common good. Building Common Dreams was not easy. Our survival was never guaranteed. When you take on the most powerful forces—Wall Street greed, fossil fuel industry destruction, Big Tech lobbyists, and uber-rich oligarchs who have spent billions upon billions rigging the economy and democracy in their favor—the only bulwark you have is supporters who believe in your work. But here’s the urgent message from me today. It's never been this bad out there. And it's never been this hard to keep us going. At the very moment Common Dreams is most needed, the threats we face are intensifying. We need your support now more than ever. We don't accept corporate advertising and never will. We don't have a paywall because we don't think people should be blocked from critical news based on their ability to pay. Everything we do is funded by the donations of readers like you. When everyone does the little they can afford, we are strong. But if that support retreats or dries up, so do we. Will you donate now to make sure Common Dreams not only survives but thrives? —Craig Brown, Co-founder |
Let's get one thing straight: The United States doesn't have a public debt problem. Net interest payments on the federal public debt are less than 1 percent of GDP [PDF], which is about as low as they have been in the post-World War II era. In the long run, projected debt problems are a result of rising health care costs - driven by the private sector - and would disappear if we were to reduce these costs to the level of other high-income countries.

Unfortunately, the lavishly financed debt-scare crowd has the upper hand for now and is threatening to cut vital programs such as Social Security and Medicare. For that reason, and because in the long run our government will need more revenue for long-underfunded spending such as education and infrastructure, it is worth considering progressive measures to increase federal revenue.
One great idea is a very small tax on financial transactions, otherwise known as a financial speculation tax. Senator Tom Harkin and Congressman Peter DeFazio have introduced a bill in both chambers of Congress, "The Wall Street Trading and Speculation Tax Act of 2013." It would levy a tiny tax - just 3 cents per $100 - on trading of stocks and bonds as well as futures, options, and other derivatives. According to the non-partisan congressional Joint Tax Committee, based on a very similar bill, this would raise about $352 billion over the next decade.
The tax is nothing very new or different - we had a higher tax on stock trades until the 1960s. There is no obvious down side. It wouldn't apply to new issues of stocks or bonds, but just trades. Most investors would barely notice it. Ordinary savers might actually gain because the tax would reduce the volume of trading, which ends up being a cost to savers holding mutual funds.
Of course the tax wouldn't affect any goods or services like checking accounts or credit cards. It would hit big financial firms who are collectively trading trillions of dollars a day, often to the detriment of the general public - as the world learned painfully in the financial crisis of 2008. High-speed computer trading of the kind that caused the "flash crash" of May 2010 - in which the stock market plummeted nearly 10 percent in one day - might become less popular. If the tax had any effect on financial markets, it would likely be a stabilizing one, by reducing speculative trading.
A bigger tax would be better: Eleven European countries are about to approve a similar tax that is more than three times as large as that proposed by the Harkin-Defazio bill. But their bill would be a good start.
Despite widespread support from economists, there is one powerful force that is blocking this tax: you guessed it, Wall Street. The financial sector has doubled as a share of our economy since the mid-1970s, and it took 40 percent of domestic profits at its peak before the Great Recession. It has become bloated far beyond any recognition of its ostensible purpose, which is to channel private savings into productive investment. And even worse, it has become an enormous corrupting influence that further hollows out our democracy, not only blocking reform of the financial sector, but intervening against the public interest in fiscal and other policies.
Still, Europe has a banking sector much larger than ours, and they are moving forward on this tax. Americans have defeated other powerful lobbies in the past, such as tobacco. This tax on financial speculation would be a very nice step forward not only in raising revenue and reducing speculation; it would also advance the process of bringing the dangerous Wall Street beast under control.
Let's get one thing straight: The United States doesn't have a public debt problem. Net interest payments on the federal public debt are less than 1 percent of GDP [PDF], which is about as low as they have been in the post-World War II era. In the long run, projected debt problems are a result of rising health care costs - driven by the private sector - and would disappear if we were to reduce these costs to the level of other high-income countries.

Unfortunately, the lavishly financed debt-scare crowd has the upper hand for now and is threatening to cut vital programs such as Social Security and Medicare. For that reason, and because in the long run our government will need more revenue for long-underfunded spending such as education and infrastructure, it is worth considering progressive measures to increase federal revenue.
One great idea is a very small tax on financial transactions, otherwise known as a financial speculation tax. Senator Tom Harkin and Congressman Peter DeFazio have introduced a bill in both chambers of Congress, "The Wall Street Trading and Speculation Tax Act of 2013." It would levy a tiny tax - just 3 cents per $100 - on trading of stocks and bonds as well as futures, options, and other derivatives. According to the non-partisan congressional Joint Tax Committee, based on a very similar bill, this would raise about $352 billion over the next decade.
The tax is nothing very new or different - we had a higher tax on stock trades until the 1960s. There is no obvious down side. It wouldn't apply to new issues of stocks or bonds, but just trades. Most investors would barely notice it. Ordinary savers might actually gain because the tax would reduce the volume of trading, which ends up being a cost to savers holding mutual funds.
Of course the tax wouldn't affect any goods or services like checking accounts or credit cards. It would hit big financial firms who are collectively trading trillions of dollars a day, often to the detriment of the general public - as the world learned painfully in the financial crisis of 2008. High-speed computer trading of the kind that caused the "flash crash" of May 2010 - in which the stock market plummeted nearly 10 percent in one day - might become less popular. If the tax had any effect on financial markets, it would likely be a stabilizing one, by reducing speculative trading.
A bigger tax would be better: Eleven European countries are about to approve a similar tax that is more than three times as large as that proposed by the Harkin-Defazio bill. But their bill would be a good start.
Despite widespread support from economists, there is one powerful force that is blocking this tax: you guessed it, Wall Street. The financial sector has doubled as a share of our economy since the mid-1970s, and it took 40 percent of domestic profits at its peak before the Great Recession. It has become bloated far beyond any recognition of its ostensible purpose, which is to channel private savings into productive investment. And even worse, it has become an enormous corrupting influence that further hollows out our democracy, not only blocking reform of the financial sector, but intervening against the public interest in fiscal and other policies.
Still, Europe has a banking sector much larger than ours, and they are moving forward on this tax. Americans have defeated other powerful lobbies in the past, such as tobacco. This tax on financial speculation would be a very nice step forward not only in raising revenue and reducing speculation; it would also advance the process of bringing the dangerous Wall Street beast under control.