Those defending the language on imminence in the white paper released last week are right on one count: it is not new language.
All three point to al Qaeda's non-combatant structure to describe the need for a more flexible concept of imminence. Both the white paper and Holder's speech discuss a "window of opportunity," which I find to be one of the more provocative aspects of this definition. And while Holder's speech appears to have been edited to make it pretty, it is almost precisely the ideas presented in the white paper on imminence. There is clear continuity between Brennan's 2011 speech, the white paper, and Holder's speech.
Which is why I'm interested in the language Brennan used last week when responding to Angus King's proposal for a FISA court for drone (and what should be targeted killing generally).
It's telling not because it introduces wholesale new ideas. But because it makes clear what is implicit -- but unstated -- in the three other formulations.
A person who poses an imminent threat does not have to have committed any crime in the past. Imminence is exclusively about the future possibility of violence, not necessarily past involvement in it.
BRENNAN: Senator, I think it's certainly worth of discussion. Our tradition -- our judicial tradition is that a court of law is used to determine one's guilt or innocence for past actions, which is very different from the decisions that are made on the battlefield, as well as actions that are taken against terrorists. Because none of those actions are to determine past guilt for those actions that they took. The decisions that are made are to take action so that we prevent a future action, so we protect American lives. That is an inherently executive branch function to determine, and the commander in chief and the chief executive has the responsibility to protect the welfare, well being of American citizens. So the concept I understand and we have wrestled with this in terms of whether there can be a FISA-like court, whatever -- a FISA- like court is to determine exactly whether or not there should be a warrant for, you know, certain types of activities. You know... KING: It's analogous to going to a court for a warrant -- probable cause...
(CROSSTALK)
BRENNAN: Right, exactly. But the actions that we take on the counterterrorism front, again, are to take actions against individuals where we believe that the intelligence base is so strong and the nature of the threat is so grave and serious, as well as imminent, that we have no recourse except to take this action that may involve a lethal strike.
The white paper actually has the most language about past deeds, but with the language about membership plus past involvement in activities that pose an imminent threat that I keep pointing to, it doesn't actually require past deeds either. It does, however, at least imply that an American must be involved in past crimes to be deemed an imminent threat.
John Brennan's language last week does not.
And that's precisely the explanation he gave for why the courts aren't the appropriate place to measure imminent threat: because they only get involved when people have already committed crimes. This new definition of imminence envisions declaring people to be imminent threats even before they've committed a crime.
One note about this. Brennan ties all this to the President's responsibility "to protect the welfare, well being of American citizens." The biggest threat to the well being of the American citizens is not terrorists at this point, not by a long shot. It's the big banksters who serially collapse our economy and require bailouts (and, it should be said, are often funding terrorists and drug cartels along the way because it is profitable). Does this definition of "imminent" threat extend to the banksters who are a much more systematic front than the rump of al Qaeda is at this point?
In any case, be warned. If the plan for a FISA Drone (and Targeted Killing) Court moves forward, it will not be measuring guilt -- what courts were established to measure. But instead, potential future guilt.
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All three point to al Qaeda's non-combatant structure to describe the need for a more flexible concept of imminence. Both the white paper and Holder's speech discuss a "window of opportunity," which I find to be one of the more provocative aspects of this definition. And while Holder's speech appears to have been edited to make it pretty, it is almost precisely the ideas presented in the white paper on imminence. There is clear continuity between Brennan's 2011 speech, the white paper, and Holder's speech.
Which is why I'm interested in the language Brennan used last week when responding to Angus King's proposal for a FISA court for drone (and what should be targeted killing generally).
It's telling not because it introduces wholesale new ideas. But because it makes clear what is implicit -- but unstated -- in the three other formulations.
A person who poses an imminent threat does not have to have committed any crime in the past. Imminence is exclusively about the future possibility of violence, not necessarily past involvement in it.
BRENNAN: Senator, I think it's certainly worth of discussion. Our tradition -- our judicial tradition is that a court of law is used to determine one's guilt or innocence for past actions, which is very different from the decisions that are made on the battlefield, as well as actions that are taken against terrorists. Because none of those actions are to determine past guilt for those actions that they took. The decisions that are made are to take action so that we prevent a future action, so we protect American lives. That is an inherently executive branch function to determine, and the commander in chief and the chief executive has the responsibility to protect the welfare, well being of American citizens. So the concept I understand and we have wrestled with this in terms of whether there can be a FISA-like court, whatever -- a FISA- like court is to determine exactly whether or not there should be a warrant for, you know, certain types of activities. You know... KING: It's analogous to going to a court for a warrant -- probable cause...
(CROSSTALK)
BRENNAN: Right, exactly. But the actions that we take on the counterterrorism front, again, are to take actions against individuals where we believe that the intelligence base is so strong and the nature of the threat is so grave and serious, as well as imminent, that we have no recourse except to take this action that may involve a lethal strike.
The white paper actually has the most language about past deeds, but with the language about membership plus past involvement in activities that pose an imminent threat that I keep pointing to, it doesn't actually require past deeds either. It does, however, at least imply that an American must be involved in past crimes to be deemed an imminent threat.
John Brennan's language last week does not.
And that's precisely the explanation he gave for why the courts aren't the appropriate place to measure imminent threat: because they only get involved when people have already committed crimes. This new definition of imminence envisions declaring people to be imminent threats even before they've committed a crime.
One note about this. Brennan ties all this to the President's responsibility "to protect the welfare, well being of American citizens." The biggest threat to the well being of the American citizens is not terrorists at this point, not by a long shot. It's the big banksters who serially collapse our economy and require bailouts (and, it should be said, are often funding terrorists and drug cartels along the way because it is profitable). Does this definition of "imminent" threat extend to the banksters who are a much more systematic front than the rump of al Qaeda is at this point?
In any case, be warned. If the plan for a FISA Drone (and Targeted Killing) Court moves forward, it will not be measuring guilt -- what courts were established to measure. But instead, potential future guilt.
All three point to al Qaeda's non-combatant structure to describe the need for a more flexible concept of imminence. Both the white paper and Holder's speech discuss a "window of opportunity," which I find to be one of the more provocative aspects of this definition. And while Holder's speech appears to have been edited to make it pretty, it is almost precisely the ideas presented in the white paper on imminence. There is clear continuity between Brennan's 2011 speech, the white paper, and Holder's speech.
Which is why I'm interested in the language Brennan used last week when responding to Angus King's proposal for a FISA court for drone (and what should be targeted killing generally).
It's telling not because it introduces wholesale new ideas. But because it makes clear what is implicit -- but unstated -- in the three other formulations.
A person who poses an imminent threat does not have to have committed any crime in the past. Imminence is exclusively about the future possibility of violence, not necessarily past involvement in it.
BRENNAN: Senator, I think it's certainly worth of discussion. Our tradition -- our judicial tradition is that a court of law is used to determine one's guilt or innocence for past actions, which is very different from the decisions that are made on the battlefield, as well as actions that are taken against terrorists. Because none of those actions are to determine past guilt for those actions that they took. The decisions that are made are to take action so that we prevent a future action, so we protect American lives. That is an inherently executive branch function to determine, and the commander in chief and the chief executive has the responsibility to protect the welfare, well being of American citizens. So the concept I understand and we have wrestled with this in terms of whether there can be a FISA-like court, whatever -- a FISA- like court is to determine exactly whether or not there should be a warrant for, you know, certain types of activities. You know... KING: It's analogous to going to a court for a warrant -- probable cause...
(CROSSTALK)
BRENNAN: Right, exactly. But the actions that we take on the counterterrorism front, again, are to take actions against individuals where we believe that the intelligence base is so strong and the nature of the threat is so grave and serious, as well as imminent, that we have no recourse except to take this action that may involve a lethal strike.
The white paper actually has the most language about past deeds, but with the language about membership plus past involvement in activities that pose an imminent threat that I keep pointing to, it doesn't actually require past deeds either. It does, however, at least imply that an American must be involved in past crimes to be deemed an imminent threat.
John Brennan's language last week does not.
And that's precisely the explanation he gave for why the courts aren't the appropriate place to measure imminent threat: because they only get involved when people have already committed crimes. This new definition of imminence envisions declaring people to be imminent threats even before they've committed a crime.
One note about this. Brennan ties all this to the President's responsibility "to protect the welfare, well being of American citizens." The biggest threat to the well being of the American citizens is not terrorists at this point, not by a long shot. It's the big banksters who serially collapse our economy and require bailouts (and, it should be said, are often funding terrorists and drug cartels along the way because it is profitable). Does this definition of "imminent" threat extend to the banksters who are a much more systematic front than the rump of al Qaeda is at this point?
In any case, be warned. If the plan for a FISA Drone (and Targeted Killing) Court moves forward, it will not be measuring guilt -- what courts were established to measure. But instead, potential future guilt.